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The Richmond Enquirer September 1860 | October 1860 | November 1860 | December 1860 | January 1861 | February 1861 | March 1861

Squatter Sovereigntyism -- Abolitionism -- Know- Nothingism
(page 1, column 5)

To the citizen who looks back with patriotic pride to the victory achieved through Mr. Jefferson in the year 1800, there is no difficulty in deciding upon his line of duty in the pending Presidential contest. From principle, he can entertain no other sentiment with respect to Squatter-Sovereigntyism, Abolitionism and Know-Nothingism, than that of unqualified abhorrence. He can discover nothing in either, however closely he may investigate, that is not in direct antagonism to the genius of our self-governing system -- in palpable conflict with the provisions of the Consititution.

Formally recognized, Squatter-Sovereigntyism would utterly preclude the admission into the Union of another slave State. New England Aid Societies, under its operations, would speedily and effectually secure the control of any new territorial government which may hereafter be established, even where the element was not unfriendly to the prosperous existence of the institution of the South. Such territory there is, already in the embraces of the Union, which, at a day not remote, may ask for admission as a sovereign State or States. Shall squatter sovereigntyism be made as formidable as to place it up on the side of the non-slaveholding States? -- Can Southern citizens reconcile it to their consciences to contribute to such a result by magnifying the importance of its avowed champion? It aims at nothing less than the end contemplated by the Wilmot Proviso, and is just as hostile to the interests of the slaveholding States as was that disgraceful proposition. It is, indeed, more so, because it affects territory which was acquired as slave territory, nearly a half a century before the annexation of Texas. Let the fact be disguised as it may, it sympathizes, in its inevitable tendencies, with Abolitionism -- making itself the willing instrument of that unscrupulous party which engendered the "irrepressible conflict" -- aiding and abetting the Lincolnites and Sewardites to all intents and purposes. Viewing it in this light as it assuredly should be viewed, the candidacy of Mr. Douglas is quite as objectionable to the true friends of constitutional union as was that of Mr. Van Buren in 1848. Was there a Southern voice raised, or a Southern pen wielded in support of Martin Van Buren? As true as he was to the Democracy for years, and as faithfully as he had previously served his country in the first office within its gift, and others, he was loathed by every disciple of the Jeffersonian school as the most arrant of traitors -- and justly so.

But for the fraternization of Squatter Sovereigntyism with Know- Nothingism, the latter for militant objects, would never have attempted to raise its head again in several of the slave-holding states. In Louisiana, Know-Nothingism was virtually lead, and was only resurrected by the strength which it promised to itself from divisions in the Democratic ranks. -- In Kentucky, Coombs, in a letter to Prentice, which was published about two weeks ago, acknowledges that Squatter Sovereigntyism enabled him to redeem the State from Democracy. That they are co-operating harmoniously, North and South, cannot be questioned. For practical attainments, adverse to the bone and sinew of the steadfast supporters of the political tenets which secured the ascendency in the inauguration of Mr. Jefferson in 1801, they are in active coalition. There is not a leading Squatter Sovereignty man anywhere, as far as our knowledge extends, who would not prefer the election of Bell to that of Breckinridge, nor a leading Know-Nothing man who would not prefer the election of Douglas to that of Breckenridge. This circumstance, alone, is sufficient to excite the fears of every Democrat who has been decoyed into the support of Squatter Sovereigntyism that he has been hopelessly betrayed -- just as thousands were decoyed into Know-Nothingism lodges in 1854 and 1855 and betrayed.

The three isms which head this article are like all the other isms which have been arrayed against the true Democratic creed since 1798 and, if the Union shall be preserved, destined to as inglorious renown. There is but one course for true-hearted patriots to pursue -- that course which has reflected so much merited lustre upon the name of Virginia -- and this is to resolutely army themselves against all new-fangled doctrines, from whatever source emanating, and walk steadily in the footsteps of their illustrious founders. For three score years the old mother of Presidents has never faltered in her onward course of devotion to constitutional principle. We shall be much mistaken, notwithstanding the machinations of adroit politicians, if she wavers now in the faithful discharge of her duty. We cannot believe that Squatter Sovereignty is potent enough within her limits to turn her over to resurrected Know-Nothingism.

A Protest
(page 1, column 6)

The undersigned, citizens of the Southern States, accidentally assembled at the White Sulphur Springs, have read with much surprise the speech of Judge Douglas, recently delivered at Norfolk, and being many of them too remote from their homes to take part in any public expression of opinion there, deem it due to themselves to make known in this manner their dissent from its doctrines

In this address, Mr. Douglas declares that if the Southern States (not a part but all) shall secede from the Union, upon the inauguration of Abraham Lincoln, it will be the duty of the President of the United States, who, in the case supposed, will be Lincoln, by arms to punish or subdue them, and that he will counsel him to do so and aid him to do so by all the means in his power.

Now as there is a large party at the North avowing the most implacable hostility to the institutions of the South; whose candidate for the Presidency is Mr. Lincoln, this declaration of Mr. Douglas is in effect -- that the election of a man to the Presidency of the U. States, by the votes alone of one section, who is pledged to use all the powers of the Government for the destruction of the rights and property of the other section, would not justify the weaker in resistance, but that if in such an event, the fifteen Southern States should assume to determine on the extent of their danger, and to quietly withdraw from it, he should regard their action as revolt, and as such to be punished with all the force of the Government. Than this we can conceive of no doctrine more dangerous to the South. It confounds resistance or established law, by individuals which it would be the duty of the Chief Magistrate to punish, with the peaceable Secession of States from a compact no longer consistent with the interest or existence of its constituents; but it treats the Union as a perpetual bond, exacting unconditional submission, forever, from a weaker to a stronger section. It strips the States of the chief attribute of Sovereignty, to wit: the right to determine when their existence is put to hazard as to the means necessary to their preservation, and affirms that, while it is legitimate in the people of the North having control of the General Government, through it, to inflict upon the States of the South whatever wrongs it may be consistent with their interest or feelings to impose, it would be treason in the people of the South to obey the orders of their States in opposition of Federal authority.

Fraught with error as this doctrine is, subversive of that constitutional theory, in which alone the rights of the States are to be found, it has, at this moment, and under the circumstances, a bloody significance. The enemies of the South, in the Northern States, have selected Abraham Lincoln to lead them in the "irrepressible conflict," which he has proclaimed. -- Mr. Seward, the most distinguished counsellor of Mr. Lincoln, declares at Boston that the election of Lincoln is sure -- that with it the power of slavery will end, and that the "irrepressible conflict" will be pressed to its infamous and bloody close.

At such a moment in the proclamation of such sentiments by Judge Douglas, (coming immediately after Seward's Boston Speech,) uttered here at the South, and addressed to the citizens of a State whose Executive declared to General Jackson, that Federal troops should only cross her borders over the bodies of her sons -- by a man from the North, from the neighborhood of Lincoln himself, a candidate for the Presidency, neighborhood of Lincoln himself, a candidate for the Presidency, volunteering his counsel to Lincoln, and, in the event of his election, his aid to wage war upon our people and to slay them on battle as rebels, or hang them in cold blood as traitors, if they shall render obedience to State rather than Federal authority, is repugnant to every sense of right, and merits from the people of the South, the severest rebuke. Such a rebuke, we sincerely hope will be given the doctrine and its author at the November elections.

James Lyons, Richmond city
John Perkins, Louisians
Allen S. Izard, South Carolina
H.K. Burgwyn, North Carolina
H.R. Runnels, Texas
Edward Haile, Florida
D.W. Spratt, South Carolina
John Cunningham, South Carolina
R.V. Barksdale, Virginia
George R. Drummond, Virginia
John Miars, Virginia
E.C. Thomas, Virginia
J.G. Keitts, South Carolina
A.R. Blakey, Virginia
John C. Griffin, Virginia
A. B. Henegan, South Carolina
Charles Irby, South Carolina
F.M. E. Fant, South Carolina
J. Dantier, South Carolina
W. Ederington, South Carolina
Phillip Howerton, Virginia
William H. Terrill, Bath county, Va.
N.F. Bowe, Virginia
Robert M. Taylor, Virginia
George M. Bates, Virginia
John W. Struet, Virginia
W. A. Street, Virginia
H.B. Tomlin, Virginia
Wm. Polk, Louisiana
W.F. Johnson, South Carolina
John Prosser Tabbs, Virginia
Miles W. Fisher, Virginia
Leland Noel, Mississippi
Langdon Cheves, South Carolina
Wm. C. Bee, South Carolina
Wharton J. Green, North Carolina
Edwd. O. Satchell, of Virginia
George F. Wilkins, Virginia
A. Saltmarsh, Alabama
Jos. A. Graves, Virginia
Thomas B. Lynch, South Carolina
Wm. R. Peck, Louisiana
J. A. Riddick
W. A. Selden, Virginia
John A. Selden, Virginia
G. B. Sangeltary, North Carolina

Rally, Democrats
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Remember, that Virginia bears the brunt of the pending contest. Remember, that a full Democratic vote in Virginia, in November next, will effectually and permanently crush the twin serpents of Know-Nothingism and Free-Soilism throughout the Southern States.

Remember, that there are to-day about two hundred thousand legal voters in Virginia.

Remember, that with proper exertions more than 100,000 of these can be brought to the polls to vote for Breckinridge and Lane.

Let, then, the Democracy of every county appoint an ample committee, in every Magistrate's District, to canvas thoroughly every neighborhood, and bring every voter to the polls. Only let this be done and we will show a Democratic majority such as was never before polled in the State or out of it.

The "Wide Awakes"
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Not the least significant feature in the present canvass is the organization of Black Republican Clubs in the Northern States into military companies under command of marshals, captains, and sub-officers, some of whom have distinguished themselves in the Mexican war, and all of whom are selected with reference to superior qualifications as martial men. This organization, or chain of organizations, known as "Wide Awakes," are said to reach already four hundred thousand men, thoroughly drilled, and ready for any service which their leaders may demand at their hands. They had their origin in that traditional nest of traitors, Hartford, Connecticut, and, near the very coast where the blue lights of the second war of Independence were burnt as signals to a public enemy, the red torch-lights of Black Republican incendiarism are lit in the present canvass.

Is there no significancy in these things? Our Northern friends are men of action, not of words; they organize, drill, march, and die, while we speak and talk -- they do privately and by voluntary associations, what we debate in deliberative bodies, and hesitatingly perform, if at all, by legislative action. Their organizations are not yet armed, it is true, at least not that outsiders are aware of, but they are drilled, uniformed, and provided with rails, overcoats, and torches ready for marching!

It will be remembered that the front-door of John Allstadt, of Jefferson, was broken open by Brown's party with a rail, hence we learn to interpret the peculiar equipment of these abolition cohorts -- they parade at midnight, carry rails to break open our doors, torches to fire our dwellings, and beneath their long black capes the knife to cut our throats.

There can be no mistaking the meaning of military organizations, nor does it need any suspicious acuteness to point a moral to such names as "Zouare Wide Awakes," and "Rail-Splitters battalion." Are there no "Brown Avengers," or "Harper's Ferry Raiders" among them? Of the Presidential candidates three are agreed that a State has no right to secede, and on that issue occupy the same platform; and the "Wide Awakes" have their authority for believing that in the event of secession of Alabama or South Carolina it will be not only a pretext but a duty to march into Southern territory. -- Now these contingencies, of Lincoln's election and State secession, are imminent, and why, in the day of trial and danger, should we be distracted in council and paralyzed in action by division among ourselves? We hope and trust that no Virginian can reconcile himself to the thought of an armed invasion of Southern States through her territory; and yet this is the crisis to which affairs are tending, and which we shall have to meet. What we will do in such a contingency is a question outweighing in importance all considerations of mere party triumph, and it will be too late to respond to it effectively when the crisis is upon us. -- Our only hope is to unite and present an undivided front now. As far as Virginia is concerned, the contest will be fought not out of the Union but for States rights and State sovereignty in the Union. She will have to stand between the power of the Central Government and the assertion of sovereign authority by some sister State. Let th efirst armed invader, whether a Federal minion or an abolition drilled incendiary, who violates the sanctity of her territory, find her citizens not only wide awake, but prepared to meet him.

The Irrepressible Conflict
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There are various forms of "Irrepressible Conflict" doctrine, or rather various methods proposed to accomplish the same result, and upon a variety of grounds. The advocates of the doctrine may be clasified according to the modes in which they propose to effect, or according to the motives which lead them to advocate the extinction of slavery.

First. There are the Philanthropists, including a large number of honest, earnest men and women, whose professions and habits of life incline them towards general and abstract views of questions, without reference to practical difficulties which lie between them and the accomplishment of their utopian schemes of moral or religious good. A great many sincere religious fanatics are to be found in this class, as headstrong, as impracticable, and quite as honest as John Balfour, or any monk of the age of the Crusades. They lay down the proposition that, slavery is a sin and should be abolished, and are ready to follow this maxim into any extremes to which it may lead them. But the religious is by no means the only, perhaps not even the preponderating element among the Philanthropists, Infidels, Lunatics, Socialists, Spiritualists, and a thousands other species of impracticabilities; all affiliated under a common bond of fanaticism -- all equally honest, and all equally crazy -- which make war upon slavery. This class operates at an immense loss of practical power, because they have no method or reason sufficient for an economical application of means; yet the lever with which they operate -- Philanthropy -- the common property of religion and philosophy, of Christianity and morality, is too powerful and one not to effect results; and, in this instance most lamentable ones, sinking fair islands in the ocean, dividing national Churches, stirring up civil convulsions, and destroying the peace and happiness of nations.

Secondly -- the Agrarians are actively engaged in a war upon slavery. It would be a great mistake to suppose honest fanaticism to constitute either the largest, most earnest, or most dangerous description of Abolitionists. -- We were gravely told by the abolition organ of New York, upon the occasion of a recent invasion of our state, that it was the "voice of Free Labor knocking at the door of the Southern States." Now it is well understood that, at the South, free labor is the main support and stay of the institution, because where the two races approximate equality in numbers, slavery is the only protection of th elaboring classes against the evils of amalgamation and moral degradation. But when the eye of the Northern agrarian rests upon the fair fields of the South, appropriated, as he is taught to believe, by an aristocratic few, living in palaces and surrounded by slaves, what more natural than to knock, and knock loudly, for admittance? Thus while the Philanthropist is actuated by real love for the slave, he secures the co-operation of the Agrarian, who is no less earnest in his hatred of the master.

Thirdly -- there is a class of Political Economists, who look to the extinction of slavery as the inevitable result of the quiet workings of the laws of trade, commerce and exchange. -- The anti-slavery political economist is a man of science, and looks forward to the substitution of the white by the black race in the Southern tier of States, as the result of fixed natural laws, and with the same scientific eagerness with which the Astronomer awaits the transit or culmination of some bright star. He examines each, and eery census return, makes and compares notes, competes ratios of increase and decrease and quarrels with the laws of God because they do not verify his computations. -- The bonds of color, and blood, and race, are nothing to him, and like the English Metaphysician, nothing affects him but an abstract idea. He is rather passive in his opposition to slavery, and only demands that the laws of Nature be not interfered with by any attempts on the part of the white man to arrest the progress of his own extinction, and the concentration of the black race in a region in every way propitious for their civilization and advancement.

Finally, overlooking and moulding all these elements to suit his own purposes, comes in the Irrepressible Conflict Demagogue. The representative-man of this class in a single sentence announces the doctrine so artfully and comprehensively as to appeal at the same moment for the particular prejudice of every other class. He says: "It is an irrepressible conflict between opposing and enduring forces; and it means that the United States must and will, sooner or later, become either entirely a slaveholding nation, or entirely a free-labor nation. Either the cotton and rice fields of South Carolina, and the sugar plantations of Louisiana, will ultimately be killed by free labor, and Charleston and New Orleans become marts for legitimate merchandise alone, or else the rye fields and wheat fields of Massachusetts and New York must again be surrendered by their farmers to slave culture and to the production of slaves, and Boston and New York become once more markets for trade in the bodies and souls of men."

The first sentence here contains something more than a bare enunciation of the general doctrine that slavery must and will be abolished; the politico-economical abolitionist finds himself excelled in the enunciation of his own dogma by the point and terseness of Seward's. In the second sentence the fields of the South are held up to the eye of the agrarian, warm and purple with the rich bounty of her own sun; and in its conclusion, the philanthropist of every hue finds a heart-appeal which he cannot resist. Thus does the demagogue seat himself, as it were, at the head of sensation, and thrill the nerve of every faction at the same moment. He acts, thinks, and feels for them, points their efforts, and centralizes their forces. He heals their dissensions about means, in uniting them upon the end -- the ultimate extinction of slavery. The war upon its extension is but one development of the deep seated hostility to its existence, and it is in this view that the present issues assume an importance to which intrinsically they may not be entitled. If the Northern mind could be brought to look at the point to which their great political organization tends, rather than that at which it professes to aim, there might be some hope of returning conservatism. But as there seems to be little hope of this, and as, in the language of Mr. Lincoln, this "agitation will not cease until a crisis has been reached and passed," or until as he says, "either the opponents of slavery will arrest the farther spread of it, and place it where the public mind shall rest, in the belief that it is in th ecourse of ultimate extinction, or its advocates will push it forward till it shall become alike lawful in all the States, old as well as new, North as well as South." If this be the issue made up, why not meet it now as well as any other time?"

Is there any Longer a Union?
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"The Constitution of the United States is a written instrument -- a recorded fundamental law; it is the BOND, and the ONLY BOND, of the Union of these States: it is all that gives us a National character. -- Daniel Webster

Is this BOND--this ONLY bond--now practically in existence? Let the eleven non-slaveholding States which obstinately refuse to execute the following provision contained in it, answer:

"No person held to service or labor in one State under the laws thereof, escaping into another, shall, in consequence of any law or regulation therein, be discharged from such service or labor, but shall be delivered up on claim of the party to whom such service or labor may be due."

Is there any "Bond of the Union of these States," while the above "fundamental law" is daily shamelessly violated by the traitorous advocates of the "Higher Law?" Has the "written instrument," as far as concerns the rights and interests of the citizens of the slaveholding States, more strength for their protection, than if it was a mere rope of sand?

Mr. Webster also asserted that, "a contract broken on one side is a contract broken on all sides." What oblicgation is imposed upon the South to observe a contract which has been broken by the North? Will any friend of Judge Douglas -- the champion of coercion, of employing force against sovereign States -- in Virginia explain?

The enemies of the South may cry Union! Union! as much as they choose, but there is no Union, when the ONLY BOND is wilfully and outrageously violated -- disregarded as much as if such bond had never been created.

Duty requires that the slaveholding States should begin to prepare for the worst. The election of Lincoln is almost as certain as though it were a fait accompli.

The sentiment which secures his election is the sentiment which has trodden the Constitution under foot -- which has wantonly, tantalizingly, sported with the rights of these States.

Are other "overt acts" necessary to convince Southern citizens that selfpreservation imperatively commands them to announce to the world their purpose to resist encroachments?

No patriot, south of Mason and Dixon's line, must hold an office under the administration of Lincoln, any more than he would hold an office under a foreign potentate who was open hostility to our cherished institutions.

If such shall be the case, the operations of an administration inaugurated upon a broken Constitution cannot affect the South, nor would the South contribute a dollar to its support. The North would then speedily determine whether the continuance of a constitutional Union was desirable or not.

In the event of her deciding affirmatively, she would have to give unquestionable guarantees that, thenceforth and forever, there should be perfect equality for the South in the Union.

The election of Lincoln is to decide the destiny of the slaveholding States. If, as the avowed author of the "irrepressible conflict," and as potter's clay in the hands of the "base ?," he can employ in the public offices RESPECTIBLE Southern citizens, then those States are so fallen that it matters not at what time they unresistingly lay their heads upon the executioner's block.

Lincoln regards his election as so certain, that his private agent is already engaged, it is said, in arranging his cabinet. The post of Secretary of State, according to one account we have heard, is to be offered to a Virginian, whose acceptance has been implicitly if not positively received, while th eAttorney Generalship will be bestowed upon a South Carolinian. This, if it be true, is arranged in the spirit of a peace-offering, as th emost effective policy for accomplishing th efinal subjugation of th eslaveholding States. Does Mr. Botts, or Mr. Rives, or Mr. Etheridge, or Mr. Anybody-else, who is not the merest of political adventurers, accept? Will either consent to so outrage the public opinion of their fellow-citizens?--to so dishonor the fair fame of their respective Commonwealths?

Let every man in the slaveholding States, who has within his bosom a patriotic heart, rally to the support of Breckinridge and lane. They are the only representatives in the "irrepressible" conflict canvas of that noble old Jeffersonian party which so triumphantly overpowered Federalism in 1800. Bell and Everett and Douglas and Johnson are alike hostile with Lincoln and Hamlin, to the salutary principles which called it into administrative being. To vote for Bell or Douglas now, is a sinexcusable in a Southern Democrat as it would have been inexcusable in a Southern Democrat in 1800 to vote for John Adams. Any one who may have the temerity to do so must consider himself as formally and flagrantly separating forever from the State Rights Democracy.

The availability of Judge Douglas can no longer be pleaded as an excuse for supporting him. It is quite certain, from what has transpired, that if he had been in the field alone as the regular nominee of Charleston, he could not have carried a non-slaveholding State, and yet it has been strenuously attempted to commit slaveholding States to him upon the rabid principles of non-slaveholding States -- upon squatter sovereignty and non-intervention.

The Imminency of Disunion
(page 1, column 6)

We would call the attention of our readers to the editorial of the New York "Herald," copied into this mornings "Enquirer." However much we may deprecate the many harsh phrases with which the "Herald," at times has stigmatized Southern men, States and politics, yet, impartial justice demands the need of Southern gratitde for its manly and bold assaults upon the sectional enemies of the Union with which the "Herald" is surrounded.

Justly appreciating the importance of the Union to New York city, and fully aware how distructive to all National greatness would be its dissolution, the "Herald" has, for months, devoted the best energies of its talents, influence and power to open the eyes of the North to the impending danger which now threatens alike the North and the South. The same facts and arguments with which the "Herald" plies the Northern States, address themselves with peculiar force to the people of Virginia, at this time. As the "Herald" invokes men of all parties, at the North, to unite for the preservation of the Union, so we call upon all men at the South to concentrate their votes upon Mr. Breckrinridge as the best means of defeating Lincoln -- if that be possible -- and if not, then, as the surest way to protect the Union from the aggressions of successful Black Republicanism on the one hand, and from the too hasty action of the extreme Southern States on the other.

Should Virginia vote for John Bell at the approaching election, as she will by so doing, disconnect herself from the Southern States and deprive her influence of all its power, so she will invite aggression by inducing the belief that she is already semi-abolitionised. -- The Southern States, seeing their cause deserted by Virginia, and alarmed at the near approach of abolitionism upon their own borders, will nto hesitate a moment to dissolve their connection with the Union that has subsidised Virginia from her ancient States Rights faith, to the revived and re-modeled Federalism of 1860. The Northern fanatics, encouraged by the victory won by the defeat of Breckinridge in Virginia, will not delay the "overact," conscious that Botts and his ? , from the countenance that has been given to him, will be able to bring allies from the ranks of their enemies. And what will be Virginia's prospects when the great power of the Southern States has been withdrawn from her support, and unrestrained fanaticism turns all its power upon the institution of slavery in the few remaining border States.

There will be no remaining border States when Virginia has broken up the union by voting for John Bell. The Southern States having once dissolved their connection with the Union, Virginia will join them, or civil war will deluge her hills and valleys with the blood of her best citizens.

The "Herald" misunderstands us in saying that "the Richmond Enquirer," on the contrary, declares that if Virginia should go for Bell, the Cotton States will regard this as a casus belli." What we said was, that Virginia's desertion of the South, by voting for John Bell, would be regarded by those Sates as prognostic of a future abandonment of the cause of constitutional rights, and that this would creates such an apprehension throughout those States, that they would instantly abandon the Union and form a Southern Confederacy, in which, by diplomacy and arms, they would hope to find the protection denied them in the Federal Union.

The Patriotic Duty
(page 2, column 1)

This is the last issue of the "Enquirer" that can reach all of our readers before the important sixth of November. That day is admitted by men of all parties to be the most important that has ever dawned upon the Federal Union, and the duty discharged by each voter on that day incurs a responsibility greater that ever was before involved in the elective franchise.

It is the duty of every Democrat to be at the polls and to personally see that none of his friends and acquaintances are absent. If this be done, Virginia will be safe, as far as her citizens can influence the result. But should absence from the polls, indifference to the result, apathy from any cause, keep the Democrats of Virginia from voting, Virginia may be lost to the cause of the Constitution in failing to vote for John C. Breckinridge. Such a result would be attended with consequences to the State more injurious and ruinous than a dissolution of the Union; for while the vote of Virginia for Bell would eventuate in dissolution, it would also divide the people of Virginia into a Northern and Southern faction, which, beginning with crimination, would end in civil war. The man who votes for Bell is ready to submit to Lincoln, and if a majority of Virginia so votes, it will be regarded by the Southern States as an authoritative declaration on the part of the voters of Virginia of a determination to abandon the institution of slavery to the rapacity of Black Republicanism, and to trust to the Union for her safety.

It will be regarded by the Southern States as a direct barter of Constitutional rights and privileges, and infamous sale of their rights as well as our own, and will induce a resentment towards Virginia almost as bitter as they now have for the New England States. Such a result of the popular vote in Virginia would do more to precipitate revolution and accession than a similar result in any State in the Union; and while it would strike down the last hope of the Union, unless we are very much mistaken, it would inaugurate civil war from the outset in Virginia. Men who at this crisis of public affairs are willing to vote for John Bell, will not be unwilling to take up arms to sustain Lincoln.

A rumor is now in circulation, that Mr. Alex Rives, in a late speech at the Club House, advised, what he called the Union men (meaning the Bell and Everett men,) to take up arms against the disunionists, (by which he meant the Democrats,) and should the State of Virginia be so unfortunate as to vote for John Bell, Mr. Rives may have an opportunity of testing his fire-arms.

Thus the approaching election becomes in every aspect of view the most important that ever took place in this country and calls upon every Democrat to be at the polls, and to be active in procuring the attendance of every Democrat. By one day devoted to Virginia, the State may be saved from civil war, even if the Union cannot be preserved.

But the election of Lincoln is by no means certain; for it will be sean reliable calculations in this issue of the "Enquirer," from the New York "Journal of Commerce," that the Union ticket has a very bright prospect in New York. And with a united South Mr. Breckinridge may yet be our next President, the Union be preserved and peace continue throughout the country.

Then let every Democrat be at the polls on the sixth, and, exerting all his influence and energy for his country, swell the majority for Breckinridge to those figures which shall intimidate Northern aggressors and shame Southern submissionists.

The Disunionists
(page 3, column 5)

Mssrs. Editors -- Will you allow a plain citizen to say a word or two, politically, just at this time? If you will, I have mainly to say that I feel a disgust for the sentiments of some of my neighbors on the questions of the day, that I cannot keep to myself, altogether. -- Good, plain sense seems to be mightily lacking with many; and people are getting to be strangely hypocritical, considering the interest involved. Fear -- a shaking, cowardly fear -- has so far possessed some that they are patriotically drawing on the livery of the Black Republicans, and crying Union! Union! to avoid a manly responsibility. Some, it is true, are sharply suspected of fondling with the white niggers, in hopes of getting a place at their feast; which only shows, to follow money and office, some will leave virtue behind. All around we hear a senseless manifestation of love of the Union, and a world of blood and thunder is huddled together in the single word "dissolution." They love not Virginia, (God bless her;) oh, no! And, with an air of self-righteousness, they deal with the character of the purest men living, and call them disunionists.

A great effort is being made to cause the question of resistance or submission to unconstitutional law and a threatened invasion of our social system, to turn on that of union or disunion. But let us hold them to the truth. -- We are for the Union, too. But it must be that which our fathers gave us unchanged -- not foul and loathsome after a dissection by Abe Lincoln & Co. We shall stand by the old Union, and shame all cowards who falter in the cause. To such as call us disunionists we will say, we are Virginians, and not till Virginia is for disunion will we be for disunion; but when her mind is made up we will go with her, unless indeed we see she is wrong, then we must leave for other lands, but never to fight against her. The question, then, is not Union or Disunion, but a common resistance to a common foe. When we must try that question of Disunion or not Disunion, (if the day shall come, as come it may,) we will try it as Virginians only, and, as Virginia freemen have a right to try it under the laws of our sovereign state.

Henrico

Protect Your Civil and Religious Rights
(page 1, column 7)

Virginia Jeffersonian States Rights principles have ever been respected throughout the Union, because the Virginia Democracy have ever shown an unwavering devotion to them; but if we falter now, and Virginia is surrendered to Massachusetts Freesoilism, even if the Union survives, what will become of the States Rights doctrines which thus far have preserved the great chart of our liberties and the civil and religious rights of every citizen under the Constitution?

Do You Want to Save the Union?
(page 1, column 7)

Every voter in this good old mother of States and of statesmen, who desires to preserve the Union, should remember, that a vote for Stephen A. Douglas is a vote for Bell, the Know-Nothing candidate, that if John Bell should be elected, Know-Nothingism will rule the United States, and Roman Catholics and foreign-born citizens will either be beaten and murdered, as in 1856, or else deprived of the right of voting and holding office; and thus be reduced to the level of the degraded negro! -- But if John C. Breckinridge is elected, both Know-Nothingism and Black Republicanism will be overthrown, Democracy will be triumphant, the Union will be preserved, and the rights of all free white men, in life, liberty and property, will be secured!

The Day of Battle has Arrived
(page 2, column 3)

Before another issue of the Richmond "Enquirer" can reach any of our readers, the most important and exciting election in which American citizens have ever participated will have taken place. Never were our principles more imperilled than in the present warfare waged upon our constitutional rights by Black Republican enemies, headed by their standard-bearer, Abe Lincoln. Nothing can defeat the aggressors but a concentration of the entire Southern vote on those well-tried and faithful patriots -- BRECKINRIDGE and LANE. The destiny of this great American Union is now in the hands of the people. The importance of the contest now upon us cannot be over estimated. It involves all that patriots and friends of the Union hold dear, and upon the result hangs the hopes of the nation for all time to come.

The time for argument and discussion has passed. It only remains now for us, friends of the Constitution and the Union, to act -- to act as freemen worthy of the noble heritage of liberty -- to act as it becomes men to act who properly estimate the glorious privileges they enjoy, and who wish to transmit them to a free and happy posterity!

Democrats of Virginia! friends of Breckinridge and Lane! at this time shall there be any recreancy in our ranks? Will not every man who desires the success of our gallant candidates, who desires the defeat of Lincoln and Hamilin, be at his post? Will there be one found to desert his colors in this trying emergency? Rather, let there be a grand rally of all our forces, let each man battle with might and main for the truth and right!

To work, then, friends of our glorious cause! To work with all your power, with your whole soul, and mind, and strength for liberty, and honor, and peace, and safety! We appeal to you to stand by your flag, by your candidates, by your principles, by your country, to devote THE WHOLE OF THIS DAY to the great cause you have espoused to give your undivided, unselfish devotion to the Constitution, the Union, and the Equality of States!

Objections to "Disunion" Considered
(page 4, column 2)

Messrs Editors: The aspect of our political affairs is so threatening that most thinking men seriously apprehend that a crisis is near at hand. Alabama has taken an incipient and threatening, though conditional, step toward secession from the Union -- South Carolina is fully prepared to do the same but impatiently delays her action in the hope that Virginia will take the lead -- while Virginia waits for "more overt acts."

Under these interesting circumstances, will you allow an avowed Secessionist to set forth a few views touching this subject, on which he thinks the minds of the people of Virginia have been very much misled. I take this step after waiting impatiently, for a long time, in the hope that abler men would undertake it.

It appears that an honest conviction that our present Federal Government is a failure, and does not answer the purposes for which it was organized, is considereda manifestation of a want of patriotism, and even treasonable. Such a charge cannot be sustained, except on the ground that a State has no right to secede. This question I do not mean to argue now, for I do not believe that one thinking man in ten sincerely entertains such a doctrine. The truth is, that "RIGHT" is confounded with "EXPEDIENCY" -- as you, no doubt, have observed -- by those who argue sincerely against the "right of secession." A simple presentation of the subject is sufficient to show the absurdity of such a doctrine.

Thirteen different colonies of Great Britain unite in the effort to throw off the British yoke and enter into a Confederacy for mutual aid. After a seven years' war with the mother country, they succeed in establishing their independence. The separate and independent sovereignty of each State is mutually acknowlwedged by all the States. That Sovereignty is acknowledged by the mother country and the principal States of Europe. They each exercised that Sovereignty for about twelve years. They then modify the Confederacy, under a Constitution, giving certain specified additional powers to the Federal Government, thus established -- without one word as to how long they mean to entrust that Federal Government is invested with extraordinary powers in control of the subject of making amendments to the Constitution; but no power is given to dissolve the Government, or to prevent its dissolution.

In whom, therefore, is invested the power to dissolve it? Why, clearly, in each of the Sovereign States who CREATED it -- for, by the Constitution, they expressly reserve every power not granted to the Federal Government.

Virginia, therefore, as one of those Sovereign States, has a perfect right to dissolve her connection with the Federal Government.

But designing politicians resort to the mean device of working upon the fears of our people by suggesting such bug-bears as "civil war" -- negro insurrection in co-operation with Northern invasion, &c, &c. -- even down to the absurd idea that Southern States COULD be reduced to submission by a Northern army.

This is too wide a field to be discussed in a single article for a public print. But permit me to present the different points one at at time.

Where is the occasion or probability of "civil war" as a consequence of secession? We see, in the papers, accounts of numerous and large meetings of the Northern people, in which, under the influence of inflammatory speeches, they express their horror of slavery and their determination that it shall not be extended beyond its present limits. And to this they add some fierce threats as to what they will do if we take active steps toward resisting their aggressions. But does not every intelligent man know that all this feeling is excited and guided by demagogues, for political purposes?

How, otherwise, could th epeople of the free States be induced to crowd the halls of Congress with such a rabble as now represents them? Look at the number of members of Congress from the free States, who have been expelled from that body for th ecrime of accepting bribes -- for actually selling their votes for money.

Is it possible that such men are the deliberate choice of the people?

But, it may be thought, that the same fanatical feeling would induce the people of the free States to take up arms for the purpose of reducing us to submission, if the Southern States dared to secede.

This, Messrs. Editors, is an act in th edrama never even contemplated by the Northern people, for the simple reason that they know well that it would not "bring down the audience," in other words, "it would not pay."

Our self-approbation highly relishes the bold expression of virtuous indignation at the sins of others, so long as it is attended with no unpleasant consequences to ourselves. The fanaticism of the Puritans of New England was freely exercised against the Quakers and Baptists -- even to the extent of putting them to death. But that was done with safe impunity.

There were then many Puritans, but few Baptists and Quakers; and successful resistance against such persecution was not apprehended.

It is a very pleasant recreation for the shoemakers of Lynn, in Massachusetts, after a profitable day's work, to spend the evening in hearing inflammatory speeches, and venting his excited feelings, by voting resolutions expressing his righteous indignation at the cruel treatment of slaves by their Southern masters. And the interest of the scene is greatly heightened by the exhibition of large prints, representing an overseer with a cow-hide in one hand, and a chain in the other, attached to the neck of a kneeling negro, who, with uplifted eyes and supplicating looks, ejaculates: "Have mercy! am I not thy brother!" All this is very grateful to the excited sympathies of the indignant shoemaker; and he returns home with a feeling of self-satisfaction -- a feeling of superior sanctity -- with the prayer of the Pharisee in his heart, if not on his lips, "God, I think thee, that I am not as other men are." -- that I am not like these wicked slaveholders.

Thus he spends the day in a labor of profit, and the night is a labor of love -- alternating the making of shoes for the vile slaveholder by day, with the making of abusive resolutions against the slaevholder by night; and exchanging his shoes for money, wrung out of the sweat and labor of the very objects of his commiseration.

This is a picture of the state of fanatical excitement among the people of the free States, and upon it our Southern "Union" men build up the bug-bear of a Northern army volunteering to reduce seceding Southern States to submission. But ask that sympathizing shoe-maker to shoulder his musket, to leave off that profitable traffic with the slaveholder, to leave his wife and children, to leave his comfortable home, to march five hundred miles, to endure the hardships of a camp, to hear the sharp crack of a Virginia or Kentucky rifle behind every tree, to meet in deadly conflict men who are fighting for their firesides, their homes, their wives and children, to meet men in the death-grapple, who come fresh from the scene of their burning houses, and the mangled and half burnt corpses of their wives and children and burning with intense indignation at the "deep damnation of their taking off." As him, I say -- ask that self-satisfied maker of shoes and resolutions, if his is ready to face such an array of pleasant consequences. He will tell you that he would sooner encounter an army of tigers.

And what is the powerful motive which is to impel this great Northern army in a crusade against the South?

Why, according to the views of the "Union" men, it is a fanatical zeal for "Liberty" -- not their own liberty -- not the liberty of their children, nor even of their neighbors -- but the liberation of some millions of slaves, 500 miles off, the consummation of which would effectually dry up the great source of their own wealth and prosperity.

But what are they to do with the slaves after they have liberated them?

Will they carry them home to Yankee land and provide for them, or teach them habits of thrift and industry? Or will they turn them loose here to fight their way in the unequal contest with white men? Or will they send them back to Africa to return to their original barbarism and heathenism, and raise children for the slave market?

In either case, what becomes of the cotton, tobacco, sugar, rice, &c. which now yield the millions out of which that great imaginary army of Yankee crusaders grow rich, by a thousand devices.

Do the "Union" men think that the Yankees are fools?

The hard-fought battles of '76, around Boston and Lexington, Saratoga and Long Island, show that the Yankees are no cowards; but when they fight it must be to some purpose. They then fought for their firesides and their rights, but will they leave those dear relations and all the comforts of life, to go abroad on such an argument?

After the Southern men, by thousands, had poured out their blood freely, under the guidance of Washington in defending Massachusetts, New York, Pennsylvania and New Jersey from British invasion, bleeding at every pore, not only from the weapons of the enemy, but from the frosts and snows of that harsh climate -- how was all their patient, enduring, generous heroism recompensed? Did the Yankees return their kindly feeling? When the seat of war was transferred to Virginia, the Carolinas and Georgia, did they meet the call of Washington, and march to the rescue call of Washington, and march to the rescue?

No -- utterly disregarding even the earnest appeals of the noble-hearted "Green" (their own great and good general) they meanly staid at home, and left their generous Southern brethern to shift for themselves. Yes -- and throughout the whole seven years' struggle, thousands of them were actively and profitably engaged in supplying the common enemy with provisions at high prices.

Will the descendants of such men leave all that they hold dear at home and deliberately thrust their heads into trouble in the prosecution of such a profitless and absurd undertaking!

But another motive is suggested by the "Union" men, as likely to induce an invasion of the South, viz: a thirst for plunder.

Messrs. Editors, one of the very many signal advantages of our peculiar system of labor is that half of our wealth consists in a kind of property (slaves which, whilst it is very valuable to us, would be utterly valueless to our invaders. Nay, worse -- it would be to them an intolerable burden -- a curse far more disastrous than the Asiatic cholera, the plague, famine, or civil war.

The whole plunder of the other half of our wealth, would not pay a tithe of the expenses of the single item of restraining four millions of negroes within the bounds of order for a single year.

Though our Southern Confederacy would be the wealthiest and most powerful nation on earth, yet, such is the peculiar character of its wealth that an invasion would not "pay for the candle."

This subject, however, calls for a separate article.

There are many other subjects of apprehension which trouble the minds of our people in the contemplation of the act of secession, beside the one which I have so imperfectly considered -- such as the escape of negroes and border war in consequence -- this revival of the foreign slave trade and the consequent great fall in the price of negroes -- squabbling between the Northern and Southern Confederacies about the division of public property and Territory, and especially, about the use of the Mississippi, &c., some of which will result in blessings, instead of curses, to the Southern Confederacy; and others are purely imaginary. Some of them are very important to the interests of Southern men, and their consideration would be very interesting. But each would require a separate article condensed into a readable compass -- and having so signally failed, in this instance, to reduce the expression of my views into the limits of that desirable condensation, I have little hope that even this communication will endure the ordeal of the "Enquirer's" crowded table -- but fear that its fate will be, "weighed in the balance and found" too heavy.

Hampden

What will Virginia Do?
(page 1, column 4)

The question, "What will Virginia do?" in the event of a secession of Southern States, is now asked by thousands in both sections of th ecountry. The longer this question remains unanswered by the people of Virginia, the greater is the danger that besets the Union. -- Virginia's silence misleads both sections, and tends to encourage the North in the belief that she will remain an idle spectator Lincoln may undertake against seceding States. This silence is not understood at the South. Virginia's position and influences, the weight attached to her opinion, demand something at this time from her, which shall authoritatively define her position and duly advise all sections what they may expect from her.

We have already advised the assembling of a State Convention at an early day. Such action becomes more and more necessary with every step taken by our sister States of the South. Every day men of all parties in Virginia are becoming convinced of the imperative necessity of a State Convention. Such a body, composed of the ablest and best men of Virginia, without regard to party politics, would exert an influence over both sectiosn most beneficial to the country at this time. Without such a Convention the State is in danger at any moment of being involved in civil war. There are thousands of persons in Virginia who will sustain and support any seceding State, and there are perhaps equally as mahy who will rally to the standard of the Federal Government should it undertake to coerce such a State. The sovereign voice of Virginia, let it be as it may, will be respected by all her citizens, and her mandates will be obeyed, however much they may conflict with individual wishes and opinions.

The action of a State Convention in Virginia may do much good towards settling peaceably this much vexed and dangerous question, while continued silence will permit the State to be involved in the conflicts of civil war. It was with the view of concentrating public opinion upon a State Convention, as well as to prepare our people for any unforeseen emergency that Gov. Wise inaugurated "The Minute Men" organization. He contemplated no private raid upon the Federal Government, and now that the canvass is past, political animosities are sudsiding, and cooler reason is doing justice to the patriotism of men of all parties.

We hope to see the late canvas, with all its animosities, forgotten, and men of all parties as Virginians, manfully striving for the honor of the State and the preservation of the Federal Union. We yield to no man in devotion to a Constitutional Union, but we compete with no man in attachment to an empty Union, deprived of its constitutional guarantees and stripped of the equality of the States.

In the discussions of the late canvas, erroneous impressions were made upon the Northern mind, that division and discord in Virginia would ultimately culminate in conflicts between her citizens when the questin of Union or Disunion was presented to her people. We do not believe that any portion of the people of Virginia will opppose the voice of the State as pronounced by a Convention and ratified by her people. Desiring a Convention to decide this question, we shall not undertake to determine "what Virginia will do." That is a question for the people of the State; as for ourselves, and speaking for very many others who agree with us, we are for a united South -- in the Union if possible, which we much prefer -- but if that be denied us, then we are for a united South as the only means of preserving Southern rights and Southern institutions. We do not for one moment question the motives of any who may disagree with us.

"Sentiments Becoming the Crisis"
(page 1, column 5)

a great State is in great difficulties that minds must exalt themselves to the occasion, or all is lost. -- Strong passions, under the direction of feeble reason feeds a slow fever, which only serves to destroy the body that entertains it. But veherment passion does not always indicate an infirm judgment. It often accompanies, and actuates, and is even auxillary to a powerful understanding; and when they both conspire and act harmoniously, their force is great to destroy disorder within and to repel injury from ahead. If ever there was a time that calls on us for no vulgar conception of things, and for exertions in no vulgar strain, it is the awful hour that Providence has appointed to this notion. Every little measure is a great error, and every great error will bring no small ruin. Nothing can be directed above the mark we aim at every thing below it is absolutely thrown away."

We select this morning from the wisdom of Edmund Burke, the "sentiments becoming the crisis" and the philosophy of resistance that should govern the action of the approaching session of the General Assembly and commend it to the consideration of all the members.

The rejection of a Southern Conference was a "little measure," a very "great error," and brought "no small ruin." The "mark we aim at" is the safety and honor of our State and section; and though they may "demand the certain sacrifice of thousands," better make the sacrifice than entail upon our posterity the brand of inferiors in a government designed for equals. A false humanity that lowers the standard of Southern rights, and is satisfied with the poor boon of apprehended fugitive slaves -- which abandons the other and more important issues of the slavery question, should not influence the Legislature in this severest trial of our people. Our rights secured, or equality acknowledged by law, and our property protected in the common territories will preserve the Union. But nothing short of all these can re-unite the States of this Confederacy. Virginia must embrace the whole question in any effort she may contemplate proposing for mediation. She must not expect the Southern States to become satisfied with the repeal of Northern laws nullifying the fugitive slave law. The escape of slaves is a grievance peculiar to the border States -- the denial of our rights in the Territories is an insult and wrong common to all the States of the South, and must be embraced by Virginia in every effort at conciliation. The repeal of the nullifying laws would be indeed an encouraging sign, from which the beginning of the end might be discerned. But it is neither all, nor yet the greater part of Southern grievances.

War is indeed a dreadful alternative; but dishonorable inferiority is the worst evil that can befall a people. An insult submitted to invites repetition, and when inflicted with impunity upon a whole people encourages arrogant domination, subversive of just government.

It was more England's insulting claim to govern the colonies than acts of oppression that caused our forefathers to resort to war.

Every brave people are more tenacious of honor than of pecuniary gain, the claim of a right to tax, rather than teh amount of th eimpost, produced the revolution. Shall the descendents of such abstractionists surrender a right which carries with it the brand of inferiority, and the stamp of disgrace.

The denial of the right of the Southern States to perfect equality in the territories, the District of Columbia and everywhere else common to the government, is of itself just cause for withdrawing our consent from a government which has been prostituted from its original spirit, even though the forms of the Constitution have been observed.

"When a long train of abuses and usurpations, pursuing invariably the same object, evinces a design to reduce them under absolute depotism, it is their right, it is their duty, to throw off such government, and to provide new guards for their future security." "We have warned them, from time to time, of attempts made by their legislatures to extend an unwarrantable jurisdiction over" our property." They have been deaf to the voice of justice and consanguinity," and constitutional obligation. Are we not justified in withdrawing our consent from a Government thus marked by every act that may define tyranny?

Our forefathers taught us that the "consent of the governed" was necessary to constitute the "just powers" of government; they taught us to withdraw that consent from any government, to alter or abolish any system which denied us safety and happiness. We care not whether it be constitutional secession or organized revolution which our forefathers left with the States; it is "the power to snap and tie of confederation as a nation might break a treaty and to repel coercion of a nation might repel invasion."

The hope of compromise and concession must be abandoned, the full acknowledgement of all our rights must be the ? of our demand -- the limit of our satisfaction. Unless this be granted, indignation will succeed the terror that now pervades our country, and "the revival of high sentiment, spurning away the delusions of a safety purchased at the expense of honor, will yet drive us to that generous despair, which has often subdued distempers in the State, for which no remedy could be found in the wisest councile."

"What is to be Done?"
(page 4, column 3)

The all-absorbing question throughout the country seems to be, "What is to be done?" Black Republicanism has ripened and brought forth its legitimate fruit, in the election of a sectional representative man of its own -- the veritable author of the "irrepressible conflict" doctrine -- to the Presidency -- not of the Union, because there is in fact now no Union, nor will there ever again exist a union of the States.

The Northern portion of what was once a proud and prosperous confederacy of sovereign States, has gone on violating one provision after another of the solemn compacts on which the Union was founded -- against the solemn appeals and earnest remonstrances of the other portion, which has yielded every question of expediency; and, in fact, compromised for a time minor questions of principles for the sake of peace in the Union, till at length, presuming the South could not be forced to resistance, and, if she could, feeling that its numerical strength was sufficient to coerce her into submission, has at length put off all restraint and boldly proclaimed the irrepressible conflict and its determination to crush out every vestige of slavery and inaugurate the doctrine of the equality of the races, both in theory and in practice. To carry out their avowed purpose, they have combined their section and elected Abraham Lincoln, and defiantly say to the South, "do your utmost, your doom is sealed," and if you attempt resistance, the halter will be your fate!

In view, then, of these facts, I might ask, what Southern man could ask the question, "What is to be done?" And yet we find men, even in the South, not only asking the question, but actually proposing schemes of reconciliation, but actually proposing schemes of reconciliation and counseling delay in order to see if the North will not consent to some further guarantee of the rights of the South; as if there could be any dependence placed in any guarantee to which the North might consent! What greater or more binding guarantee could be proposed than the written Constitution which our honored fathers made, and which time, and the circumstances under which it was made, might to render hallowed and sacred? Yet the North does not regard its sacred obligations; and to jsutify their wanton violation of its provisions, appeal to a "higher law" than written constitutions -- that same "higher law" that has been appealed in every period of the world's history to justify the most horrid outrages upon individual as well as national rights. What extort a guarantee from a people who trample on all law and violate with impunity the sacred provisions of a written constitution? Folly - worse than folly - it is imbecility and cowardice, to want or even to ask for guarantees from such a people! All that could be done (and more than ever ought to have been done) has been done and conceded by the South to appease this angry, exorbitant, fanatical spirit of the North, and a nothing is now left for us but quiet, peaceable secession, if we can -- violent and forcible secession, if we must.

There may, and no doubt will be, some inconveniences attending the separation at the outset, but what of that? We find ourselves in a partnership with a selfish, unscrupulous set of partners, and we must expect to lose something in extricating ourselves from their grasp. Did our fathers stop to count the cost when the question of honor or dishonor was presented to them in the issues of the Revolutionary war with Old England? They did not, nor should we in the struggle for our honor and rights with New England. What if they should in view of the imminent danger to their commerce and manufacturing interests, ? their Legislatures to repeal all their laws codifying the Fugitive Slave Law of Congress? What would that amount to in the way of securing our rights in the Territories, or rendering our property more safe from their thieving commissaries when they have taught their people in the school room and from the pulpit that it is no crime to steal our slaves, but a burning shame and damning sin to suffer us to reclaim them? They might to-morrow repeal all their laws against the rendition of fugitive slaves, and yet, udner the teachings of their clergy adn politicians, not a slave less would be stolen from the South, nor a fugitive more be recovered by his master. Talk of honor or safety in such a Union! The idea is absurd. I hope those gallant States which have taken the initiative will not cease nor stop short of a total and final separation, leaving the laggard States of the South to choose between political degradation and dishonorable submission to Northern despotism, or a bold, manly alliance with the gallant chivalrous South -- where the rights of all will be respected, and a common interest and common destiny will mark their progress through all coming time.

Nov. 18, 1860 North-West

SONS OF THE SOUTH
(page 4, column 1)

LOUISA COUNTY, Va., Nov. 24th, 1860

Having noticed in your paper a letter to the Charleston "Courier," from the daughters of Carolina, we hope you will insert the enclosed lines, expressing the sentiments of one, we believe of many, of the women of Virginia. We fully agree with our South Carolina sisters, and if any of the luke-warm sons of the "Old Dominion," find themselves wanting in the courage or resolution necessary to defend her rights, they may learn both from her daughters.

C.J.B.

Sons of our glorious Southern land,
Home of the free and brave,
Arouse, join every heart and hand,
Our hearthsand homes to save.
From those we once thought warm and true,
Brethern in heart and deed,
Bound by the sacred tie of years,
Totruth in time of need.

Who, traitors to their every pledge,
Would have the Union stand,
And force the South to hold her peace
Though with an iron hand,
They crush our nearest, dearest rights,
Our household gods overthrow;
And whilst they of their freedom boast,
Would lay our freedom low.

Their murderous hands shed Southern blood
Beneath our peaceful skies,
And when each traitor meets his doom,
They cry -- "a martyr dies!"
They trample on the Union's laws
Then cry "the Union save,"
And we all this must tamely bear,
Nor their displeasure brave.

The "Little Giant," hand in hand
With Lincoln and his friends,
Will give the North his willing aid
To compass all her ends;
But through our rights they thus forget,
We shall our wrongs remember.
And they may see more martyrs yet,
Than those of last December.

For "Honest Abe" will hold the helm,
Great Hannibal on board,
And if we venture to resist
They'll send a northern horde,
To teach the South, that should she guard
Her Rights as sacred treasures,
Her loving brethern will unite,
"To whip her into measure."

Men of the South, can this be so?
Shall we thus tamely bide
The loss of all the dearest rights
For which our fathers died
Not "Minute Men" shall surely meet,
The traitors now elated,
Contestants though "Wide Awake,"
Shall find themselves checkmated.

C.J.B.

To the Women of Virginia
(page 4, column 6)

Messrs. Editors: -- I have a proposition to make to the women of Virginia, through your columns; it is that until these political difficulties are settled, until the North acknowledges and submits to our rights, we shall not buy one shred, ribbon or string of Northern manufacture or importation.

You know the pulse passing through the pocket, is the one that goes straightest to the Yankee heart. Let us withhold every drop of Southern treasure from this vein until their hearts cease to throb with impudence and insult. I do not propose to throw aside the purchases already made for teh exclusive use of home manufacture, there would be no wisdom in that; but with what we have, and by the aid of home manufacture; we make no new purchases until these troubles are over. She is no true woman who cannot make old things look almost as good as new. If the siege lasts five, ten, fifteen or twenty years, let us be faithful, and she who, holding to this resolution, looks neatest shall deserve as much praise and envy as was won by the Fat Man of Londonderry in 1689. By that time Virginia will perhaps have decided upon some course of action, or, what is more probable, others will have decided for her. What means this lethargy in the once prominent Old Dominion? Surely "there must be something rotten in Denmark."

Has Virginia, the mother of great men, no son to take the lead in this conflict? For those behind seem to cdry "forward," while those before cry "back." How long has South Carolina surpassed us in looking through the millstone? Can she see coming disasters one whole year before us? Twelve months ago she proposed the Conference which Virginia, then hooted, but will probably agree to the Conference which Virginia, then hooted, but will probably agree to next January. The brave little State now refuses to go into conference with us. Heretofore I have been proud to say, "I am from Virginia," hereaftter, I fear I must hang my head in shame when the question of my nativity is asked. I have one other proposition to make, if we do submit to Black Republican rule, when Mr. Lincoln comes around to collect his "black mail," if, in the hurry and confusion of business, one diminutive Cuffy should be overlooked, I propose that a committee of six, composed of the principle submissionists, shall take him into custody and never draw rein until Lincoln is overtaken and Cuffy safely delivered. Thus, like the Revolutionary mother, who sent the solitary drake flying after the red coats, I would see that the rogues make a clean sweep.

A Southern Woman

Note: From the Lynchburg Republican

Abuse of South Carolina
(page 2, column 1)

There are some politicians in Virginia whom South Carolina could not satisfy let her course be what it may. Last winter, when she sought conference, consultation and co-operation with Virginia to act in concert with the Southern States, these men denounced South Carolina with unmeasured bitterness for seeking consultation and conference. And now when that State has acted for herself alone, not risking again the insult of rejected counsels, these same men denounce the State for not consulting Virginia.

We predicted last winter that the rejection of the Conference would entail unnumbered woes upon the South and the Union, that when Black Republicanism had triumphed, South Carolina would not again ask conference, and that when the opponents of Mr. Memminger's mission called for a Southern Convention South Carolina would not respond. All these things have come to pass. Most respectable opponents of the Southern conference last winter are the advocates of a Southern Convention now. Had they acted wisely then, the Union would now be in the enjoyment of peace and quiet. But they thought proper to spurn South Carolina in the hope of building up a Union party at the North, and when that has signally failed, these same men denounce South Carolina for not consulting them the second time.

We refer to this rejection of the conference last winter, not for the purpose of animadversion, but as warning to all parties, that errors of the past may be, as far as possible, redeemed in the future. The experience of the past may do much good, if wisely regarded by the approaching session of the Legislature. The continued abuse of South Carolina does no good to the cause of the Union in Virginia. -- On the contrary, it is calculated to arouse sympathy adn feeling for her cause, and impels the people to use every exertion to place Virginia by her side. Men may regret her position, (we do not) and yet abstain from useless vituperation. Black Republicans at the North are at present fully engaged in this matter, and it would be well for newspapers at the South to leave to them a monopoly of all such abuse.

The Position of South Carolina
(page 1, column 3)

It is not difficult to deal seriously with the flimsy pretext of those who presume to denounce, as if ex cathedra the course of South Carolina.

That the State has chosen to act promptly and effectually for herself, and without consultation or conference with other States, is easily explained, and instead of vitaperative censure, is entitled to the highest eulogy and warmest gratitude from every true patriot. First, South Carolina did not twelve months since, request an inter-State conference and received, even at the hands of the Legislature of Virginia, the mortifying repulse of a refusal, which, hoever courteously worded, could be interpreted into nothing less than an assurance that even in the midst of common suffering and common danger, the authorities of Virginia deemed even friendly conference with South Carolina, a thing to be not only avoided, but summarily rejected. In a word, South Carolina, tendering an act of close alliance and generous sympathy, was repelled with an unmistakable expression of distrust. We say it in no ? spirit, but in the humility of sincere thankfulness, we rejoice that no blame for this error can be laid at our door. We can sincerely add, that we believe the step was taken in contravention of the popular will of Virginia.

There is yet another and still weightier reason for South Carolina's omission to consult and confer with other Southern State, before taking the final step of effectual resistance. It is, that the time for consultation and deliberation has passed, and the time for action has arrived. We have not time to secure co-operation in counsel and in action among fifteen States, before proceeding to effective measures of resistance. Every month's delay weakens us, by the continued prostration of commerce and industry. And an attempt to secure beforehand the combined action of the South, would only result in placing the true men of the South at the mercy of all the obstacles, obstructions, impediments, delays adn disadvantages, which a host of triflers and trimmers, and an additional multitude of timid or treacherous "deliberatives" would be only too sure to throw in the way.

The time for effectual action has arrived; and at the right time, South Carolina has promptly volunteered to lead in action. It is an act of which every one of her sons may well be proud. Her whole history shows no brighter or more glorious page. Indeed, it is questionable whether the history of the world can produce another such example, of the whole people of a Sovereign State springing so promptly and unanimously to the vindication of her insulted dignity.

At one bound, this gallant little State has reached a position preeminent to that of all her sister States. It is a proud position, and heavy with the responsibility of her own destiny and that of the whole confederacy. May the God of truth and patriotic duty strengthen her to sustain the burden she has assumed. -- A faltering or a backward step on the part of South Carolina, at this time, would work terrible evils to the South and to the Union.

As to her form of action -- any man of common sense and ordinary powers of observation could have divined at once, that when South Carolina should attempt ultimate resistance to Northern aggression, she would resort to an act of secession. It is the mode of resistance to which her people have been educated to look for many years. And still the most deferential action which she could have adopted towards her sister States of the South. Any other mode of active or efficient resistance, on her part, would at once have involved every Southern State in immediate revolution. As it is, she has left them as free as she could leave them to "deliberate," and finally to take sides with her, or against her, or to stand neutral, if they should choose.

The paltry pretence that her mode of ation has been dictated by a cowardly desire to avoid the dangers of armed collision, to which other Southern States may be exposed in the vindication of their rights of the Union, is too flimsy to merit serious consideration. The very men who dare to insinuate such a charge against the brave people of a sovereign State, must know that whenever Virginia shall cross swords with a Northern enemy in defence of her rights in the Union, or out of the Union, the blood and treasure of South Carolina will be as freely offered for our assistance, as though we had never repelled her overtures, or slighted her example.

A Plan for Quieting Sectional Strife
(page 2, column 3)

To the Editors of the Enquirer:
Louisa, Dec. 13

Gentlemen: -- Allow an humble individual to suggest a plan for quieting the fearful political sectional strife now pervading the United States. Let the Missouri Compromise line be established to the Pacific, as the division forever between the free States and the slave States, by an amendment to the Constitution, and no free State ever to be formed South of that line without the consent of all the slave States, and no slave State North of that line without the consent of all the free States. That would be a compromise -- a fair and equitable one -- which would end the strife of all Wilmot Provisos and Emigrant Aid Societies. The original Missouri Compromise has been the fruitful source of all the agitation of the slavery question. It never was a compromise, but a swindle -- the North taking all our rights North of the line, and yielding none of theirs South of it. The people of the Northern States have no more interest in slavery in the South than they have in Siberia. Slaves are property by the Constitution, and existed as such before the Constitution. The people of a Territory, or even of a State, have no more right, without the unanimous consent of the owners, to abolish property in slaves, than they have to abolish the right to hold lands, horses, cattle, and every other kind of property.

The organization of Abolition societies in one State to operate on the institutions of another is clearly treasonable, and the raid of John Brown and his confederates has proved it, and ought to subject all his accomplices, siders and abettors to the same punishment he received. The Northern States ought, by an amendment to the Constitution, to be required to suppress the anti-slavery agitation by penal laws, and if they fail or refuse to do it, to be subject to excommunication, or expulsion from the Union by the other States. If this plan were carried out there would be no secession, and the Union would be peace and prosperity to all sections forever.

Union

The First Act
(page 2, column 1)

For thirty years we have been talking and hearing about effective resistance to Northern aggression. Public meetings, Congressional speeches, legislative-last-extremity resolutions have succeeded each other, time and again, to be smothered in compromises and shifts, and, in all cases hitherto, to actual concessions sufficiently important to invite further aggression. This sort of thing has finally involved, not only imminent danger, but actual and serious outrage; and, finally, worst of all, contempt -- Northern contempt for Southern threats and Southern courage.

At any time, and ACT of resistance would have sufficed to check and regel the tide of injury and opprobrium. We have waited long for it -- it has been sorely needed; it has come at last. Yesterday, at one o'clock, P.M., the sovereign State of South Carolina finally resolved to sever all connection with a confederacy which has failed to secure her sovereign dignity and equality. Three times three for the FIRST ACT of State resistance to degrading oppression!

Where the Shoe Pinches
(page 2, column 1)

At present nothing ssems more probable than that actual conflict will precede that negotiation between the States, which alone, sooner or later, must settle their relations, whether the final issue shall eventuate in the preservation, the permanent dismemberment, or the final reconstruction of the Union.

There is something at fault here. Why are not the States in a position to undertake promptly that "last effort for the peaceable maintenance of the Union," about which Southern submissionists so constantly prate, and which their vis inertia obstruction is so eminently calculated to prevent? There seems to be, throughout the entire North, and among a large number of citizens of the border States of the South, a timorous unwillingness to bring State sovereignties face to face in the work of negotiation.

In the South, the reason is briefly explicable. The obstructionists of the South are simply submissionists--so eager and watchful, too, in their desire for submission, most frequently tinctured more or less with a silent sympathy for the anti-slavery cause--that they not only fear to risk a conference with Southern States, some of which they openly profess to distrust; but they are even afraid to trust the evident disposition of their own people. Fearful that the majority of the people in Maryland, Virginia, and Kentucky will, if permitted to speak at all, speak out boldly against the submissionist policy, they are busily employing all their efforts to prevent any and all forms for the organized expression of the sovereign will.

Should a Northern State, indeed, organize a Convention and demand an inter-State Conference, these Southern submissionists would feel [illegible]. [illegible] the Northern States have it really in their power at any moment to silence the opposition now urged by our submissionists, and thus to secure a prompt and almost unanimous popular demand for State Conventions in our border States.

But the impediments in the way of sovereign State action, are much more complex and more serious at the North than at the South. First, the call of a State Convention in any Northern State would involve a partial confession of error on the part of some portion of the Black Republican majority. Again, the Black Republican leaders have very serious reason to fear that such a movement might give the ascendency to conservative sentiment and lead to a final adjustment on the basis of an entire adherence to the reasonable demands of the South concerning the execution of the fugitive slave law, the repeal of anti-slavery enactments for the District of Columbia, the protction of Southern citizens travelling and sojourning at the North accompanied by their slaves, and the full and equal protection of slave property in all the Territories of the Union. In which event, they have the entire certainty before them, of the annihilation of the Republican party.

But this is not all. The mass of the Northern people, of all parties, may be said to have no definite conception whatever of the doctrine of State sovereignty. They are accustomed to regard their State governments as merely provincial establishments, and altogether subsidiary to the Federal Government. With a very few honorable exceptions, even the strongest heads and most honest thinkers among their political leaders, frequently commit blunders which would shame a college boy in Virginia, when they attempt to treat abstractly on the subject of inter-State relations. The idea of a State Convention assembled to consider federal affairs, (thanks to the manifold blunders of Kent, Story, & Co., and their influence on the hundreds who have studied their teachings, and the tens of thousands who have not,) is one which our Northern brethern have not yet learned to comprehend. Indeed, both to teachers and taught, and untaught, such a thought smacks of nothing less than treason.

It is, we fear, a gordian knot--very difficult to untie; but, if not soon untied, it must be cut.

Union Among Southern States
(page 4, column 2)

The want of co-operation between the border and cotton States arises chiefly from the belief of the former that they are in the minority and would be out-voted by the latter, and bound to any policy adopted by them. So far from this being the case, the border slave States are largely in the majority, and in the event of uniting with the cotton States, would have the power to control Southern action.

According to the figures of the New York "Herald," the total vote in the South at the recent Presidential election was 1,284,224, of which the border States of Maryland, Virginia, Kentucky, Tennessee and Missouri cast 717,448; and the cotton States of North Carolina, South Carolina, Florida, Georgia, Alabama, Mississippi, Louisiana, Arkansas and Texas cast 566,776; thus, showing over 150,000 majority in the border States a preponderance amply sufficient to prevent the re-opening of the slave trade, or any measure unfavorable to our interests. Such being the case, every motive of policy as well as patriotism should prompt us to unite with our brethern farther South before it is too late. We have the same interests and our Union would give a strength and power to Southern demands that the North, if possessed of any conservatism or fraternal feeling, could not resist.

"Excelsor"

No Hope.
(page 2, column 1)

Our readers will see from the telegraphic dispatches of yesterday and of this morning's "Enquirer," that the hope of settlement and adjustment has been abandoned in Washington. The madness that rules in the mind of Black Republicanism will never permit peace to be restored, and the Union to be preserved; bent on Southern subjugation, no compromise that would protect Southern rights and Southern honor will be permitted by Mr. Lincoln and his party. We are offered the alternative of submission or subjugation, and the organs of Black Republicanism evince a criminal indifference to the decision at which the South may arrive.

How long will Maryland and Virginia delay, before taking steps to protect their people and institutions from the people and institutions from the powers of th eFederal Government, prostituted to a reckless fanaticism? If the Governor of Maryland, influenced by timidity or actuated by treachery, shall longer delay to permit the people of that State to protect themselves, can there not be found men bold and brave enough to unite with Virginians in seizing the capitol at Washington and the Federal defences within the two States?

Why wait? Why delay? What hope can any reasonable man entertain of peace from Mr. Lincoln? has not organ after organ, from the Journal of Springfield to the Tribune at New York, emphatically announced his purpose? Has not friend after friend been authorized by Lincoln to foreshadow his policy, and have they not discharged their trust with singular fidelity? Has not the platform of principles which denies every Southern right, and dishonors every Southern State, been distinctly re affirmed since the elections by the friends and confidants of Mr. Lincoln and the organs of the party as the certain and inevitable policy of the next administration? Have we not been unmistakeably informed that the South must submit to that policy as far as the power to enforce it exists with the Republicans? Can the Southern States pretend ignorance as to the purpose of coercion if they do not submit? To us it seems the part of wisdom to promptly decide whether Virginia will submit or resist. Perhaps peace may be purchased at the sacrifice of honor by submission! We know many submissionists will ask "What is honor?" They hold with Falstaff that "discretion is the better part of valor."

If the people of Virginia will be content with the peace of Black Republicanism, let it be quickly announced; perhaps it may restore trade, and relieve, in part, the financial depression that now prostrates the energy of the country. If submission has not been determined upon, resistance should be quickly began. If Virginia does not intend to submit, it is worse than folly, it is wickedness to permit the means, implements and powers of aggression to pass into the hands of those publicly pledged, and who have blatantly announced their purpose to turn against the State all the energies of power deposited by Virginia with the Federal Government: Virginia is told, if she behaves herself, Mr. Lincoln will not hurt her, but she is also told how she must behave, and if she does not behave as she is ordered, then Mr. Lincoln's friends and organs publicly announce that he will turn against the State the powers she intrusted to the Federal Government for her "defence," her "tranquility," and her "welfare." Since the speech of Mr. Wade, of Ohio, and the pronunciamento of the Springfield "Journal," if Virginia and Maryland do not adopt measures to prevent Mr. Lincoln's inauguration at Washington, their discretion will be as much a subject of ridicule as their submission will be of contempt.

To the Editors of the Richmond Enquirer
(page 1, column 4)

New York, Dec. 31, 1860

GENTLEMEN: -- I have the pleasure to inform you that it is the opinion of many highly respectable and influential citizens here that this city will be the theatre of the bloodiest fights that have ever disgraced christendom, if something is not done very shortly to appease the South. Already a Mr. Karigan has 10,000 men ready to aid the South. It only requires the signal to shoulder arms. Be in readiness to tear up your Railroads at proper time. Keep drilling your men in all sections of Virginia, and by-and-by we will have things all right, trampling the lying, thieving, white-faced Republicans under foot. Cut the knot that binds you to a party looked upon in all parts of the world as tricksters and liars.

Respectfully, ALERT

Reforming the Constitution
(page 1, column 3)

When the old Confederacy had in the opinion of some of the States, failed to effect the objects for which it was formed, or forefathers, like sensible men, set about its reformation without any threats of coercion or talk of war. They assembled a Convention, which formed the present Constitution and provided for a Union when ratified by nine States, and between all the States ratifying. There was as much objection to the old Confederation as there is now to the present Union, and there was as much opposition to its dissolution as exists at present against the disintegration of the present Confederacy. But, not withstanding all this, our forefathers preceeded with their work, and brought peace and a Constitution which won the admiration of the world, the nullifying States of the North excepted.

We know no reason why the example of our forefathers cannot be followed at the present time -- why a Convention outside of the present Constitution, and appointed by the State Legislatures, cannot assemble forthwith and prepare a Constitution to be submitted to all the States, and binding between the first ten, twelve, or fifteen States that ratify it.

Note: This is an excerpt of a longer article

Dissolution is Inevitable--Is a Reconstruction Possible?
(page 2, column 1)

The rush of events is fast hurrying the final dissolution of the Confederacy; the excitement increases as despatch after despatch is made public, and subsidies into deeper resentment and more determined resistance. Men -- who a few months ago were Union men -- soon become co-operationists, and are now the earnest advocates of separate State resistance. Teh whole mind of the State is fast accepting the only alternative left -- that of separate State action. All hope of preserving the present Union has been abandoned by the people of Virginia; and while they earnestly desire that its dissolution may be peaceable, and that reconstruction may speedily follow, they will not be unprepared for war, if that dread alternative is tendered by the North.

Separate State action is necessary before that effectual co-operation can be had, which alone can produce reconstruction -- and if the Northern people are not hopelessly blinded by teh fanaticism that pervades their communities, they will recognize in the peaceable secession of South Carolina and other States the only hope of subsequent reconstruction.

The Federal Government, while powerless to prevent dissolution, is not, under Mr. Buchanan at least, without great capacity to effect a reconstruction of hte States in to a durable and permanent confederacy. It is, indeed, to be hoped, that Mr. Buchanan has realized the fact that dissolution is inevitable, and that his whole duty centres in the preservation of the peace. Had he early recognized the causes of the country's troubles as existing between the States,, and that for their settlement the General Government was powerless, he might have opened the way, first for peaceable dissolution and next for reconstruction.

He has not thought proper to withdraw the forms of law from over those States in which he acknowledges it is impossible to execute them, and yet has declared it unconstitutional to coerce a State. The telegraph announces that, to all the wrongs already perpetuated upon South Carolina, he has superadded insults to her Peace Commissioners.

If this be true, Mr. Buchanan has fully gone over to the coercionists, and it matters very little whether they be Black Republicans or Democrats. He has driven from his Cabinet the representatives of the South, and taken to his councils Gen. Scott, brim full of malice and hatred towards the people of the South -- a man who has the vanity to suppose, that in the anarchy which sectional war will introduce, he may become Dictator a la Napoleon. Mr. Buchanan has thus assumed the responsibility of inaugurating civil war. If he finds any consolation in this exploit, there wil be none to dispute his claim to the exucrations with which his name will be embalmed.

Those who desire the re-construction of the Republic and the preservation of the peace, turn now to the Senate. Without its connivance in the folly and wickedness of Mr. Buchanan, the President's war will still be a failure. Having succeeded in emptying the treasury, he has deprived himself of the sinews of war, and unless the Senate has become also a tool of Gen. Scott, it may not only prevent war, but by adjourning and the returning home of Northern Democrats and Southern Senators, if they cannot succeed in the recommendation of the "National Intelligencer" to withdraw all Federal authority from over the seceding States, they may, by disorganizing the Government, give time and opportunity to mediation which may result in permanent and durable peace.

No Southern man, of any party, should remain in Washington, where his presence, by making a quorum, may involve his own people in the horrors of civil war. The Northern Democrats, who no longer have any confidence in Mr. Lincoln or in Mr. Buchanan, but who still desire the preservation of peace for the reconstruction of the government, should also vacate their seats, and leave the Government disorganized.

The postponement of civil war, and the prevention of the official announcement of the late Presidential election by the Vice President, will give time for the States to assemble in Convention, publish a plan of Union, and submit it to the people of all the States for ratification.

Mr. Buchanan's conduct, if reported correctly by the telegraph, is an effort to enlist the entire North against the Southern States, and to confront the sections in array of civil war. If successful in this well-planned scheme for universal anarchy, he will have earned an infamy unparalleled in the annals of history. Will the Senate of the United States lend themselves to such a treasonable purpose?

The Crisis.
(page 4, column 1)

In mourning all our daughters stand,
A cry goes wailing through the land,
Such as the cry of beasts who feel
The quaking earth beneath them reel.*

Abroad the terror hardly shows;
The tide of ? still onward flows;
The last wave of its failing source
Not yet has reached us in its course.

Friend heeds not friend upon th estreet,
Or halts a moment as they meet;
And hand grasps hand as 'twere a sword.
The eye tells all without a word.

But when the household, gathering night
Restores our treasures to our sight,
And shows how much we have to lose,
Then terror draws its loosened noose.

The mother gazes on her son,
And feels the shock of war begun;
Or trembles for her daughter's fate;
Fear will not let its coming wait.

She dares not hope that death will spare,
All her beloved darlings there;
But counts them over silently,
Nor knows which precious one 'twill be.

All joy is gone, all hope is fled,
And every heart is full of dread.
The air is darkened with its wings,
Nose know what woe the future brings.

Oh, North! thy hand this woe has wrought,
This evil on us all has brought.
Yet hope not thou shalt scatheless be;
Behold, this is thy penalty.

When labor's wheel shall cease to turn,
When famine's fire begins to burn;
When starving babes shall beg for bread,
Till parents bless, not weep their dead;

When want and crime shall seek relief,
And men too hardened grow for grief,
Till misery laughs in misery's face;
When shame shall flaunt its own disgrace;

When famished multitudes shall flood,
The barricaded streets with blood;
When rocking anarchy begins,
Then falleth vengeance on thy sins.

F.J.

*It is said that beasts feel the approach of an earthquake, and in their alarm utter the most piteous of crys.

Compromise and Ultimatum
(page 1, column 2)

The legislatures of New York, Pennsylvania, and Ohio, have tendered men and money to the General Government, to coerce and subjugate Virginia, should the Convention of her sovereign people determine that secession is the only safety of the State. The action of those States, intended to be offensive and degrading, was deliberately and determinedly made at the very moment of intensest excitement, to show the authorities of Virginia that they condemn and despise the slave States, and are determined to degrade them into conquered provinces.

The unnecessary and wicked action of those States should open the eyes of the people to Virginia, to the purpose and disposition of the three largest Northern States. This tender of men and money to coerce and subjugate sovereign States, has increased the difficulties of adjustment, and should cause the manhood of Virginia to shrink from the debasement of offering any compromise, or even intimating a willingness to compromise with States that gratuitously offer the Southern States another insult. The Legislature of Virginia having called the people of the State together on Convention, are, as to all maters of compromise and ultimatum, functus officio -- the people in Convention assembled, are the only power authorized to submit any ultimatum. The Legislature has no power, and will be treated with contempt by the Republicans -- which will only aggravate and intensify the feeling in Virginia. We have no idea that the Convention of Virginia will ever agree to any compromise that has not been previously adopted by the Northern States in an authoritative and binding manner. Virginia will never tie herself to a Northern Confederacy, which may be rejected by her Southern Sisters. The North must first adopt such amendments asthey are willing to abide by, and these being submitted to all the Southern States must be agreed to by all of them. Virginia will patch up no compromise and agree to no amendments as long as the Northern States, by such action as that taken by New York, Pennsylvania and Ohio, deny the fundamental principle of consent of the governed to the government upon which this Union was formed. The sovereignty of the States, the rights of the States and the remedies of the States, have been assailed and denied, and all must be admitted and provided for in any amendments that Virginia can agree to. -- She will compromise into the Constitution no precedent which may, at some future day, arise in judgment against her people, or some other State. The tender of men and money to coerce and subjugate sovereign States, is consolidation and federalism more odious than ? and written laws, because directed not only against individual liberty, but is subversive of the sovereignty of the States.

Virginia cannot, and will not, agree to any such compromise as the Crittenden amendment; because it is not one that of itself and by ? self action, protects and guaranties the Southern States in the ? of their constitutional rights. The following, from a respected correspondent, gives the true and only basis of compromise.

The Meeting in Richmond on Wednesday Night
(page 2, column 1)

In pursuance of a call addressed to the workingmen of Richmond, some 1500 of our citizens assembled at the African Church, at 71/2 P.M., on Wednesday last. The meeting was promptly organized, Mr. Thos. H. Wynne, Chairman, and a committee of fifteen was promptly appointed to prepare resolutions, and immediately retired for that purpose. Calls were then made for different speakers, who declined addressing the meeting, most of them avowing that they had come as workingmen, only to assist in the business of the meeting.

A motion was then made for the appointment of a committee of three, to invite Mr. John Minor Botts to address the meeting. The motion met with vehement opposition, but finally a vote being taken, the chairman was of opinion that the "ayes" had a majority. Division being called for, great difficulty was found in obtaining a count in so crowded an assemblage; but from the best count that could be taken, the chair decided that the motion was adopted, and accordingly appointed a committee of three to wait on Mr. Botts. Several short and earnest speeches were made, the last of which was interrupted by the entrance of the committee of fifteen, who read an admirable report, strongly Southern in its sentiments. Some disorder was occasioned by objections made to the resolutions -- which were laid on the table, we believe, with a view to their being taken up when order should be restored. Another set of resolutiosn were offered, and were also tabled. At this point in the proceedings, Mr. Botts entered the hall, took his place on the stand, and attempted to speak. Whereupon, a member rose and proposed, that whereas a committee of three had been appointed to bring Mr. Botts in, another committee of the same number be appointed to carry him out, and at once. This proposal was hailed with enthusiastic applause. Mr. Botts attempted to speak, but was silenced by cries of "no!" "no!" Mr. Botts assumed a dignified attitude, which gave rise to new shouts with much merriment,. Mr. Botts lost his temper, gesticulated violently, and denounced the meeting as a "mob." -- This raised the excitement to a climax.

It is scarcely necessary for us to say that Mr. Botts was wrong to lose his temper. He sought to have expected nothing better than the treatment he received. Until his appearance, the meeting went on very comfortably, with occasional disorder, indeed, but not more than is generally witnessed in crowded public meetings. And we are humbly of opinion that the working men of Richmond could not have vindicated their dignity and patriotism, under the circumstances, in any better manner than by refusing to permit Mr. Botts to deliver another of his incendiary addresses. For our own part, we should regret very much to see a Richmond audience, in a crisis like the present, quietly listen to a speech either from Wm. R. Seward or John M. Botts.

Mr. Botts was obliged to take his seat, from whence he suggested, in an audible whisper, that the meeting be adjourned and a meeting of "friends of the Union" be called. Such a motion was made, a vote taken in th emidst of much disorder, and the chairman pronounced the meeting adjourned and relinquished the chair. On motion, Mr. Wynne was again called to the chair, on assuming which he restored order, and informed the meeting that this being now, as he understood it, a meeting of the friends of the Union as it now exists, he was unwilling to preside over or participate in the action of such a meeting, and would hold the chair only until another Chairman could be appointed.

A motion was then made and carried for the immediate adjournment of the "Union meeting," and Mr. Wynne again vacated the chair. Mr. Botts, meanwhile, had put on his overcoat and retired from the hall.

After some delay the meeting was again organized, and many citizens having left, it was thought best not to proceed with the business first proposed, but to adjourn over, a committee being appointed to secure the Hall for another meeting. Good order was restored, and several speeches were made on the present state of political affairs.

One of the gentlemen appointed on the last named committee desired the withdrawal of his name, briefly announcing will put reasons to teh following effect: that he was opposed to any attempt to draw a line of distinction, political or social, between the working men and any other description of citizens; that we ought to recognize no distinction of "classes," in political action; that as fellow-citizens we are equals, and ought to act together; that th eworking men are perfectly competent, individually, to maintain their dignity and equality; that he know of none of our citizens who possessed either the power or the desire to deprive working men of this equality; that in this country there is no necessity, such as exists under aristocratic governments, for separate political organization or action on the part of working men. Finally, that such separate action would breed useless jealousies and contention in the community.

The meeting adjourned, in good order, at about 11 o'clock, P.M.

THE CONSTITUTION BY A SOUTHERNER
(page 4, column 1)

Wherefore sing ye songs of Union!
May they now the storm abate,
And in peaceful, calm communion
Keep each sovereign sister State?

Can they save our flag from trailing
In the dust fanatics raise;
And a nation keep from wailing
O'er its untold miseries?

Angry threats and mad invadings,
Urged by passions deep and blind;
False assertions and upbraidings
Pass not as the idle wind!

Chords of love and kindly feeling
One by one have rent in twain,
'Till between us now revealing
That no simpathies remain.

Union! anthems might forever,
Swelling forth in suppliant strain,
Strive to save us; they could never
Re-unite our hearts again.

Would you quell this storm alarming,
Bid the tempest yet be calm?
Would you chock this fearful arming
Man against his fellow man?

Would you all our stars combining,
Bid their lustre never cease,
And around our heart strings breaking,
Bind the olive-branch of peace?

Tell the men who now are drifting
Recklessly our Ship of State
On the rocky shore uplifting;
Tell this story, are too late --

That when Scottish knights were bearing
With a small but chosen band,
Bruce's heart in casket keeping
'Till 'twas laid in Holy Land --

And when Moslem hordes o'erwhelmed them,
Bore them back on every side,
They the casket threw before them:
"Onward! To the rescue!" cried.

Then that band the host defying,
Strew'd the field with Moslem slain,
And amid the dead and dying,
Bore aloft the heart again.

Tell the States that now are seeking
To destroy the Union fair,
There's a casket in their keeping,
Which contains a gem more rare.

Hurl the Constitution ever
'Mid th eblind fanatic herd,
And when strife our States would sever,
Let it be the rallying word!

Then far down the future ages,
As they stand in His'ry's forum,
When no wild contention rages,
Stars and stripes may yet wave o'er them!

To the Voters in VirginiaCONSERVATISM -- WHAT IS IT?
(page 1, column 4)

Fellow-citizens:-- In a few days you will be called upon to decide the most momentuous question, which has ever been submitted to your judgment. The issues before our fathers in '76 was liberty or death? Before you, it is war or peace?

What is conservatism? A few months ago the question could be answered definitely -- to conserve the value of the States.

But, what is it now? Is it to conserve a union already broken? Is it to conserve a Government, that is making war upon the Southern States -- a Government which is converting the Capitol into a military encampment, to inaugurate a President by force?

Is it to conserve a Union with States who have offered men and money to carry on a war against the slaveholding States? Ohio and Pennsylvania, New York and Massachusetts have offered hundreds of thousands of men, and millions of money to wage war with you and your sister States of the South. What peace, what happiness could there be in such a union if it could be preserved? But it cannot, except in your subjugation. When we offer terms of compromise they are rejected with disdain. When we present the olive branch, they draw the sword. The disruption of the Union is already accomplished, It cannot be re united while we remain under its power. What, then, is conservatism for Virginia now?

It is to secure a peaceful dissolution. Shall we have peace, or civil war? The answer to the question will be given by you on Monday next. If you so vote as to secure the immediate secession of our State, you will preserve the peace. If we have a united South, the North will not be so mad as to commence a civil war which will be the bloodiest in the history of the world. If you hesitate, the Military government at Washington will probably attack the States which have already seceded. You are pledged to aid you Southern brethren in a war which few of you may live to see the end of.

True conservatism demands: First, that you vote for delegates to the Convention, who are in favor of immediate secession! Second, that you vote against referring the action of the Convention to the people! Such a reference would bring us under the power of the Black Republican Government. May you be guided by wisdom from above, and may God defend the right.

A CONSERVATIVE
And therefore a Secessionist

"The Confederated States of America"
(page 2, column 1)

The action of the seceded States, to the extend which it has gone, has already accomplished much good. Whatever may be the diversity of opinion as to the merits of the mode of resistance which they have adopted, none can deny that it has proved an effectual mode -- effectual for their own security from further invasion -- effectual to arouse, to cheer and animate to the work of effectual resistance in some form, the will and the efforts of all true and efficient men in the border States of the South. Much force has been given to this movement of resistance to Black Republican wrong, by the prompt confederation of these seceded States; by their joint refusal to re-open the African slave trade; by the indication of their loyal devotion to the form and spirit of the Constitutional compact which, to their honor be it remembered, these States have never violated, collectively or separately, in any particular whatever; and to which, when forced to vindicate its obligations by an act of separation from faithless confederates, they have still preferred to conform the federal government and inter State relations of their newly erected Confederacy; finally, by elevating to the Chief Magistracy of this new Confederacy a brave and honest man, alike distinguished service in the Executive Cabinet, the Legislative Hall, and well trained in military science and experience, well tested in actual and arduous service.

To this extent, the work of the seceded States has been wisely conceived and admirable executed. But there is more, much more for them yet to do, which, to be well done should be executed, without delay, in the same spirit of firm moderation and deliberate promptitude. These States have made a good commencement -- but it is only a commencement; as step which has not fulfilled, but has merely placed them in attitude properly adapted to the due fulfillment of the heavy responsibility which they have so nobly undertaken.

Note: This is an excerpt from a longer article

The Declaration of War.
(page 2, column 1)

Mr. Lincoln's Inaugural Address is before our readers -- couched in the cool, unimpassioned, deliberate language of the fanatic, with the purpose of pursuing the promptings of fanaticism even to the dismemberment of the Government with the horrors of civil war. Virginia has long looked for and promised peace offering before her -- and she has more, she has the denial of all hope of peace. Civil war must now come. Sectional war, declared by Mr. Lincoln, awaits only this signal gun from the insulted Southern Confederacy, to light its horrid fires all along the borders of Virginia. No action of our Convention can now maintain the peace. She must fight! The liberty of choice is yet hers. She may march to the contest with her sister States of the South, or she must march to the conflict against them. There is left no middle course; There is left no peace; was must settle the conflict, and the God of battle give victory to the right!

We must be invaded by Davis or by Lincoln. The former can rally fifty thousand of the best and bravest sons of Virginia, who will rush with wiling hearts and ready hands to the standard that protects the rights and defends the honor of the South -- for every traitor heart that offers aid to Lincoln there will be many, many who will glory in the opportunity to avenge the treason by a sharp and certain death. Let not Virginians be arrayed against each other, and since we cannot avoid war, let us determine that together, as people of the same State, we will defend each other, and preserve the soil of the State from the polluting foot of the Black Republican invader.

The question, "where shall Virginia go?" is answered by Mr. Lincoln, She must go to war -- and she must decide with whom she wars -- whether with those who have suffered her wrongs, or with those who have inflicted her injuries.

Our ultimate destruction pales before the present emergency. To war! to arms! is now the cry, and when peace is declared, if ever, in our day, Virginia may decide where she will finally rest. But for the present she has no choice left; war with Lincoln or with Davis is the choice left us. Read the inaugural carefully, and then let every reader demand of his delegate in the Convention the prompt measures of defense which it is now apparent we must make.

Let us Hear From the People.
(page 2, column 1)

The voice of the people of Virginia has yet to be heard upon the failure of the Peace Congress and upon the Inaugural of Mr. Lincoln. The result of the election for this Convention was an earnest and honest expression of Virginia's love and attachment to the Union. The much boasted "60,000" majority was the emphatic declaration of the people for a just and final settlement. The determination of the people to accept nothing but what was just and final, was as decided as the majority for the Union was overwhelming. The honest sentiment of Virginia has been misinterpreted by the North, and accepted by Mr. Lincoln as cowardice. The love and attachment of Virginia for a constitutional Union has been received as a manifestation of willingness to abide by the Union upon all or any terms. Even in the Convention among the delegates this majority is regarded as submissive willingness to any terms.

The cold, deliberate purpose of civil war indicated in the inaugural at first staggered the majority, and for a while revived the hopes of the Virginia party. But soon an apologetic spirit evinced itself: "nobody is hurt" by the inaugural -- "nobody is scared" by the voice from Washington -- was to be heard within twelve hours after the inaugural was received in Richmond. Tuesday morning there were delegates as "cool" as they were on Sunday, and who saw no reason for any immediate action by the Convention, notwithstanding the inaugural. "Precipitancy," "haste," "hurry," are words which at any precedent will drive this Convention from its propriety and force an adjournment upon the most important propositions. "Why this precipitancy?" "Why this unnecessary haste" are questions asked at any moment in the Convention, and instantly, "Mr, President, I move that this Convention do now adjourn," is heard from some quarter, and the motion is carried. Thus the Convention "drags its slow length along," without proposing anything, without acting upon anything, but with much speaking upon nothing.

Is there to be no end to waiting? Is action to be ever deferred for fear it may be precipitate? This nonsense has been heard long enough; this trifling has ? worse than contemptible, it is criminal. We tell the Convention that the game of waiting, the trick of deliberation no longer deceives the people, and they will not remain the silent dupes of such treacherous by-play. The people are beginning to speak out. We invite attention to the meeting in Albemarle -- it is the first -- the beginning of what will soon be heard from the Panhandle to the Dismal Swamp, from the Atlantic to the Ohio.

The example set by Albemarle will be followed by other counties: letters from the most earnest Union men have been received by delegates as well as ourselves, demanding action. The inaugural had not been received when the meeting in Albemarle on Tuesday was held. That address must rouse the people, they cannot, they will not assume the wicked indifference to its malignant purposes that has been evinced and uttered by delegates in Richmond. We invoke the people at their March Courts to assemble and speak their wishes.

A WAR SONG FOR VIRGINIA.Respectfully Dedicated to Gov. Henry A. Wise, By W. Winston Fustaine.
(page 4, column 1)

Sound, Virginia, sound your clarion!
Form your serried ranks of war
Fall in line with State of Marion,
And your glittering falchion draw!

Onward, onward, then, to battle!
For bright Freedom points the way.
Tho' the grape-shot thickly rattle,
Onward, onward to the fray.

Tho' each Northern squadron dashes
On, as wave up to the rock --
Tho' each forman's sword blade flashes,
Onward, onward, meet the shock!

Love of freedom, honor, glory,
Makes each freeman's arm a host;
This, we are taught by minstrel story,
Tyranis learn, but at their cost.

Look and see "proud Edward's power,"
Crushed by Bruce at Bannock-Burn;
Seed of Austria's host, the flower
Bite the dust by lake Lucerne.

Mark the Persian hordes parading,
Rushing, flee from marathon;
And the British lion invading,
Crouching to your Washington.

So, Virginia, sound your clarion!
Form your serried ranks of war!
Fall in line with State of Marion,
And your glittering felchion draw!

For the banner which once floated
Over Freedom's native land --
Flag, to which you are devoted,
Is borne by a tyrant's band.

Save, Oh, save it from pollution!
Though your noblest sons fall dead;
Save it, though in revolution
All its stars with blood be red!

Then, with "Southern Cross" emblazon
Its blue field in colors bold,
So that we may proudly gaze on
Fifteen clustering stars of gold.

RICHMOND, Va., Feb., 1861.

Enthusiastic Secession Meeting.
(page 2, column 4)

The African Church, in Broad street, was crowded to its utmost capacity last evening, with an enthusiastic audience, assembled to hear an address from the Hon. Roger A. Pryor, on the subject of secession. The Commissioners appointed by Maryland to confer with Virginia, having arrived in Richmond in the afternoon, were greeted with loud cheering when they entered the building, and were conducted to seats on the platform. Although laboring under considerable indisposition, Mr. Pryor spoke for an hour and a half in his usual fluent and eloquent strain. He argued that the Union was now in reality dissolved, and the separation of the States was eternal.

He reviewed the course of the Republicans in Congress, and pointed out the policy of the present Republican Administration. Pouring out the vials of his invective upon the submissionists in the Convention, he disclosed the procrastinating programme of that body. Doubting the sincerity of the proposition of their Majority Report recommending a border State Convention, he said Virginia must either submit to humiliation at the footstool of the North, or unite her fortunes with the Southern Confederacy; and he said he would rather be dragged at the tail of South Carolina than to be laid in chains on the triumphal ear of Massachusetts. In speaking of Eastern and Western Virginia, he said he did not think Western Virginia was faithfully represented by the delegates from that section in the State Convention. If it should be the demonstrated purpose of Western Virginia, by the despotism of brute force, to hold the Eastern portion of the Commonwealth under the bondage of a Black Republican majority, he for one would raise the standard of revolution. His address was received with great enthusiasm.

An episode, during its delivery, caused by the entrance of a large delegation from Petersburg, bearing a beautiful flag of the Southern Confederacy, the sight of which was the signal for rapturous cheering, produced a fine effect.

It was announced that the Rev. Dr. Carter of Texas would address the citizens of Richmond on the subject of secession at the same place on Monday evening.

Abraham Lincoln's Importance.
(page 1, column 6)

The importance of Abraham Lincoln is vastly overrated by the Black Republicans of the North, and the Submissionists of the South. They endeavor to impress upon the people the idea that he holds in his hand the issue of life or death to the South, and that he has fully made up his mind to speak the life giving word to our section! Many presses and politicians of the South declare for Submission and against Secession, upon the ground that Lincoln will give the country a "conservative administration." Does any reflecting man, of any section, really believe that the present opinions or intentions of Abraham Lincoln, whether right or wrong, ought to have the slightest influence in deciding the question of the relations of the border-slave States to the two confederacies between which they are now compelled to make choice? No considerate mind can view Lincoln, in the position to which he was called last November, in any other light than that of a mere "feather on the tide" of Abolitionism. The people of the South have no fears of the feather, but they ought to be alive to the importance of protecting themselves against the torrent of Abolition fanaticism which threatens to engulf them.

"They Will Soon Come Back."
(page 2, column 1)

So say the Abolitionists of the North and the Submissionists of the South, in speaking of the seceding States. Does any considerate man, of either section, really think so? Can any intelligent individual, with the lights now before him, believe in the possibility of th eearly return, or even the final return, of the "Confederate States of the South" to the Union controlled by the abolition power of the North? Surely not. Those States withdrew from the Union upon grounds which amply justified them, in the opinion of a candid world. Their Government is in successful operation, and its permanent establishment is conceded as a fixed fact by foes as well as friends. It is daily gaining-strength and influence, and bids fair to become, at an early-day, the great power of America. The notion, therefore, that the Southern Confederacy will soon come to an end, is ridiculous in the extreme. The man who expects to witness the return of South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, Louisians, Florida, Mississippi and Texas, or any one of them, to the government of New England, must be nearly related to the Egyptian traveller who waited on the banks of the Nile for all the water to pass by that he might walk over to the other side without wetting his feet. The idea that a stream so rapid as the Nile must soon discharge all its waters, its about as sensible and as philosophic as any which can be advanced in support of the probability of the early death of the Southern Confederacy. Like the famed river of Egypt, the Southern Confederacy has a pure and never failing source, and is destined in its course to irrigate for the most useful purposes, political, social, commercial and moral, a vast land. -- And if we cannot hope that it has a long a time to run as the charter of nature gives to the river of Egypt, we may yet reasonably expect that, founded as it is, upon the eternal principles of right and justice adn strengthened and sustained by an unfaltering trust in Divine Providence, the Southern Confederacy established in 1861, will long live. We may even hope that, in duration, it will exceed the pryamids, which, after the lapse of more than forty centuries, still stand erect and unshaken above the floods of the Nile.