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The Harrisburg Pennsylvania Telegraph October 1859 | November 1859 | December 1859 | February 1860 | March 1860 | May 1860 | June 1860 | July 1860 | October 1860 | November 1860 | December 1860 | January 1861 | February 1861 | April 1861 | June 1861 | July 1861 | August 1861

"American Workmen, Read!"

Within the last week the sum of nearly three millions of dollars in gold was sent out to Europe, as a small portion of the tribute that American workmen are obliged by their very Democratic rulers to pay over to the laborers and capitalists of Europe. If this were the end of the drain upon our people we would bear the infliction with scarcely a murmur; but as we are all destined to submit to many a similar evil, till the country escapes from the delusions of a sham Democracy, we must show the fact in all its force. We find no adequate demand for our products to counterbalance the effect of this drain, by which the entire country is impoverished. Our purse is cleaned out by the process, and yet we continue to go on headlong in the fatal policy that closes our mills and mines, or reduces the wages of operatives in them to the pauper standard of Europe. A callous mind would say that it serves a people right to be so treated, when they themselves foolishly established the absurd policy that causes this drain upon the basis of our currency; but we will not go so far. All that we can do is to deplore the grave facts, and to try the effect of reason upon the heedless men of labor who put persons in power to keep up a system that destroys enterprise and paralyses industry. Workingmen of the old Keystone! It is for you to condemn the ruinous policy which pauperizes the toiling masses of America, to feed and clothe foreign workmen and build up European manufactories. The way to do this is to vote with the party which goes for FREE LABOR AND PROTECTION OF HOME INDUSTRY! Rally under the flag that bears this motto, and aid the Opposition party in achieving a brilliant triumph at the coming election. "Strike for your altars and your fires," and let your blows fall thick and fast until the enemies of American Industry are driven from (the) National Capital, and the black flag of Free Trade trails in the dust. Elect COCHRAN and KEIM, and thus pave the way for the success of the PROTECTIVE TARIFF PRESIDENT in the contest of 1860.!

"Get Out the Voters!"

"People of Dauphin County! Opponents of the present corrupt and profligate slave-led National Administration! You who are in favor of Protection to American men, American institutions, and American labor and enterprise - who abominate Lecomptonism and favor the spread of Freedom - we remind you that the decisive hour is almost at hand, and that if you want to maintain you cause at the ballot-box on the second Tuesday of October, you must RALLY for the occasion IN ALL YOUR MIGHT. You opponents, we assure you, are busily at work,a nd will defeat you if corrupt means can effect it. Up, then, and TO WORK. Rally the People's Party in every nook and corner of the county. See that not one of them is deceived by the misrepresentation and slanders of the enemy, and that every man goes for the WHOLE TICKET. Our candidates - one and all - are greatly to be preferred to the candidates of the enemy. So let us give them a zealous support and a glorious victory."

"The Main Issue"

We agree with a contemporary, that the issue before the people at the coming election is so clear that `he who runs may read' All who are satisfied with the present condition of things - all who think the times are good enough for them - all who are in favor of sending our coin out of the country to support foreign labor and enrich foreign capitalists, while our own workshops are closed, and our mechanics and laborers are in need of bread to support the famishing children; - in short, all who are in favor of low wages and no work at that, should support the Buchanan ticket and endorse the MAN and the measures by which the country has been brought into its present deplorable condition. On the other hand, all who are in favor of such a change in the Tariff as will give constant employment to the industrious laborer and mechanic, at such rates as will enable them to sustain their dependent families; all who are opposed to the `one man' power which now rules at Washington; all who are in favor of free Territory for free white men - should support the only ticket whose election will e felt at Washing, and cause to tremble in its boots an Administration so `weak in the knees,' that it only needs another blow such as it received last Fall, to extinguish the little vitality still remaining in it."

"A Practical Black Republican"

"A stranger - whose skin at least is white - in bobbing around at the circus last night, fell in with an ebony hued damsel, and fascinated by her charms, had the bad taste to accompany her to a den some in the locality of Meadow Lane, and remain with her all night. This morning he discovered that he had been robbed of $15, and on inquiry for his thick-lipped charmer, found that she was among the missing. The fellow complained to a police officer, giving a description of the woman, but thus far she has managed to keep out of the grasp of `the strong arm of the law.'"

"Admission of Kansas"

"Returns of the recent election in Kansas indicate the adoption of the Constitution framed at Wyandotte. It remains now to be seen what disposition Congress will make of the next application of admission. Topeka and Lecompton have become matters of history, and the policy by which their rejection was secured has so thoroughly demoralized the Democratic party that it is doubtful if the Administration will dare repeat the dose. A majority of the next Congress, as Republicans or an anti- Lecompton Democrats, are committed to the admission of Kansas, in spite of the provisions of the English Bill, and the settlement then made. As a question of prudence, the Democratic party may wish to exclude Kansas for another year. As a question of policy, they may feel compelled to admit her, lest the doubtful disadvantage of three votes in the electoral college against them may be changed into the certain effects that would be produced by any further factious or arbitrary opposition. If the Democracy scorns Kansas again, it will reap a whirlwind of popular indignation which will indicate a sowing of the most marvelously productive seed. It has professor to desire the removal of the Kansas question from the arena of politics. It is in its power to accomplish that end, and it will hardly care to assume the responsibility of keeping open the wounds of `bleeding Kansas,' though the Senate and the PResident may most strongly desire it. After all, the Wyandotte constitution is not merely an expression of the wish of Kansas to enter the Union as a State. It is the record and triumph of a five year's conflict against hostile administrations, brutal ruffianism, and the doubts and sneers of a large party in the older States. It is the first fruits of the `irrepressible conflict' slowly but surely fought, now won, unhappily, by blood, but vindicating forever the potency of free, when contending against slave labor."

Harper's Ferry Tragedy - Mad Brown's Insurrection

"We have some further light upon the origin and extent of the sad tragedy enacted at Harper's Ferry, by the additional telegraphic dispatches, and the narratives of newspaper reporters. In summing up and commenting upon the additional facts thus brought to light, the New York Commercial Advertiser says `they entirely denude the tragical affair of all political character and of all sectional or geographical complexion. It is true that one of the reporters makes the insane promoter of it say that he had a large organization, many accomplices at the North, expected help from other quarters so soon as he made a demonstration, with other remarks of somewhat similar import. It is also reported that letters and a check for $100 from Gerrit Smith were found upon Brown, all of which may be true, (though not yet in evidence beyond an irresponsible report,) without at all implicating Mr. Smith in the present act of treasonable wickedness. There is no doubt that Gerrit Smith was in correspondence with Brown while the latter was in Kansas, and he has never made any secret that he had contributed money, even to the purchasing of rifles for the party with whom Brown was there connected. It is by no means improbable, therefore, that documents in Mr. Smith's handwriting were found in Brown's possession. The reported had only to omit the date of such documents - to suppress a part of the truth - to make the impression upon the public mind that Mr. Smith was in present complicity with demented Brown in his horrible scheme. We have little doubt that it will ultimately appear that the dates of all those documents were contemporaneous with the disturbances in Kansas, and that they have no bearing whatever upon the present melancholy affair of Harper's Ferry. At the same time we know of no political party that can be justly held responsible for the peculiar idiosyncracies of the Hon. Gerrit Smith. Assuredly there has long been an established mutual repudiation between him and the Republicans, and with no pretence of justice can they be held responsible for anything he may say to do in connection with slavery or against the Union or Constitution....

Some of the Southern press are already attempting to make political capital out of this tragedy, and are falsely condemning not the Republican party only, but the whole people of the North for the infamous proceedings of the infatuated maniac, whose mind was doubtless thrown off its balance by the cruelties practised upon him and his by the Missouri border ruffians. We would respectfully suggest to our contemporaries of that class, and to our brethren of the Southern States generally, that such a course is both unjust and impolitic in the highest degree. While we have no desire to annoy our fellow citizens of the South by undue moralizing upon the lesson taught by the events at Harper's Ferry, we would remind them that by such an unjust course to their brethren of the North as that of implicating them by wholesale in the proceedings of mad Brown and his fifteen or twenty fanatical associates, they will only provoke retorts and counter maledictions which will tend more to the disadvantage of the South than of the North. The intensity and universality of the alarm caused by this incendiary movement of a handful of fanatics, and the ready resort of the alarmed South to the protective force which the UNION holds at its service, are suggestive of reflections that would prove unpleasant to the South, without the addition of unjust accusation and fierce denunciations. Rather let our Southern brethren learn a lesson of another and better ind from this unfortunate and lamentable occurrence. Seeing it thus demonstrated that the union is essential to the well being of the South as well as the North - that the South needs the protecting arm of the federal government, and feels that its strength is there in any emergency - and that the North cheerfully recognizes the duty of that federal government thus to throw the aegis of its protection over the South and Southern institutions - that, in fact we all need the Union, and turn to it in the time of our need - let us cease all mutual railing and false accusation, and unite heartily in the Websterian sentiment, `the Union, now and forever, one and inseparable.'"

Very Contemptible

"There is something connected with the late riotous demonstration at Harper's Ferry - originated and participated in by a few madmen - that does provoke unqualified contempt and scorn. We allude to the attempt made by some of the Locofoco journals to poison the public mind by engendering the belief that the insurrection was of a widespread character - a negro insurrection, prompted, sanctioned and encouraged by a political party.....

The affair is bad enough as it is, but it is the act of an individual and not of a party. There was not even a respectable number of men engaged in it,a nd the wonder is what the people of Harper's Ferry were doing to allow twenty-five insignificant persons to take possession of their armory, stop their railroad trains, arrest and murder their fellow citizens, and yet do nothing whatever for their own protection. The crime of the lawless men, however, is none the less because they were few in number, and those whose peace they outraged had not pluck enough to protect themselves. The law has taken some vengeance upon them, but public security demands that every one of the survivors shall be made to feel the law's utmost penalty. Elsewhere the evil effects of such a movement might have been much more disastrous, and a negro insurrection of an important character might have been the result. To provide against the repetition of such offences these men should be signally punished - we had almost said punished as they deserved, but with our horror of their crime, we do not see how this could be done. No political party has so much interest in discouraging any such movements as that in which mad Brown was engaged as the Republican party. It is their interest, as it is their principle, to discourage every attempt to meddle with slavery in contravention of the law of the land, and most of all are they opposed to such unmitigated villainy as that perpetrated by the madman of Ossawatomie renown. We challenge the most searching examination into the affair at Harper's Ferry, in the fullest confidence that whatever revelations may be made, not the shadow of a shade of complicity in it on the part of the Republicans of the Union will be found, or for that matter, of any other political party. It is simply one of those events which spring from a false condition of society, taken advantage of by a cunning and vindictive man whose smothered revenge has at length broken out without a care about the consequences to himself or others. We are sorry to see in the Democratic press a pitiful attempt to make political capital out of these events, and to represent the crimes of a crazy fanatic as the sins of party. There is nothing in the history of the affair which will bear this construction. Let the power which put down this insurrection receive all due credit for its promptness and energy, but in the name of decency and for the preservation of a spirit of unity between the States, let the blame fall where it belongs, on a few wild and frantic fools who have paid for their folly with their lives."

Democratic Doctrine

"Make the laboring man the slave of one man instead of the slave of society, and he would be better off. Two hundred years of liberty have made white laborers a pauper banditti. Free society has failed, and that which is not free must be substituted." - Senator Mason

"The above is genuine Democratic doctrine, uttered by one of the leading statesmen of that party, advocated by all the Democratic journals of the South, and endorsed by a prominent Senator of the same party, who `hopes the day will come when the principles of Democracy, as understood and practices at the South, will prevail over the entire country.' Mechanics and Workingmen of the North who, for years, have worked and voted with the Democracy, will you longer remain in the ranks of a party whose leaders stigmatize you as `white slaves' and `A PAUPER BANDITTI?' The Democratic party, controlled as it is by the South, is the bitter enemy of Free Labor; and its leaders, while they despise and look with contempt upon the working men of the North, wage war to the knife against all our industrial interests. It is unnecessary for us to comment at length upon the infamous sentiments embodies in the above paragraph. We merely ask to toiling masses to read for themselves, draw their own conclusions and make their own comments. Self-respect, as well as their own interests, should teach them to turn with disgust from the men who thus insult them, and to abstain from political association with a party whose leaders regard them as `mud sills of society,' and `A PAUPER BANDITTI,' whose `moral condition is inferior to that of that negro slaves of the South.' Workingmen of the old Keystone! will you continue to serve in the ranks of the slave-led Democracy, or will you enlist under the banner of the People's Party, upon whose broad folds in inscribed `PROTECTION OF FREE LABOR AGAINST THE SLAVE LABOR OF THE SOUTH,' and `Encouragement of American Industry in preference to the Pauper Labor of Europe?' Will you lick the hands that smite you, or will be rise in the majesty of your strength and assert and maintain your dignity as intelligent freemen? If the latter, rally under the banner of the People's Party, and work with a will for the nomination and election of SIMON CAMERON, the champion of Freedom and Free Labor!"

Sectional Agitators

"The unscrupulous papers of the Locofoco party continue to harp upon mad Brown's insurrectionary movement at Harper's Ferry, and seek to turn it to political account. Prominent among this class of partizan journals is the Patriot and Union, who charges the responsibility upon the Republican party. Such a course is unfair, unjust and contemptible. All parties alike, at the North, will condemn the movement, as wholly unjustifiable. It was the attempt of a crazed man whose bitter wrongs sufficiently account for, although they do not excuse, the deadly revenge which he had planned against the slaveholders. The riot was not the development of a widely ramified plot, extending throughout the slave States, or even through Virginia and Maryland. The actors were all strangers in the country surrounding the scene of their operations. The negroes on the spot, slave and free, were not privy to the outbreak in any sense. The whole thing was the work of less than twenty white men and three or four negroes - all from a remote distance. The paper found on one of them, which purported to be a captain's commission, proves that Brown was the alpha and omega of the plot and the emuete. There are no Satanic figures lurking in the shadow behind him. He writes himself the head of the Provisional Government of the United States! Surely this betrays the madman, not less than the traitor and conspirator. Again, we have the testimony not only of Brown himself, but of a prominent Democratic United States Senator (Mason) of Virginia, that the plot was entirely confined to the insurgents - There is literally not back-ground to the picture. Even the imagination is precluded from adding to the facts. We should be better pleased if Brown's followers, instead of being shot down like soldiers in battle, had died the ignominious death of traitors and murderers. They should have been saved for the gallows - every one of them. Were the slaves themselves to rise to revolt, their guilt, however great, would be light in comparison with the guilt of those white rebels or rather raparees. They not only spilled innocent blood, but they did their utmost to draw down destruction on the slave population of Virginia and Maryland, whose good they pretended to have in view, but who would be undoubtedly exterminated in the event of their uprising. Therefore, we say, they were the enemies of black and white, of the people, the slaves and the Government, and hence they should have been made to suffer the most severe and disgraceful death which the humanity of the offended laws can inflict.

But with all our abhorrence of this strange event and its authors, we are not disposed to exaggerate it as the Patriot and Union, and most other Locofoco presses, are doing. The Vigilance Committee in Louisiana, that the State authorities seem to be powerless to suppress, has killed more innocent men that Brown and his band have killed. That Committee has been also more cruel - infinitely more cruel - than the Harpers' Ferry insurgent. Indeed, no charge of cruelty can be alleged against the latter, while the former cannot make any better excuse for the murders, whippings and depredations they have committed, than their own unfounded fears or petty grievances. Measured by their own scale, the insurrection (if it be entitled to that name) at Harper's Ferry is less than the insurrection in Louisiana. Yet, while the one has been suffered to escape, in a great measure, the comments of the press, the other is seized by the proslavery organs and pressed into the service of sectional agitation. The horrors of servile insurrection are unfolded in panoramic view to the eyes of the Southern people. The imagination of demagogues are employed in conceiving pictures red with blood and incendiary fires, and dark with shapeless horrors, while their pens and tongues are busy in describing them. Yet if they should at any time recall the names and number of those who have been Lynched for their anti-slavery sentiments - whom they have literally murdered for the free expression of their opinions - they will find a large balance in their favor, even if those belonging to them who have failed(?) at Harper's Ferry should be counted each as ten. God knows it is a fearful and savage thing to count life for life, but the recklessness of a certain class of politicians will, we are apprehensive, make it a measure of self-defence with extreme Northern men. We say here that none but bad men will avail themselves of the recent occurrence to aggravate sectional animosities. In concluding, we cannot help adding that Brown's band were more like filibusters, suddenly landed on a strange coast, than like rebels or insurgents. So far form having the sympathy of any one, they found themselves isolated, while no one outside of their own ranks knew the scope or the purposes of their designs.

A Humbug Exploded

The St. Louis Democrat, published in a slave State, and one of the ablest of our exchanges, in a lengthy and well-written article on the Harper's Ferry riot, says that `whoever may have suffered his judgment to be controlled by the Southern press, must have acquired the conviction that hundreds at the North are ready at any moment to march with fire and sword against the South!' `The majority of the Northern people,' say the Southern alarmists, `are fanatical abolitionists, traitors and incendiaries, who would not hesitate to wrap the South in the flames of civil war and servile insurrection.' WEll, the experiment has been made - the South invaded, but the number, fanatical or insane enough to enter on the wild crusade, was seventeen whites and five negroes. From the representations made for several years, the numbers of their Northern enemy might be supposed to equal those which Xerxes led against Greece, but it turned out they were fewer than those who held the pass under Leonidas. True, there are letters from Gerrit Smith, Fred Douglas and some others, but we do not learn that they contain anything which would indicate that the writers were cognizant of the impending insurrection. But we lay no stress on this point. We are willing for the sake of argument to acknowledge the complicity of Smith, Douglas, Philips (Wendell) Garrison, and the rest of that school in the plot, but still we must conclude that the phantom has been driven away forever by the result at Harper's Ferry. The bugbear is exploded. The designing can no longer scare the timid by that `name of fear,' Abolitionist. From what has occurred the slaveholder cannot help realizing that his enemies at the North are for the most part men in backram - ghosts raised to frighten him; and hence we infer that the two sections will be mutually attracted rather than repelled by an occurrence which at first blush seemed to be fraught with direful consequences....

The disclosures show that the actors and their correspondents were all Abolitionists. The latter, it is well known, chrish a deep animosity against the Republican party, whose conservative principles they cover with abuse and anathema....

The advocates of slavery failing to find any name, act or circumstance, a nexus between the band of insurgents and the Republican party, expatiate (but in a very confused and helpless way) on the tendency of Republican doctrines. The teachings of the Republican party (say they) are calculated to produce such results as those which have been witnessed at harper's Ferry. We answer that they are calculated to produce opposite results. The Republican platforms, STate and National, disclaim all intention of interfering with the institution of slavery in the States. Unlike the National Democratic party, the Republican party has never, through its chosen leaders, newspapers and conventions, threatened rebellion, secession, nor any demonstration of physical force, as the alternative of defeat in a Presidential election."

More Developments

"We find in the Kansas Herald of Freedom two leading articles on the antecedents of John Brown and his invasion of Harper's Ferry, which contain some important developments. The articles claim to be a narrative of facts written from the personal knowledge of the editor, and while exhibiting a sad amount of demoralization interwoven with the long struggle in Kansas, completely exonerate the Republican party from all complicity with the forays of John Brown and his associates in Kansas, Missouri and Virginia. These men are justly describes as `parasites, who fastened themselves upon the Republican party in Kansas, to gain strength before the country.' Their acts in Kansas were again and again disowned by the Republicans there, and many wild and wicked schemes which they concocted were happily frustrated by the Republicans. As a consequence, Brown left Kansas in disgust, and went a warfare at his own charge. Had he consented to remain and cooperate only with genuine Republicans, the history of crime that now blackens the record of his life would never have been written."

A Political Trick -The Union Dissolution Humbug

"Our contemporary of the Reading Journal administers and emphatic rebuke to the Locofoco Union Dissolvers. He says what every intelligent observer knows to be true, that the prospect of an easy Republican triumph in 1860 has so alarmed the pro-slavery Democracy down South, that they have again resorted to the stale and impotent threat of their intention to `dissolve the Union' in such an event. It is a curious fact that this `threat' has been made at nearly every Presidential election since the organization of the Government, and always by the party calling itself Democratic! The only self- acknowledged traitors to the Government of the United States, that have turned up in our brief political history, have been so-called `Democrats.'"

The Excited Chivalry

"A wild, unreasoning, frantic excitement possesses the region round about Harper's Ferry. From Richmond and ALexandria considerable bodies of troops are despatched to the scene of action. Arrests are almost constant, and every unsanctified Yankee pedlar, every poor devil who happens to be incognito, to the chivalry is an object of suspicion, and may take hi choice between jail and banishment. For all this panic, says the Buffalo Commercial Advertiser, there is a certain show or reason. During Thursday five barns and outhouses in the neighborhood of Charlestown were fired by incendiaries. This happening to a community whose social system rests at all times on a powder magazine, may justify and excuse the otherwise laughable display of military force. Sitting at a safe distance from the scene of action, with a peaceful and trustworthy population about us, each of whom has a certain stake in the maintenance of law and order, we are liable to look too lightly upon the real dangers to which Virginia is exposed. All the rumors of rescue to the prisoners from the North, and the incendiarisms charged to sympathizers with Brown, are doubtless untruthful. The race of Abolition sympathizers is not so warlike or so ultra courageous as to trust itself within the limits of Virginia just now. If our Southern friends knew these people as well as we do, they would look for them at a long distance from the scene of action. But there is, nevertheless, a great and appalling danger imminent to the social system of the region involved. The slave population has caught the excitement of the hour and begun to understand the object of the John Brown invasion. It could hardly be otherwise, and we may fear that only the least of the consequences of that mad foray are yet known to us. At any rate, a frightful fear pervades the people of Northern Virginia. Every planter is surrounded by servants bred upon his estate, who have been his companions and the companions of his children , who cook his food and pass in and out before him; but who cannot be trusted for a moment. Women watch the approach of night with terror, and men sleep armed for sudden attack. And when a horror so dreadful impends upon a portion of our countrymen, we do not find it fair to ridicule their fears; but rather thank God that a theory of labor prevails here in the free North which permits of no such panics."

Brown on the Scaffold

"One of our religious exchanges, alluding to the execution of John Brown, now certain to take place according to the sentence of the Court at Charlestown, says that Brown will make any concession or retraction, that he will yield to fear or acknowledge guilt, and he will do anything but vindicate the principle upon which he has acted, and condemn to the last the system of slavery which he aimed to overthrow, no man who knows his history and has marked his deportment during his trial and imprisonment, will for one moment imagine. The speech which he will utter from the scaffold will become historical - taking rank with those dying words of patriots, heroes and martyrs, which have become the watchwords of after-generation in the great conflicts and triumphs of freedom and truth. We doubt indeed, whether the chivalry of Virginians will so far conquer their cowardice as to suffer Brown to speak at all before the fatal noose is tied. And therefore, he would do well to deposit his last testimony in writing, with some trusty friend who will see that it reaches the public eye - Perhaps the justice which hurried a sick and wounded man through the mockery of a trial, may permit him the mockery of attempting to speak amid the din of drums, and the hooting of the crowd. Doubtless the precautions of the sheriff against an imaginary rescue, will so surround the gallows with a military guard, that no reporter shall be able to carry a word of what Brown may utter. But spoken or unspoken, there will go forth from that scaffold a speech that will stir the land. - There are sentiments of human nature which are universal, spontaneous, and unconquerable. Honor to bravery in whatever cause; honor especially to one who shows unflinching pluck for what he deems the right; honor pre- eminently to one who perils or sacrifices himself in a generous deed for others - the common sentiment of mankind awards this as its spontaneous tribute. The age of hero-worship has not gone by; the sentiments that prompt to this are not extinct. Not they alone who approve the object of Brown' ill-fated exploit, but they equally who disapprove that, feel in their inmost souls a response of admiration for the brave and generous old man. They know that such purposes as his are not fitly requited by the scaffold. And this feeling is strongest among those rougher and sturdier men who know enough of personal bravery to admire it in another, and among the hardfisted sons of toil, who know the worth of a generous deed on behalf of the wronged. John Brown's speech to the Court has found its echo in such sentiments, and the speech for his scaffold will deepen that response.

The scaffold will say to the North - this is the bloody, the insatiable tyranny of slavery. The very existence of that system demands that freemen shall be for ever silent in its presence; that the voices of our revolutionary sires shall be hushed; and that whoever shall speak or plan or act for the overthrow of slavery, shall pay for his temerity with his life, if ever he shall come within the grasp of its arm. - This is the first lesson. The scaffold demands of all the North, Will ye also be slaves?

That scaffold will say to the South - This must henceforth be the price of our slaves and of our security; a system of terror maintained in all our borders, the surveillance of despotism over the stranger and the citizen alike, counting it a crime to speak of emancipation, or to lift a finger to relieve the slave of his oppression, or to relieve society of this burden. The South may at first obey the behests of this new terrorism, but by-and-by will count the cost. The lesson of that scaffold upon the ethics and economies of slavery, will be greater than all that had yet been said against the system.

That scaffold will speak to the opponents of slavery words of lofty inspiration. It will remind them that theirs is a work of conscience and right, which no hindrance can check, which no violence can put down. A deeper earnestness, a more heroic self-sacrifice, will henceforth possess the minds of all good an true men in opposition to slavery. John Brown as a leader they might not have trusted while living; John Brown as an exemplar in the conscientious and unfaltering discharge of duty, they will emulate when he is dead.

But the most deep and emphatic utterance of that scaffold will be to the slave. The public execution of John brown and his associates will be talked of in every cabin of the South. Men who cannot read will catch the whispers of the wind, and all who are in bonds will know - by that telegraphic sympathy which makes the oppressed so quick to hear and feel - that free white men were brave enough to die in the attempt to give freedom to the slave. That scaffold will proclaim the insurrection it is designed to subdue. That scaffold will arouse in the hearts of the oppressed the determination to brave death itself for liberty. And here endeth its last lesson, in lines of fire and blood."

How to Do It

A Middletown correspondent, who writes to use over the signature of `A Union Loving Democrat,' is of opinion that the various plans proposed by Democratic papers of `save the Union,' will not accomplish the desired result. The writer had intended communicating his views on the subject to the editor of the `official organ;' but as our neighbor is so busy in his Patriot-ic efforts to save the Union in his own way, it was thought that he might not care about receiving advice from others. Our correspondent, after making the subject of `saving the Union' his study for a long time, has arrived at the following conclusions: - In the first place, we must cry `there is no North!' We must ignore it! IT is true, the North contains a larger white population than the South, but then Northern society is composed of `small farmers' and `greasy mechanics' - the `mudsills of society' - not fit to be mentioned in the same day with the `chivalry' of the South. Then we must swear by the Dred Scott decision and the Fugitive Slave Law. It is our duty to throw open our jails for the reception of those who have been foolish enough to long for FREEDOM, and who have been so unfortunate as to be captured while in search of it. - We must spend our time and money in looking up runaway negroes whenever we hear of one having been in the neighborhood. Should any of those who are free be kidnapped, and sold to the South, we must not interfere, it might create difficulty - besides, it was only for the benefit of the poor negro that he was carried off - We must allow the slaveholder to come among us and boast of his superiority, and the beauties of slavery; but we dare not say anything against the `divine' institution - it might offend. We should instruct our Senators and Congressmen to vote fore re-opening the African slave trade. Should business or pleasure take us to the National Capital, and we there hear sentiments uttered by our Southern brethren that makes the blood boil within us, we must smother our feelings and be as `dumb dogs that cannot bark.' To speak our thoughts would be `seditious.' We must admit that we have always been wrong, and they have always been right. - We must acceded to all their demands and ask nothing in return. And finally, we must each wear a collar on which is inscribed `I am Virginia's dog,' or South Carolina's dog, as the case may be; and if, after all that , the Union is not preserved, our correspondent, `A Union Loving Democrat,' does not believe it is worth preserving."

The Agitators

"There is no organization of the House yet, and the agitators North and South continue to howl in concert. A Washington correspondent writes that the veil is being lifted and the country is beginning to understand the tactics of a party which has forfeited all legitimate claim to the once honored name of Democracy, and should now, and hereafter, be characterized as a factious band of disorganizers and disunionists. From day to day, for nearly two weeks, the representatives of more than thirty millions of freemen have been compelled to listen to declarations disgraceful to the place, and to the age, and which, on other days, would have received the rebuke which such treasonable utterances against the peace and dignity of the nation so richly merit; while the creditors to the Government to the amount of more than $8,000,000 are clamoring for the action of Congress, that they may receive the sums for which they have rendered an equivalent and to which they are justly entitled. While the delay which has occurred is to be regretted in some respects, there are other reasons why it may result in ultimate benefit. If extremists are disposed to raise a violent controversy, on so small foundation as now exists, and to fulminate threats of disunion without the color of justification, the country will soon come to understand their motives, and to see that these movements are prompted by an ultraism which deserves the sternest rebuke. These agitators came with a foregone purpose to stir up a sectional strife. If Helper's book had never been written, some other expedient would have been found to serve the same purpose; and if that mad fanatic, John Brown, had never seen Harper's Ferry, still this crusade would have been carried on just as vigorously and vindictively. Both occasions are to be lamented, because they furnish some pretence; but if they had not existed at all, the temper and the resistance which have been witnessed during the past two weeks, would still have flourished in rank luxuriance. This whole movement has bene revolutionary from beginning to end, and it exhibits the culpable and dangerous excesses to which party will go rather than surrender the possession of power."

The Disunionists

"The discussion which has been kept up unintermittingly in the lower House of Congress since the commencement of the session, shows unmistakably who are the Disunionists. Nearly all the talking done by Democrats, most of whom avow disunion sentiments."

The Two Conspirators

"It will be recollected by all intelligent readers that during the last Presidential campaign Gov. Wise, at various times and places, counselled rebellion to the general government, in the contingency of Fremont's election, and denounced that event, in anticipation of its occurrence, as an `open, overt, proclamation of war.'....

In the year 1859, John Brown, with a small and irresponsible band of followers, formed a kind of organization for the purpose of running away slaves; and, in pursuit of that end, was drawn into collision with the State of Virginia. The thought of levying war upon the General or State Government probably never entered his head, which was already too full with the single purpose of liberating slaves. Of these two conspirators, one is still the Governor of a State which is in itself and empire, and lifts his head among the highest and the haughtiest, while the other has died upon the scaffold. So well accustomed have ]we become to the existence of slavery, which is itself a perpetual conspiracy against freedom, that we are still compelled to witness civic honors awarded to the arch- conspirators in its favor, and death to those who conspire against it. So much safer is it to conspire against liberty than for it."

Non-Intercourse

It is surprising to us that many intelligent people of the North really entertain serious apprehensions that the South intend to resort to non-intercourse with this section of the Union. The attempted revival of this theory is another `hobgoblin' to alarm and intimidate the nervous and weak-kneed people of the North."

Late Repentance

"It is very well for effect political organization, after their power and glory have departed, to deprecate the practices for the propriety of which they have always contended while clothed with power to make those practices subserve party ends. But that this late awakening to virtue and righteousness is at al indicative of true repentance and a determination to lead a better life, is not at all certain.

It does very well for the free-trade Democracy to raise the cry now, that the subject of Protection should not be made the hobby of any party. It is the practice of that party to cry up everything that can be made useful in winning success, and to repudiate the same whenever it fails to put power and the public purse at the mercy of unscrupulous leaders. It does very well; but it looks very like demagoguism.

The flexibility of the principles of the Shamocracy is proverbial. In `44 it was loud-mouthed in favor of Protection in the mining districts of this State, while, at the same time, it was ultra free-trade in the South, where Protection is not favorable to slave labor. In `56 it trained under the banner of `Free Kansas,' in the free soil districts, while it swore by the Dred Scott Decision and incipient Lecompton south of Mason and Dixon's line. Experience has demonstrated fully, that there is no villainy to which it will not resort for the satisfaction of its inordinate lust for power and plunder, as well as that there is no virtue with which it will not seek to disguise itself, the while it plots the destruction of the liberties of the people.

Therefore it is, that just at this time its organs and its leaders are filled with holy horror and indignation because the Opposition manifests a disposition to make Protection to Home Industry an issue in the campaign of 1860. That nay party should presume to undertake the advocacy of Protection is, to them, a presumption without precedent, as well as utterly indefensible. It will not do, say they, to drag this important question into the arena of partisan strife. Their true reason why it will not do to make it a party question is left for some one else to give; and if the reader will bear with us a moment, we will try to give it briefly.

Since 1854, that party has had no strength in the North, and to-day it presents such a spectacle of demoralization as is not often witnessed in the ranks of a party wielding the public sword and dispensing a nation's patronage. The election of James Buchanan lent it a factitious vitality only. It is not probable that it could carry a single Free Sate to-day, with all the lever power of patronage at its command. The truth is that its entire dependence is placed on the disunionists of the South, who, if united, can wheel every slave State into the Shamocratic line. But this strength is not is unconditional. It can count upon that strength and support only so long as its dough-faced leaders obediently fetch and carry for their Southern masters. With the first symptom of rebellion the lords of the lash will abandon these cringing leaders to their fate, and the last remnant of the once great and powerful Democratic party will disappear forever.

The great care of that party now is, that the aid of its free-trade and negro-breeding allies may not be forfeited. Its engineers very well know that if they dare to champion Protection, a division of the party must take place on Mason and Dixon's line. Such a division would be death to the hopes of every doughface - irrevocable death, for, as just stated, modern Democracy has not strength in the Free States.

The Southern States have no immediate interest in a tariff for Protection; their citizens are not largely engaged in mining and manufacturing as are the citizens of our good old Commonwealth, and do not desire to engage in those pursuits for obvious reasons, which, however, will suggest themselves to every thinking man, and therefore need not be mentioned here. Knowing this, the leaders of the party in power dare not make common cause for Protection in their journals or in their platforms of principles.

And thus that party stands before the country clamoring, through their Southern masters, for a Protective Slave Code in the Territories, and not daring to espouse the cause of Protection to Home Industry. The excuses of its organs come too late. It has put itself on record in Pennsylvania."

Sectionalism

Hatred of every species of oppression is characteristic of a free-born people. In proportion as Labor rises in the scale of respectability and honor in a community, will the sentiment of that community, be arrayed against the abridgement of personal, political, and religious liberty without just cause. To enlighten men is to make them uncompromisingly hostile to artificial distinctions of caste; for knowledge gives breadth and tone to the perceptions, and inspires judgment with sentiments of justice.

The free schools and libraries; the various societies for the diffusion of useful knowledge, and more than all, perhaps, the free press of the North, has bred an inextinguishable hatred of oppression in the Northern heart. And this hatred of oppression cannot be exorcised by tyrannical edicts; nor can it be rooted out except at the cost of the mental, moral and physical liberties of the people. We rejoice that this is so; and we are proud to know that nowhere in the world is labor awarded so great honor as in the NOrth. If labor be the foundation of national prosperity and happiness, it should be awarded the highest place in public esteem.

It is not enough to say that Slavery degrades labor; it outlaws labor from the fold of respectability. The laborer, seen in his true position, is the creator of national greatness. Degraded by the system of Slavery he becomes the creature of individual selfishness, a mere machine in the hands of a mercenary aristocracy. It is this fact, revealed by reason and observation, which underlies the inextinguishable hatred of Slavery now so patent everywhere in the North.

Can a charge of sectionalism be made and sustained upon this controlling hatred of oppression in the Northern mind? We deny it. A sentiment so powerful for the elevation of Labor everywhere, cannot be section. The interests of Labor in South Carolina nd in Pennsylvania are identical. Strike a blow at the interests of Labor there, and the concussion will be felt throughout the length and breadth of the country. These interests are so interwoven with world-wide interests, that any indignity put upon them, degrades every vocation in so much(?). Such is the testimony of experience, running through centuries of time.

Therefore, the charge of sectionalism urged against the Republican or People's party, by the enemies of home Industry, are false. If a war against free trade and the spread of Slavery be war upon the South, then our party is guilty. But we deny that a war against these wrongs is a war against any section, or a war against the constitutional rights of any State.- Superficial observers may declare that it is a conflict of interest. But he who looks beneath the surface of things will find that there can be real conflict of interests in a government like ours, while its purity remains unsullied.The interest of each individual is the interest of the community of which he is a member; and the interest of one State is the interest of every State in the Union. Slavery is a curse, no matter where it prevails. It curses not only the slave, but the master as well. The Republican party does not propose to remove it from the States where it exists by law; but it does propose to resist its extension over the public domain, by every constitutional means.

In the same spirit of justice to the interests of the many, it proposes to throttle free trade until it shall loose the grasp which has paralyzed the Industry of the entire country. It proposes to do battle for both of these great objects until they shall be attained. From these positions it will not be driven by the charge of sectionalism, preferred by journals supported out of the corruption fund at Washington; nor will it be frightened from its high purpose by the howl of disunion. The rank and file of the People's party are prepared to do right, and abide the consequences.

The Shamocratic party has waged a bitter war against the laboring man for twenty-five years. Not content with snatching the bread from his lips, it now proposes to make the working man the property of the Capitalist. We shall see how that proposition will be responded to by the working men next fall.

Connecticut Erect!

The Republicans of Connecticut have acquitted themselves nobly. The result of the battle on Monday was more signally favorably(?) to the Republican party than even the most sanguine dared to hope for. In view of the means employed to defeat the Republican State ticket - the large amounts of money subscribed by the New York Cotton Merchants for the purpose of subsidizing the manufacturing interest of the State; the colonization of voters in all the large towns and cities, and the threats of a withdrawal of patronage by the South in the event of Republican victory - these things were all brought to bear upon the struggle of last Monday. Probably no election in that State was ever so warmly contested by both parties, and no struggle ever resulted in a more glorious victory for Right over organized Wrong. Our friends have secured the control of the State Government in all its departments, having a two-thirds majority of the House, and a working majority in the Senate. The majority for the State ticket will not fall much in any below 1000. All hail, Connecticut! May Rhode Island do as nobly for Freedom to-day."

Found Guilty

"Moses Horner, suspected of the larceny of his own body; arrested by Dept. US Marshal Jenkins near Harrisburg; taken through lanes, alleys, and byways, on foot, to Middletown station in the night time; put aboard a smoking car, and smuggled into Philadelphia, with great fear and trembling on the part of his captors, and lodged in Moyamensing prison; taken before Judge Cadwalader, and charged with having stolen from one Butler, of Virginia, $1,500 worth of soul and body, the property of said Butler, so claimed; tried, found guilty of a black skin, of a slave mother, of stealing himself and making off with the property, and sentenced to - a life-time of recreation in the rice swamps of Georgia! Found guilty, as above, sentenced to penal servitude for the term of his natural life, and Philadelphia wild with joy thereat! We do not hear that the old bell in Independence Hall tolled; on the contrary we are led to suppose that the sacred relic, had it not been tongueless, would have rung a joyous peal in honor of the return of Moses Horner into hopeless slavery....

The majesty of the law, and the loyalty of Philadelphia to King Cotton - these have been once more vindicated at one and the same time. Philadelphia has done a fair and square thing for once; and if southern merchants do not patronize her traders henceforth, there is not such thing as honor among thieves. We have particular reference to the demonstrations of joy which took place after Moses Horner was remanded into the bonds of the oppressor, rather than to the execution of the law. With that matter we not purpose to deal - for all laws - whether in accord with Heaven's or in direct contravention of the same - must be observed. It is wrong to rebel against law, however unjust and oppressive it may be. It was wrong for our Revolutionary sires to rebel against the laws of the mother country; it was wrong; nay, more - it was treasonable. Both those were rude times. Our sires were rude and uncouth, and put God's law above all laws. Had they lived in this enlightened age, when the law, as given to the lawgiver of israel, is only second to the statutes at large, those misguided men must have forborne the commission of those treasonable acts which now emblazon the page of history.

But let no irreverent tongue defame those noble sires of a nobler posterity. - They acted up to the best light given them, and are not censurable for errors of judgment, into which they fell long years before the wisdom of the continent was concentrated, and concentered in Congresses and State Legislatures.

Therefore, with the Fugitive Slave law, and its execution, we have no quarrel here. If Moses Horner was a slave - the chattel of Mr. Butler, why, under the law, infamous and heaven-defying as it is, he must go back to his owner. But with this celebration of the return of a freeman into bondage worse than death (if Jefferson may be authority) this rejoicing in the reduction of a free man into the scale of brute; with this latest development of loyalty we take issue. And we feel confident to predict, that Philadelphia traders and church-goers, will put on sackcloth, and burrow in ashes, for this offence against public decency, this open defiance of Heaven's law of kindness, and love to man."

Monarchical Tendencies

"When, some weeks since, we remarked incidentally that the tendencies of the party in power were unmistakably towards the establishment of monarchical power, it was not without reference to the history of the Democratic party for fifteen years last past, and a thoughtful comparison of its public acts and declared policy with that of parties in other countries, which have enjoyed long- continued rule only to become at last the oppressors of the people from whom they derived their power.

While professing the most zealous regard for the rights of the people, the leaders of the Democratic party in modern times, have studied, how best and most completely they could reduce the masses to unquestioning obedience. It is not necessary to trace the progress of these ambitious men in the partial attainment of their ends. It is sufficient to know; that in process of time the quantity of measures came to be determined not by their nature, but by the political name of the party advocating them. This was the first great step towards monarchical rule. It is properly characterized; because so much of the power of that party as was obtained in that way, was obtained by sheer clap- trap; and monarchical rule has `no visible means of support' anywhere, except clap-trap.

The declaration of war against Mexico by President Polk was simply an experiment. Napoleonic coup d`etats are not in that party's line of business. It has a few Dantons, a score of Robespierres, and a Marat or two, but no Bonapartes. Its leaders fight or run, as the case may be; that is - they were eager to plunge the country into a war with Mexico; and they were quite eager to run away from `fifty-four-forty' when England set her lion to guard the boundary.

The declaration of war against Mexico by Mr. Polk was an usurpation by one man of powers delegated to Congress. It was the first prominent manifestation of the monarchical tendency of the Democratic party, of which the later history of the party affords any record. It was an act of despotism, and it found few friends in the beginning, save the scum of large cities (which makes Democratic Presidents) and the political stock-gamblers who saw a way to regain the lost fortunes in fat contracts for army supplies. The act was an experiment, and, it must be owned, succeeded will -beyond the most sanguine expectations of the plotters.

The establishment of the `two-thirds rule' in the Baltimore Convention was another despotic manifestation, and one bearing more directly upon the interests of the country than very many suppose. By this rule, the nominating power is thrown into the hands of a minority of the party in the Convention. It was concocted and put in force by the Slaveholders themselves, and by it the choice of twelve States may be forced upon the remaining States in Convention assembled, against their will. The operation of the rule is, therefore, to concentrate power in the hands of the few, in disregard to the wishes of the many, and is decidedly monarchical in its drift.

But perhaps the most notable manifestation of this tendency may be seen in the deliberately plotted scheme to force an oppressive organic law upon the people of Kansas, notwithstanding the indignant protest of not less than five-sixths of her people. That infamous law was nothing less than an open bill of sale of the rights, privileges and immunities of the citizens of Kansas, and the consideration therefor a few square miles of land. The alternative presented to the people of that Territory was this: Accept this law, with Slavery as an institution, and we give you the means of self- protection; but reject it, and we abandon you to the tender mercies of the Missouri Ruffians - Thus was threatened meanly added to coerce a people incorruptible by bribes.

We have not enumerated a tenth part of the monarchic signs attendant upon the progress of the Democratic Party, nor is it necessary. Those cited are direct to the point, and were any further evidence needed - is it not written in the late protest of James Buchanan? Is not the old doctrine there promulgated? `The king can do no wrong!'"

The Cant of Tyrants

"Does it occur to the tyrants in Washington, when they declare that he election of a Republican President would signal the downfall of the Government, how much is involved in such a declaration, if it have any foundation in fact? Clearly , it is to overthrow the rule of the party in power. And what is it to overthrow that rule? Clearly, it is to depose the most wickedly corrupt party which this, or any other country, ever produced and suffered to bear rule, even to the very verge of ruin. It follows, then, that if the overthrow of the reigning dynasty is to destroy the Government, the Government has no stability or strength except the corruption of the party which wields the power and handles the purse.

Tyrants cling to power with a death grip. Question the wisdom of their rule, assert the right of the governed to change, or abolish the government when it become dangerous to the liberties of the subject, and the false prophets of oppression are swift to predict disaster as the inevitable result of change. Right, conscious of its strength, fears nothing from the assaults of an open and declared foe. Wrong, holding its place through fraud and corruption, fears innovation. Its highest object is self- aggrandizement. It cannot endure a rival, because it possesses on innate consciousness of strength.

Is the Republican party inimical to the prosperity of the country? Casting the eye over New England whose Executives and Legislatures have been Republican for years, do we behold evidences of that ruin which is prophesied of a National republican rule? Was New England ever more prosperous than at this very time, her people happier? Were her factories ever busier, her agriculture more profitably productive, her commerce more extensive? Was intelligence ever more universally diffused among her workers, her arts more flourishing, her free schools and colleges more liberally endowed? - She has fought her way up against the disadvantages of a sterile soil and a climate virable and rigorous, and now presents to the world an example of enterprise, intelligence and success, without a parallel in the world. And her greatness has culminated under Republican rule. Do we find any foundation for the charge preferred by the party in power against the Republican party, in the condition of New England.

Turn to New York - the Empire State, with its network of railways and canals gathering up the products of labor everywhere within its limits, and pouring them in a ceaseless stream into the markets and warehouses of its great commercial center; was New York ever more prosperous, was she ever so rich in all that constituted material greatness as she is to-day? Yet her Executives and Legislatures for a term of years have been Republican - Look at her institutions of learning; look at her `People's College' now being constructed - endowed by a wise liberality that cannot be too much applauded - where the poorest, if they choose, may secure a liberal education to their children at a merely nominal cost. These are some of the traces of that ruin, prophesied of the rule the Republican Party.

Turn to Ohio, Michigan, Wisconsin, Illinois, Iowa. In four of these States, if memory serves, republicanism has borne rule form the time it became an organized party. have these States ever made grander progress than during the last four years. Was Ohio ever so great and prosperous as she is this day? Or Iowa, or any of them? Yet Republicans have guided and controlled the affairs these States for years - through the panics of `57-8, as well as through the better times of `59-`60. Neither Republican Legislatures nor Executives have ruined these great and prosperous States. Why, then should the election of Republican President result in the downfall of the Government?

It will not so result; but it will, of course, involve the downfall of the Democratic party - a thing more to be dreaded by its corrupt leaders than any ill that could befall the country - even to the utter overthrow of its liberties. We have heard these covert threats and croaking prophecies so many times that they are no longer amusing. caught up by the little echoes here and there subsisting on treasury pap, they have been bandied and battered into meaningless phrases, as empty of sense as the heads of their concoctors are of brains."

Paixhans and Pop Guns

"Democracy, once so skilled in gunnery, appears to have lost one at least, if not all three, of its ancient qualities. It seems to be failing in eyesight, nerve and judgment. It can now hit the mark neither by point blank shots, nor by the ricochet, or glancing fire. If we were inclined to pun on a most punishable party, we should say that its archers had lost their archness, and its fouled players had forgotten the art of fowling. If disposed for fun, we would quote a famous couplet, with purposed incorrectness, but perfect adaptation:

`Its gun, when aimed at duck or plover Kicks back and knocks the gunner over'

Its organs already begin to vilify Abraham Lincoln, party as having been a poor illiterate, plebian boy, and partly as a man of only third rate ability. In point of policy we do not desire toe cessation of such assaults, for every one of them will recoil on the assailants with terrible effect. But, through contrary to the interest of the Opposition, we should like to see an end of such warfare, both for the fair fame of the country, and also that Democracy, one of its leading parties, and the one that professed itself especially the poor man's friend, may preserve some semblance of decency and respect.

Abram Lincoln was undoubtedly, a poor lad, of plain Pennsylvania origin, and at the age of twenty had to split rails in the western wilderness for an honest livelihood. But, if our memory serves us, Benjamin Franklin was a journeyman printer, Roger Sherman was a shoemaker; Andrew Jackson was a very poor boy; Henry Clay used to take wheat, two bushels at a time of horseback, to the neighboring mill; Tom Corwin was a wagon boy, and Stephen A. Douglas, the candidate of the democratic party, at Charleston, by a vote of about seven to four, was first a joiner and afterwards a statesman. But why amplify on so plain a point? The very corner stone of our whole political edifice is, that the penniless lad or man shall have the chance of rising, and if he rise through fair means and by native force, he shall have honor and reward."

A White Woman Elopes with a Negro, Deserting her Husband and Child - From the Cleveland Plain Dealer

The town of Madison, in Lake county, has been thrown into great excitement by the elopement of a white woman and a full-blooded negro, which occurrence took place on Sunday night last. The lady is about thirty years old, of more than ordinary intelligence and of very fair appearance. Her husband is one of the wealthiest farmers in Lake county. We suppress his name as the affair has nearly driven him mad. About a year ago he employed a full-blooded negro. An abolitionist of the Gerrit Smith school, the farmer took the African into his family on terms of perfect equality - Of late he has noticed, with feelings which we need not attempt to describe, a growing intimacy between his wife and the negro. He spoke to her about it, but she succeeded in quieting his suspicions for a time. On Sunday night she arose from bed, leaving her husband asleep, and fled with the African. Strangely enough, they did not leave the country, or the town even, only going some five miles from the woman's late home. There they sought shelter at the house of some friends of hers, and there they were at last accounts. The woman left her young child with its father. There is talk of riding the negro on a rail, and great excitement prevails. The woman assumed a bold face and says she has a perfect right to run away with a negro if she wants to, no matter if he be as black as the Ace of Spades. An abolition sentiment and an abolition literature has prevailed in the farmer's house for years. This elopement is the legitimate result."

Lincoln and the Tariff

"There is no sounder Tariff man in the country than ABRAHAM LINCOLN, and the Protectionists of Pennsylvania can support him with the fullest confidence.... Mr. LINCOLN has been a consistent and earnest tariff man from the first hour of his entering public life. He is such from principle, and from a deeply rooted conviction of the wisdom of the protective policy; and whatever influence he may hereafter exert upon the government will be in favor of that policy."

Our Principles

"The Opposition go into this contest with certain principles so well defined, so succinctly set forth, that a wayfaring man, though a Democracy, cannot fail to know and recognize them. We fight the battle of Free White American Labor; and our adversaries cannot shirk the issue any more than they can prove the fallacy of the principle involved. We say to the government, give us protection to our labor that we may advance the national prosperity by developing the unbounded resources of the county. We say to the South, keep your domestic institutions, if you choose; we desire not to infringe on your rights or to disturb you in your domestic relations, but we demand equal courtesy at your hands. You must not carry your blighting institution of Slavery in the public Territories to compete with, degrade and impoverish our White Labor. You are protected in your system of servitude at home, but we cannot permit you to inflict its evils upon the virgin soil of the Territories. By so doing, you would be impairing our rights, striking a deadly blow at our interests, and doing that which is calculated to perpetuate a social system fraught with many and fearful evils. We simply desire that it shall not be allowed to spread its baleful ramifications throughout the Republica. Keep your negroes at home, gentlemen, and if you choose to go into the Territories, do as we do. - In this matter we only ask for equal terms. We cannot nor will not take slaves upon these new lands; neither can you. We can work with our own hands or procure the labor of others, at remunerative wages: you can do the same. We not only offer you equal terms in this respect, but we invite you to the free West, and would give you homes when you reach it. This is one of the beneficent measures to advance which our party is committed by the platform. What greater encouragement to industry - or more healthy stimulant to honest ambition! We say to the emigrant, whether from the States or from the old world, come and make these broad lands by peaceful industry, to blossom as the rose; and they shall be yours and your children's forever, merely for the asking. These are two or three of the cardinal principles of the party which is seeking to establish its policy in the elevation of Abraham Lincoln to the Presidency, and Hannibal Hamlin to Vice Presidency.

To sum up these leading doctrines, they are: The non-extension of Slavery, but a sacred regard for the sovereign rights of each State. Adequate protection and encouragement to American Labor, but not prohibitory duties on foreign products - a judicious Tariff system. Free Homes for the People. Internal improvements. A rigid Economy in the Administration of the Government; and a just foreign policy. Here we have all that is really worth contending for; and we have it clearly set before us. No one can longer say that we have no distinctive principles - that we are not a great National Party - or that the end we seek or the tendency of our organization is other than the welfare of our common country. To aid, then, in the good cause we have undertaken, we call upon all good citizens, confident that Providence can but smile upon well directed effort."

What the South Wants

"After battling bravely with two Democratic administrations, after being subject to ever contumely which desperation could invent the Republican party succeeded in rescuing Kansas from slavery. It was one of the daring purposes of Frank Pierce's administration to conciliate and flatter every interest of labor or capital. He succeeded in nothing, because he went into power with no particular object in view. During his sway, the first really great movement was made towards reducing the powers and resources of the government to the exclusive benefit and uses of slavery. It was during the administration of Frank Pierce, too, that the great battle of freedom commenced, which has since resulted in such glorious triumphs for religion, humanity, and the rights and interests of labor throughout the entire country. Southern emigration, the emigration which is composed of a few white men owning and controlling hosts of slaves, entered the territories, little dreaming that there would be a contest between free white man and black slave labor. They entered the territories under the mistaken idea that their fruitfulness was to be theirs without an effort, and the verdure of their mountains and plains were to be eternally devoted to slavery. A new spirit prevailing in the North, with the mighty genius of its free labor expanding and seeking fresh fields of triumph, induced an immense emigration to these territories - and it was then that the wants of slave labor became sadly apparent to the advocates of slavery; and then, only was it discovered that it had so many Constitutional rights and privileges. As long as the arrogance of a slaveholder sufficed for any sensible persuasion or argument, slavery was not presumed or claimed to have any Constitutional right. It existed alone by force. Force was its rule of action - argument and reasons the exceptions to this rule, But when slavery was brought fairly into competition with free labor, and it was discovered that it could not progress with it sturdy strides, or compete with it in useful toil or productive industry, then only was it discovered that slavery possessed such superior Constitutional rights. It had impoverished Maryland and blighted Virginia - cast a pall of ignorance and darkness over the Carolinas - made Georgia and Alabama marts in which to barter for human flesh - driven free labor from Mississippi and Louisiana - but it was not Constitutional slavery that accomplished all this. It was the genius of the South portrayed in their chivalry, before which, forty years ago, the homespun integrity and honest industry of the North were compelled to quail and give way. This homespun integrity has assumed a strange dignity in the eyes of the Southern people. Linked to the steam engine, the steam plow, the seed-drill and the reaper, it has organized a new order of chivalry - not of stars and garters, or of a renown in the duello - but of that glorious industry which covers the brown of man with a coronet formed by labor's sweat, more brilliant than the sparkling jewels in the brightest diadem on earth. out of the triumphs of this labor, and being convinced that the men who constitute and form the action of these classes of pioneers to the new territories, are opposed to the recognition of slave labor, the Southern people have made up their Constitutional rights for slavery. no longer able to compete with the developments and improvement of free labor - prostrated by the ignorance which they cultivated to strengthen and perpetuate their institution, they begin to prate of rights, Constitutional rights, and southern equality of property inhuman flesh with that of property in a horse, a dog or a cat.

WHAT THE SOUTH WANT? They want the full, entire and imperative recognition of slavery. They want a salve-code for the territories. They want Congressional legislation for, and judicial interference in behalf of slave labor. If a proposition is made in Congress to establish a line of steamships, it must first be proved that such a line will not infringe on, or that it will uphold the Constitutional rights of slavery before it receives Southern support. If an administration asks for an appropriation to defray the expenses of government, a concession must be made to slavery, before a Southern representative will vote the money. - If land is to be devoted to railroads in order to open new territories, or to school purposes, to educate the youth of the country as good citizens for new Commonwealths, slavery must be appeased by a bounty of millions of acres, or its Constitutional rights are at once menaced and in danger. If protection is proposed for the free white labor of the country, a war of nullification is sounded in the South, with free trade for its battle cry. These wants compose the Constitutional rights of the South - nor are these all the demands that are made on the people and legislature of the country. If a vacancy occurs in the supreme court of the nation no man not known to be committed to what may be enumerated as the Constitutional rights of the South - can receive a confirmation to fill such a vacancy, from a Democratic United States SEnate - Wherever the south has the power, they make all interests subserve those of slavery. Wherever they rule, they cultivate its enormities, and encourage its excesses. But wherever the divine influence of freedom is exercised to elevate and improve mankind, southern slavery arrogantly assumes the dignity of a Constitutional right, an infringement of which is to endanger the peace of the country, the perpetuity of the Union, as well as the prosperity and progress of the white race on this continent.

The strangest feature in the history of the `wants' is the fact that they have their advocates and defenders in the North. We hear men who exist by the profits of northern labor reasoning for the rights of slavery. We see politicians surrendering dignity and respectability at home, that they may gain applause and credit abroad. Not a single northern interest is upheld, - not a principle in which our welfare is involved, vindicated - nor even the progress we are making in industry and improvement, recognized. All are abandoned to serve slavery - all are deserted to assist in the strengthening of that system of vassalage in the South, that has created more jealousy, more confusion, and more petty spite int eh administration of this government, than all the interests involved in our prosperity combined. It is time for the Northern people to consider well how far the south have a right to infringe on the prosperity of free labor. The question is not `shall slavery exist?' but whether free labor shall be permitted to go on in its triumphs, pushing civilization into new territories, enlarging and strengthening the bonds of Union, and spreading the blessings of religion and civil liberty. There are really, Constitutional rights - and these are what the whole country demands.

Nationality

There are four candidates in the field for the Presidential succession. Each of these four claims to be national in his views and tendencies. Each claims to be the exclusive supporter and advocate of Constitutional policies for the government of the country. But it is singular that the supporters of three of these candidates differ in localities, differ in matters of fact, and differ in general principles.

The friends of John C. Breckinridge in the North support him to preserve the organization and unity of the so-called Democratic party. In the South he is sustained because he is pledged to the protection of slavery, to the opening of the slave trade, and to the introduction of slavery into all the territories of the country. In the Carolinas, Georgia and Alabama, mr. Breckinridge is presented to the people as being ultra on these subjects - as being opposed to all Tariffs for the protection of free labor, to the homestead law, and in favor of all the monstrous claims of the advocates of slavery. In the North he is presented as the conservative candidate, as `the regular Democratic candidates' and in this regularity, without any profession of devotion of pledges to support a single interest vested in northern labor or enterprise, his peculiar supporters, the administration officers, ask the people of the North to assist in making his President of the United States. They ask the people of the North to do what is even worse, by aiding to throw the election into the House of Representatives, increase the chances of Joe Lane becoming President, through the failure of the House to elect, and Lane's consequent election by the Senate.

In the South, Stephen A. Douglas is opposed because he is a `traitor' to Democracy - in the North, his supporters are imbued in their zeal for him, because he is the advocate of `popular sovereignty.' The friends of Douglas in the South declare that popular sovereignty will ensure the introduction of slavery in the territories, while his own assertions at the North sanction the expectation that it will exclude the institution from the public domain. He voted for the homestead bill to please his friends in the North and the West, but failed to advocate its principles in order to quiet the fears of his advocates in the South. This is the nationality of Douglas: A flattering speech for the South - pledges at clam-bakes for the North, bravado for the West, seasoned with his great principle of non-intervention for the mercantile interests of the whole community.

John Bell is the negative candidate, in this grand squabble of nationality. If not unconscious, he pretends to be insensible to the progress of the country, by maintaining a neutrality on all subjects of questions at issue between the people or parties of the nation. He is pledged to support the constitution as it is construed in all sections - and would, if elected, do more to dissolve the Union, by this very recognition of sectional feeling, than the most ultra men in any of the sections of the country. The conservatism of the Bell party is what the country must avoid if we desire a peaceable and permanent settlement of all difficulties now dividing and distracting the different sections of the Union. It is a conservatism not in harmony with the spirit of our progress, at variance with the useful and elevating principles that animate the masses of the American people.

In this contest the Republicans maintain the only really national and soundly conservative position. They are the same in Maine as in California, in the Atlantic as in the Pacific States. The position they have taken is national because it is just, seeking the improvement of business by the elevation of labor - the perpetuation of society by the recognition of civil and religious liberty, as the only true basis on which to preserve the unity of the States with the full and free force of the Constitution. It is conservative, because it does not seek the compromise of a principle to satisfy the vindictiveness and passion engendered by a prejudice. It is a national party because it does not fear deliberation on or discussions of any of the principles set forth in its national or local platforms. The policy that it seeks to pursue toward labor is applicable in Georgia as in Ohio - as elevating in the South as in the North. The principles of universal suffrage proclaimed by the statesmen in its ranks are those which imbued the framers of the Constitution, when they sought to fix a basis for the regulation of labor and capital - principles recognizing the natural right of every man to life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness. In no single instance have the Republicans, as a party, advocated any measure with a tendency to deprive any section of the Union of a single right. The Democracy of the South have done so, time and again, in their assaults on the industry of the country. The Republican party has never excited a jealousy in any particular section of the country, while it has been the aim and the end of modern Democracy to carry on a sectional warfare at the expense of national peace and advancement. With laws for the general good, with a policy to extend and harmonize the power and resources of the country, the Republican party labors, not for the benefit of a State or a county, but for the full realization of a nation's greatness in the prosperity of a free people. This exemplifies its own nationality, as well as the nationality of the principles it seeks to establish."

The Moral

"As the smoke of battle rises from the field and reveals the condition of contending parties in the late great struggle, we are reminded of a duty, in the performance of which we may give offence, but which our independence prompts us to discharge, or forego the pleasure of pointing to the moral of the result. This moral is constituted by the fact that the people of Pennsylvania have fully vindicated their local interests, and hereafter the labor which comprises their wealth and strength, will be recognized and respected in every part of the Union. There is no denying the fact that a certain class of men were actively engaged in efforts to suppress the sentiment in favor of this labor. There is no concealing, also, the truth that an effort was made to stifle the voice of labor in favor of its own elevation and protection, for the purpose of gratifying a base lust for money by appeasing a Southern slave oligarchy and attracting the trade of the South to the doors of certain warehouses in the city of Philadelphia. The merchants of Market Street arrayed themselves against the mechanics of Pennsylvania, and they have by this time discovered not only their mistake, but the difference in the power and will of men when actuated by pure and patriotic motives. The mechanics and working men of the Keystone State appreciated Pennsylvania's wants and necessities. They believed that the result of the Gubernatorial election involved the prospects of free labor all over the country, and actuated by this faith the threw aside all selfish feeling or grovelling fear, and struck a noble blow in vindication of themselves and their toiling brethren throughout the Union. It was the Union of labor against a combination of all cliques - against the united efforts of the leaders of all parties - against the force and power and patronage of the federal government, and in defiance of the threats and denunciation of imported federal officeholders, traversing the State from the lakes to the rivers, retailing base slanders against the men and measures of the Republican party, and insulting decent men with the grossest assaults on their interests and cherished institutions of independence. When a people are actuated by such a love of freedom, when labor rises thus gloriously to its own vindication, and when a State thus greets her sister States, and assured them of her devotion to their compacts and their union, it certainly teaches a moral which there is not mistaking, and a lesson which will never be forgotten by those who have sought to compromise free labor by making it subservient to slavery.

All honor, then, to the working men and mechanics of Pennsylvania! All honor to the people, because they have triumphed over the politician. This is the summing up of the result. Opposed by the leaders of every clique and combination in the State, tempted by the money of New York and Philadelphia merchants, threatened by the vindictiveness of a crazy federal administration, environed and slandered by apostate and traitor, the people have triumphed - REPUBLICAN PRINCIPLES HAVE BEEN SUSTAINED AND VINDICATED, AND THE RIGHT OF LABOR TO PROTECTION ESTABLISHED AS PART OF THE JUST POLICY OF THIS GOVERNMENT. And this is the moral, as we discover it, in the result of the Gubernatorial election of Pennsylvania!"

"For What We Struggle"

"Never before, in the history of this country, was the necessity of a political party organized on the principles of Republicanism more paramount and apparent. We have arrived at a juncture when it becomes necessary to define and declare what are the rights of labor, what is the meaning of liberty, and who are entitled to the uses and benefits of the resources of this hemisphere. The Democratic party is not able longer to meet the issues of the age - its leaders have been corrupted by power, as the aristocracies of Europe are made imbecile and overbearing by the privileges of birth - the cliques which heretofore rallied to its support have been attracted from its organization as their center, and now roam in the political marts in quest of purchasers, or come into furious collision as they cross each other's paths of plunder. Thus contending and thus arrayed, the cliques that oppose the Republican party do so because every success of that party lessens their gains and curtails their power. The Republican party accomplishes these great objects in its struggle - the curtailing and lessening of a corrupt gain and power has had a tendency to render that organization radical - but it is the radicalism induced by the fanaticism of those by whom they are antagonized, and made necessary by the importance and stupendous character of the crisis in which the whole country is involved. The conservatism that attempts to elevate free labor to the right of holding free territory has proven abortive too frequently when opposed to the meek zeal of the slavery propaganda. With the advocates of slavery there is no compromise when in a majority - their concessions are only made when they cannot rule - and their radicalism rules whenever they are in a majority. The acquisition of all the territory we possess, from the purchase of Louisiana from the French, to the warlike wrestling of California and New Mexico from the Spanish, proves how ardently they protect their own peculiar institution, and how little they are for the real progress and wealth of the country, or the improvement and elevation of the labor which prompts and produces that progress and wealth. It proves, too, that the influence of the slave power antagonizes every other influence of moral or political good, seeking the prostration of the powers of government to its benefit, and leaving no effort untried that promises to consolidate their own powers, while it diminishes the power of all free influences on this hemisphere.

The Republican party now struggles to meet and defeat the opposition of this slave influence whenever it shows itself beyond the limits where its own compromises confined and declared it forever remain. It not only struggles to prevent the extension of such an influence, but its highest aim and object is to improve and elevate free labor. Every act of its existence proves the truth of this assertion. The integral principles of its organization all tend to the attainment of such an object - and when once that policy is fairly established in the government of this nation, our national peace and prosperity will never be interrupted. No sane man will deny that all the evils that religion and civilization ever suffered sprang from a system of human bondage. Slavery has impeded the development and progress of civilization in every clime while it has dimmed the bright glory and corrupted the pure spirit of religion wherever it has been recognized. If it is not a noble work to struggle against such an institution, then is all effort for principle idle labor, while truth and justice and religion are only the sign manuals of the exclusive few, for the purpose of oppressing and degrading the unfortunate of every race. If it is not a noble work to stay its spread, and prepare for the gradual emancipation of those who are bowed down by its yokes, or groan beneath its lashes, then are human efforts for humanity useless and futile. If it is beneath the government to bend its energies to benefit labor, then is government only a theoretical compact for the use of the strong and the abuse of the weak. But all these presumptions have been dissipated by what we have a right to term the radicalism of the Republican creed -- radical when humanity suffers from injustice - radical when labor seeks protection - and radical when the peace and harmony and perpetuity of this Union are threatened from an intestine or a foreign foe. And for these principles we struggle."

"The Veracity of the Patriot"

It has been the labored purpose of the editors of the Patriot and Union, during the past and present political contests, to misrepresent every circumstance connected with Republican men or measures. - In this particular it has resorted to falsehood and forgery, and with a persistent baseness peculiar to men who stake their living and hopes on the pecuniary gains of a political contest, they have not hesitated to insult even those with whom they are in daily business intercourse. One of its meanest acts was in regard to the election in Ohio, charging that the result in that State was produced by the fact that 14,000 negroes had voted the Republican ticket. When this statement was published, it was with the deliberate design of insulting the Republicans of Harrisburg, by associating them with a degraded race, and for no other purpose but that of wounding the feelings of decent men. In order to show how piously correct the editors of the Patriot were on this subject, we quote the following from the Cincinnati Gazette:

`By this Constitution of Ohio, none but white males over twenty-one years can vote; but the Supreme Court decided that a man less than half blood was white; consequently if the judges of elections should decide that a light colored mulatto was less than half, they might admit him to vote. Now the number of this class is not one-third the whole amount, and of the 5, 927 colored males over twenty-one, not more than two thousand could possibly come within the legal right to vote.'

We ask the people of Dauphin county, the business men and Republicans, to decide whether a journal guilty of the perversion and falsehood which the Patriot has heretofore practiced, should be hereafter confided in as an exponent of business or politics?"

"What Pennsylvania will Lose or Gain"

"There are some men perverse enough and so blinded by their prejudices, as not to believe that Pennsylvania will be materially affected for good or evil by the result of the Presidential election. Such as these never allow their observation to extend its vision beyond their personal feelings or interests and prejudices, or they would discover that of all the other States of the Union, Pennsylvania has in reality the largest interest involved in the coming Presidential contest. Her resources depend for success on protection. Her labor cannot rise to that strength and power necessary to compete with a foreign trade, unless fostered and protected by special legislative enactment, which would not only shield and encourage the industry of this Commonwealth, but also extend its influence to the labor of other States, until the mechanics and laboring men of the Union could be placed in a position from which they could bid defiance to the pauper labor and compulsory servitude of all nations and communities. Admitting the truth of this, and it is as true as any palpable fact can be to the discernment of a thinking man, Pennsylvania has an important and a stupendous interest involved in the Presidential election just approaching, because if Abraham Lincoln is not successful, success will be banished from all our walks of industry and every department of production. - From either of the other three candidates, Northern labor has no right to expect either care or attention. They are either bound up in the progress and development of slavery, or so completely subsidized by the commercial aristocratic classes of our commercial emporiums, that they could not, if they were even disposed, devote a single thought or deed to the labor and producing classes of the nation. Outside of the Republican organization, every candidate that is before the people of the Union has been more or less committed to the interests of the institution of slavery. In the South, at this very moment, the friends of John C. Breckinridge commend him to the support of the people because he is committed to a slave code for the Territories, and the opening of the slave trade. In the same locality, Stephen A. Douglas proclaims himself publicly indifferent to the voting up or down of the institution, while he privately asseverates his devotion to and approval of slavery. On the same subject, in the same States, John Bell is no less servile and cringing - while the friends of all these candidates, with the candidates themselves, treat Northern labor and Northern interests in every section with perfect indifference. With such a condition of affairs, we should be pleased to know if there is not danger to the laboring and mechanical interests of the whole country, should either Breckinridge, Douglas or Bell be triumphant? We should like to know whether Pennsylvania and the North would not suffer in all their relations of business, industry and trade with a pro-slavery candidate in the Executive chair? We might as well declare that the peasantry of Austria do not suffer from the reign of Francis Joseph, or that the Czar of Russia is the companion and sympathizer of those who delve in the mines and forests of his empire.

We have no notion or idea that Abraham Lincoln will be defeated as a candidate before the American people for the Presidency of the United Sates, but if such a calamity should occur, it would be the worst blow that ever was inflicted on the laboring men and mechanics of this country. It would arrest our progress in every improvement, by opening all the paths of industry to the competition of foreign and domestic slavery. Who doubts this can be convinced of its truth by referring to the experience of the past. The administration of every Democratic President, from the inauguration of the government, has inflicted more or less injury to the labor of the country, either in the shape of treachery such as Dallas practised, or by the open and shameless acts of aggression perpetrated by James Buchanan. The facts are on the record to prove the antagonism of modern Democracy to free labor and free institutions. The same record also proves their devotion to slavery and free trade. If any man doubts this, and desires to be convinced of its truth, he can become so by passing through trial and tribulation if he votes against Abraham Lincoln. If any man desires to see labor prosper - if any Pennsylvanian hopes to see the interests and resources of the old Keystone recognized and protected, he must vote for Abraham Lincoln. A vote for any other man will produce an opposite effect by entailing poverty on the country and misery and idleness on our countrymen. Who will hesitate in such an emergency to vote for Lincoln?

The Presidential Election

"The election yesterday throughout the country for Chief Magistrate was another of those sublime spectacles which the people of the Old World do not understand, and which bestows a privilege which is not so highly prized by the people of this country as it should be. Nearly five millions of people peaceably assembling for the purpose of choosing one for among their number to rule the land. - With those people spread along the shores of two oceans, pursuing their avocations in extreme latitudes of hot and cold, making and proclaiming their laws in one language, yet transacting their business in half-a-dozen dialects, with varied interests, tastes and pursuits, yet firmly held together in the bonds of a union that is as strong and as holy as the ties of consanguinity, teaches a brotherhood an a unity alone by the force of religion, liberty and order. The history of the world does not present in the career of any nation a spectacle of more moral worth of political grandeur. The assembling of the armies of Rome, in the palmiest days, dwindles into insignificance when compared to the spectacle presented yesterday. Nothing in ancient or modern history is like unto it for force and influences, nor can we describe such an occasion better than to term it the real independent action of a free people, asserting the policy of the government which exists by their will, quietly and effectually at the ballot-box.

The result of the election yesterday is another subject which must strike the reflecting man, without any respect to the party he upholds or the principles he professes. The issues were clear and definitely defined. The contest was open and frankly conducted, so far as the Republican leaders were concerned, and the result now proves how much an organization can effect that is animated alone with a desire to do good, and a motive to secure the establishment of impartial principle in the administration of government. The two great issues of liberty and labor were the animating ideas of the contest. For liberty the Republican party struggled as men struggle for life and religion - while their efforts to maintain the rights of labor, were no less zealous or ardent. And the result, ABRAHAM LINCOLN's triumphant election, proves that the sentiment of the American people is in favor not of the name of liberty alone, but of its practical operation among all men, and determined to make labor the standard by which to judge the merits of men, as well as recognize and protect it as the source of our national strength and wealth. To establish this policy, the Republican party were refused a hearing in many of the States of this Union, but a majority of proud Commonwealths have declared in favor of the principle, and to-day it is firmly established in the policy of the government, to be maintained there forever as a cardinal and imperishable doctrine of Republicanism.

We have no time at this hour to particularize in referring to the result. Sufficient for us to know that Abraham Lincoln will be the next President. Sufficient for the present for Republicans of Pennsylvania to know that the old Keystone State has done her whole duty in casting her electoral vote for Lincoln. The Union is now safe. Labor will be recognized and protected. Let us thank God, therefore, that he has so directed the judgment of men as to prompt them to right political action, as well as patriotic forbearance and fairness!"

THE UNION SAVED! - Lincoln Elected President! Freedom and Free Labor Gloriously Triumphant! Pennsylvania Gives "Old Abe" Sixty Thousand Majority--An Avalanche of Republican Victories--Treason Crushed Out--The Fusionists Confused

We have received returns enough to indicate that the Republicans have achieved one of the most brilliant victories every gained, by any party, in this country. At the present writing - twelve o'clock Tuesday night - our sanctum, and the street in from of the TELEGRAPH office, are crowded with jubilant Republicans who make the welkin ring with cheers, as the reports roll in over the magnetic wires from every direction, bringing the glorious intelligence that State after State has gone for LINCOLN, rendering certain his election to the Presidency. The indications are that the Republicans have made a clean sweep in the free North, carrying every State by immense majorities. The majority in Pennsylvania will more than double that of Curtin last month. The Wide-Awakes are parading the streets, in uniform, with music and brightly burning torches, cheering enthusiastically as they pass through the city on their triumphal march.

Cause and Effect

The people of the Union have decided that ABRAHAM LINCOLN, the pure patriot and statesman, shall administer the affairs of government for the next four years. As far as heard from he has carried fifteen States, giving him one hundred and sixty-nine votes in the Electoral College - seventeen more than necessary. In all these States the majorities are immense, ranging from twenty to seventy thousand. Upon this result we congratulate our Republican fellow-citizens,a nd we congratulate also those who have from earnest convictions of duty opposed Mr. Lincoln's election. For in sober truth, and they will themselves admit it when the first feelings of disappointment is gone, it is best for the whole country that the result of the election should be what it is. It is impossible to conceive of any other that is so likely to give peace and quiet to the country. The next best result would probably have been the election of Mr. Bell, but that would have given no such quietus to agitation as the election of Mr. Lincoln will. His election settles all the issues that have entered into the contest, slavery extension, secession, and what just now is probably still more vital, the equal right of the free with the slave States to share in the administration of the Federal Government. Now that the contest is over, and such false alarms can no longer be made to do party service, we shall probably hear no more in this locality of the cry of secession or disunion. We sincerely trust that those who raised and repeated it here for mere party ends may not themselves feel the ill effects of it. It was an unpatriotic and unwise movement, and had it proved so far successful as to throw the election into the House, very unfortunate would it have been for the interests of the business community, and for the welfare of the country generally. But the good Providence that has so long watched over the destinies of our country has averted this mischief also. The threatened evil has not overtaked us, and it is not our choice to dwell upon the errors of those whom the popular voice has already so signally rebuked. As for secession at the South, it also has received its quietus, if in any State except South Carolina the purpose was ever yet seriously entertained, which we do not believe. Even South Carolina, now that the people of Virginia and other Southern States have unmistakably given their verdict in favor of the Union, will contest herself with a few very variant resolutions declaring what she would have done if something had occurred that has not occurred, and indefinitely postponing any overt set in the way of secession. Right glad are we that `the long agony is over.' We trust that on both sides the bitter feelings and the estrangements that the contest has created will be henceforth entirely and forever forgotten. With every element of commercial prosperity existing among uss, it will be the course of wisdom, as well as of patriotism, for every one to bow to the clearly expressed sentiment of the majority of the people, and to cooperate cheerfully in maintaining and strengthening the government and institutions of the country. We all owe a duty to the Chief magistrate of the Republic, for above all personal preferences or prejudices. Let us all meet that obligation - respecting the officer for the office's sake - and we may be the most prosperous and the happiest people on earth."

The Secession Movement

There is another `tempest in a tea pot' away down in the little Palmetto State. The people, following the lead of their Governor, are holding meetings, passing secession resolutions, and making treasonable speeches. Let the chivalry amuse themselves - the farce will soon the `played out.' In reality, says the New York Commercial Advertiser, South Carolina has yet done nothing towards secession as a State. That a live Yankee raised a Palmetto flag o n his trading vessel in the port of Charleston, and that a couple of officials sacrificed a quarter's salary for the sake of popularity with their fire-eating friends, are not steps towards secession, and are such truly ludicrous substitutes for such steps that even telegraphists cannot make capital out of them. True, the telegraph adds taht the State Legislature has met and talked of secession. It has done that before. A motion was made to postpone the calling of a convention, and it failed. The same thing has occurred before. In this instance we suspect that it barely failed, for the report is silent respecting the vote. At any rate it is plain that the Legislature is not composed entirely of fire- eaters. We are told that a convention will certainly be held. So has a similar convention assembled before, and what did it amount to? Just what it will again amount to: A great deal of talk that will not drive sensible men into any overt act of secession.

In fact the evidences are abundant that already the long talked of `crisis' is over, and that the system of agitation so madly pursued, having failed in its object, and proving painfully inconvenient to those who engaged in it, is already being abandoned. To this effect is a letter from our Washington correspondent, and his views are corroborated by Southern manifestos and newspapers. Even the Washington Union, whose malicious innuendoes we yesterday commented upon, is compelled to take the back track. The organ which, on Wednesday, asked the Southerner whether he would `tamely submit to the rule of one elected on account of his hostility to him and his, or whether he would struggle to defend his rights, his inheritance, and his honor,' on Thursday now coos gently as a sucking dove, denies that it has `attempted to suggest what the conduct of the South should be' asserts that its remarks on Wednesday did not mean to recommend secession and disunion, and thus throws the wet blanket over the embers of a fire that no paper did more to kindle than itself. That this would be the course of things after the election we have always affirmed. That the disturbers of the public peace would so soon draw back from their position we scarcely anticipated. We rejoice the more over this early evidence of returning sobriety. Fortunatley there has been only talking, and words only and not actions have to be taken back and forgotten. All the way through Southerners have not acted as though they meant to secede. Legislatures have elected United States Senators and the people Representatives in Congress; planters and merchants have made their business arrangements; one of the boldest talkers of disunion has sent his family on to Washington for permanent winter residence; the most violent disunion newspapers at the South fill their columns with Northern advertisements - not a single l ink of the bonds that unite North and South has really been broken. In fact, disunion is a thing that cannot be, and though we cannot commend the raising of that cry as either honest or honorable, we can and do rejoice that at the promptings of a resuscitated patriotism it has already practically ceased."

Let Them Slide

"The secession demonstrations of the chivalry in the cotton States are rather amusing than otherwise. They certainly do not alarm the people of the North. We have only to say that if South Carolina, Georgia or Alabama, or all of them, desire to withdraw from the Union, `let them slide,' the sooner the better. In the language of a sensible Kentucky editor, `let them form a Republic or Empire, or anything else they may fancy. Let them enclose themselves within a Chinese wall, if they want to, and here is one who will contribute his mite towards furnishing the requisite rocks. Let them do it as they please, and when they please, with one solitary condition, viz: that their separation shall be final. Their absence would be an incalculable and invaluable relief to the balance of the people of these United States. We should escape large quantities of quadrennial gas and noise and confusion and stuff. At every Presidential election, these political filibusters reminds us of the poor Frenchman who locked himself in a room with a rich debtor, and threatened to blow his own brains out and charge the rich one with the murder, unless the latter gave him then and there five hundred dollars. Every four years these Southern Quixotes swell up with bad whiskey and worse logic, and tell the balance of the people if they don't do so and so, that they - the Quixotes - will secede. Let them secede and be - blessed. We are tired of their gasconade, their terrific threats, and of their bloody prophesies. They were never calculated for any higher destiny than that of frightening old women and young children. They have been revived and repeated until - to use an expressive vulgarism - they are played out. Their bombast is absolutely sickening.'"

The Lincoln Administration

In view of the opinions of political economy entertained by Mr. LINCOLN, and the party which he represents, we feel justified in the expectation that the administration of the National Government for the next four years will not only be the most truly national that has marked the history of the country for many years, but will place the real principles of self-government upon a firmer basis than they have occupied since the great parties of the country have assumed their present aspect. Among the prominent and most beneficent features of the incoming administration we may mention the permanent settlement of the power of Congress over slavery in the Territories. This question, never raised until the insolent ambition of Mr. Douglas called it forth, will at last be settled on the broad principles of the Constitution, without regard to the sophistical dogmas of any party or man. It will n o longer be considered and acted upon as an isolated idea, district from every other interest of our people, but as a principle of our form of government, occupying its legitimate station with all others, and based upon the authority of the fundamental principles of our national action. Casting aside the theoretical chicanery of private demagogues, pro or con, the incoming administration will govern itself by the powers expressly delegated to it by the Constitution. At the same time it will maintain and preserve the several States of the Union all their rights as sovereign and co-responsible communities. Another distinguishing feature of the coming administration will be its adherence to the principle of a proper and discriminating protection to the different branches of home industry, as a means of developing our domestic resources and energy, thereby forwarding the interests of our own labor, and contributing to the chief item of our national prosperity. This end will be attained, not only in guarding against the baneful influences of unpaid foreign labor, but in securing to the agricultural portion of our population the benefits of a homestead on the public domains, thereby securing to every real producer the opportunity of achieving his own success, and furthering the domestic well-doing of the country at large. In addition to these, we may mention the great principle of internal improvements, by which the commercial interests of the Union are brought into close connection, among which is the project of the Pacific Railroad - an establishment absolutely demanded by our commerce, and which, despite the strongest efforts of the Republican party, has been unsuccessful under Democratic rule. In short, we may now promise to the people of the United States a season of unexampled quiet and public prosperity."

Mr. Lincoln's Conservatism

"An able and independent journal, published in a slave State, introduces some extracts from Mr. Lincoln's speeches on the subject of slavery, to show his conservatism, and remarks that `the true remedy for the excitement which prevails in a portion of the country, will be found in Mr. Lincoln's own utterances and declarations. Throughout the campaign just closed, he has been portrayed by most of the newspapers and stump orators of the anti-Republican factions as an Abolitionist -`a fanatic of the John Brown type' the slave to one idea, who, in order to carry that out to its logical results, would override laws, constitutions and compromises of every kind, nor shrink, if necessary, from overturning the whole fabric of society, like another Robespierre. never was a public man so outrageously misrepresented. The picture of his character, drawn by his enemies, is true to no one lineament. All who know him bear witness that he has the calm wisdom, and patriotism withal, characteristic of practical statesmen, and that his convictions though deep rooted, are entirely free from the slightest tincture of fanaticism. With regard to slavery, his views are identical with those common to the first and greatest generation of our statesmen - identical with those professed and, in later days, generally acted upon by Clay, Benton and Webster - and, in no essential, particularly different from the doctrines professed both by the Whig and Democratic parties, until the Calhoun heresy arose. The best way, therefore, to minister to the extreme South is to give wide publicity to these views. No one can say the method proposed is empirical, not that the opiate is prepared for the occasion. Lincoln expressed himself fully two years ago - and when he had not expectation of filling the Executive Chair of the Republic. As he is arraigned for his opinions, let his opinions be cited. Let not his enemies shirk the trial which they clamor for by substituting their base calumnies and wild fancies for the authentic record. We are far from admitting that the opinions of any man legally chosen to the Presidency, however extreme they might be, would furnish the shadow of a pretext for rebellion - but at the same time we deem it our duty to present the truth to our Southern friends. We would rather conciliate than irritate - rather explain than threaten. Magnanimity should go hand in hand with victory; and the Republican victors will but add another to their many claims to popular esteem by holding out now with no reluctant hand the olive branch to their excited fellow-citizens in the South, and by laboring to disabuse the Southern mind of the gross prejudices and chimerical fears with which it is possessed.'"

The Calm After the Storm

"The Union demonstrations now taking place in the South, strengthens us in the belief we have always entertained, that the mass of the people in that section are conservative and patriotic. The secession feeling is likely to be localized in South Carolina, with other nuclea of discontent in Georgia and Alabama. But before it can find time to act, the conservatism of the other slave States will have spoken, and the secessionists will find themselves far less important than they now suppose. It is, we believe, a mistake to attribute all this commotion to the election of Mr. Lincoln. In South Carolina the sentiment of disunion is forty years old. It is a sort of general creed there, believed in so long that it will need a revolution to bring them to their senses. It seems likely that in that locality positive outbreak will occur, of some sort, to be met, in due time, by positive action on the part of the federal government. But, elsewhere, there is no such danger. When Virginia. Delaware, maryland, Kentucky, Missouri, Tennessee, North Carolina, Louisiana, and as we hope, Mississippi and Texas, shall have spoken for the Union, the impossibility of any scheme of general secession will fully exhibit the folly of localized attempts. One cause of reaction in the present excitement has not yet had time to operate. While the South is arming, levying heavy taxes, incurring vast financial burdens without the outside credit to sustain them, the North is quiet. No extra sessions of the Legislatures are called; no minute men are organized; no sudden arousing of military spirit is evident. Somebody will ask the question `why?' by-and-by. And then people will discover that all the danger, the bloodshed, the cost, fall on the seceding parties. The North, the East, the West, the Central States, the Canadas, will go on quietly in their everyday work of life. They have no fears of servile insurrection. No horrors of invasion menaces them. And nothing of the kind needs menace the South, if it would only awake to a true sense of its position in the Confederacy. Pennsylvania regards herself as a Sovereign State. South Carolina mistakes herself for a subjugated province. She will find out the difference by-and-by.

The Charge of Negro Equality

"Our readers are aware that during the progress of the late campaign, it was charged by the Patriot and Union, and other Democratic papers of the same stripe, that the Republicans were in favor of indiscriminate negro suffrage, and the elevation of the colored population to a social and political equality with the whites. This charge was repeated day after day, although unscrupulous Locofoco editors who gave it publicly knew it to be false. At the recent election in New York, the question of extending negro suffrage was voted upon. Under the constitution of that State, negroes who own property worth $250 are privileged to vote. The question was to amend the constitution so as to extend the privilege to all adult negroes, so as to place them, in that respect, on a footing of equality with the whites. The majority for Lincoln in the State is at least 50,000. It may, therefore, be taken for granted if the Republican party of new York be in favor of negro equality the amendment has been adopted. So far the returns indicate that not only has it not been adopted, but that it has been rejected by an immense vote. Probably none but the white and colored abolitionists cast their ballots for the amendment. We find that it received by 1,630 votes in the city out of an aggregate of nearly 100,000. We have no doubt there are at least 1,630 radical Abolition votes in the city. Lincoln's vote there was 32,797, and the vote against the amendment was 37,431, from which we may infer that some Democrats, as well as the great body of the Republicans, voted in the negative. The design of the Fusionists was to let the question be carried by default, with the view of using it to the detriment of the Republicans hereafter. The result shows that the amalgamated factions were as much at fault in their calculations in reference to this matter as in reference to all others. Thus the imputation of being in favor of establishing negro equality, which has been urged against the Republican party with such venomous pertinacity, is shown to be utterly false. Tried by the crucial test of the ballot box, it is proved to be without the shadow of a foundation. This is all the more notable in the State of New York, where SEWARD is supposed to exercise supreme control within the Republican organization. He is avowedly in favor of obliterating all distinctions between classes and races, so far as the privilege of voting is concerned. His maxim is that where the ballot box rules every man should be entrusted with the ballot. Yet we find that the party, of which he is a leader, refused to accept that maxim, even in his own State. We recently quoted Mr. Lincoln's opinions on this subject, and now that they have received the endorsement of the Empire State, we trust that the anti-Republican organs will see the futility of persisting in the reiteration of the stale slander."

Republicanism Down South

"There can be no mistake as to the progress of Republican feeling in the Southern States, notwithstanding the bluster of the fire-eaters. A gentleman who spent some time in Georgia, and recently returned to the North, yesterday informed us that he had heard expressions on the subject of slavery in Savannah and other Southern cities that would be regarded as `fanatical' in Pennsylvania. Everywhere, among all classes and interests - among slaveholders and non- slaveholders - are found men who are unmeasured in their abhorrence of the effects and tendencies of the `institution.' They do not of course blazon their opinions to the world. They do not - because they dare not - assail the oligarchy in public; but their sympathy for the cause of freedom is all the more profound because denied outward utterance. This sentiment of opposition to the tyranny of the fire-eaters is likely to become more determined and outspoken in the future. The election of Lincoln emboldens this large and respectable class of Southerners to assume a more positive attitude. The New Orleans Courier informs us that a paper is about to be started in that city for the avowed purpose of sustaining the Administration of Mr. Lincoln. Judiciously conducted, such a journal would exert a potent influence over the public mind in that section."

The Volcanic State

The little volcano of South Carolina being now in the midst of one of her violent eruptions, belching forth such quantities of fire and melted stones as to terrify the timid lest the Union should be swept away in general conflagration, it may not be amiss to examine her past history and see how frequent and harmless have been such eruptions heretofore, and what trifling causes are sufficient to excite her smouldering fires. It is summed up briefly by a contemporary as follows:

The protective tariff of 1833 excited her still more than Lincoln's election. A Convention, authorized by the Legislature, assembled and passed the celebrated ordinance nullifying the tariff and prescribing measures to prevent any collection of duties within the limits of the State; and further declaring that in the event of any attempt on the part of the Federal Government to enforce obedience to the Acts of Congress, there would follow secession and the formation of an independent government. Gen. Jackson firmly and promptly met this treason, issuing his famous proclamation, and urging upon Congress the passage of such laws as would enable him to preserve and protect the Union. The result was the passage of `The Force Bill' which authorized the President to collect the revenue and protect the Government offices, by the employment of whatever military and naval force might be necessary. South Carolina fumed and fretted for a while, mounted cockcades and made bombastic speeches - but finding old hickory earnest and determined, she eagerly took advantage of Clay's Compromise Tariff, and receded from her position.

Again, in 1835 a few philanthropists in the North formed Emancipation Societies, which for a time promised another serious eruption. A Southern Convention was called, and Calhoun recommended espionage of the mails, and the suppression of Abolition documents - but Calhoun and his supporters were badly handled in Congress, and secession was once more postponed, till in 1836, the presentation of certain petitions opened the crater again and gave escape to much black smoke, but very little fire.

After this, until 1838, having had the entire control of the Government, the belligerent little State remained in comparatively tranquility, only hinting vaguely at disunion in certain contingencies, and holding it out as a penalty for the refusal to admit Texas, or for the passage of the Wilmot Proviso; but in 1848 Oregon was organized into a Territorial Government, with a clause in the organic act prohibiting slavery, and another harmless erruption was the consequence.

Again, in 1850, California came in as a free State, and South Carolina saw in this cause to secede from the Republic, and the air was hot and thick with the lava which was thrown from her crater; but, as usual, the eruption, though violent, was brief and harmless, and the Compromise measures were accepted as a perpetual adjustment.

And now the election of a President by a constitutional majority has given vent once more to the volcano, and a Convention has been called as in 1833, and all the incidents which for thirty years have characterized the chronic inflammation have been reiterated. But the time has come when these fiery ebullitions are estimated at their true worth, and the American people have for the last time been diverted by them from pursuing their plain path of duty."

The First Fruits

In an article under the above caption, our neighbor of the Patriot and Union attributes the present condition of affairs in the South, and the tightness of the money market in both sections, to the election of Lincoln. This is all gammon. The `panic' attempted to be raised now was brought about by just such northern journals as the Patriot and Union, the New York Herald, the Pennsylvanian, and others of the same stripe. These papers have been howling over the election of Lincoln ever since the freemen of the North expressed their sentiments in November last, and whine like whipped children because their far Government jobs are about to be taken away from them. The truth is, and it cannot be disguised, that the demagogues who control northern Democratic papers are the real instigators of disunion. As a contemporary justly remarks, these journals never make a statement which is not either directly or indirectly a libel upon a great and powerful body of northern voters, composing a majority of the most intelligent, calm-thinking and conservative citizens. These false and malicious statements are eagerly copied by southern Democratic journals, and read by southern people, and thus they contract the prejudices and hostile feelings towards the North, which we find so general in that section. These southern incendiary sheets are eternally warning the South of impending ruin in case of the success of the Republican party, and that its object is to wage a war of extermination against their rights and institutions. The millions of respectable and law abiding men who constitute a party which is no more radical on the slavery question than the old Whig party, and which has elected a President who treads in the footsteps of the gallant old leader of that glorious old party, are invariably and constantly denounced as `Black Republicans,' `Abolitionists,' `Nigger Stealers,' `Negro Equality Men,' and so on; and thus the seeds of sectional animosity and civil discord are sown. We have too good an opinion of the masses of the conservative people of the South, to suppose that if they correctly understood the policy and purposes of the Republican party, any serious cause of dissatisfaction would exist in the consequence of the election of a Republican President; but not even a glimpse of the truth is allowed to reach them through these Democratic journals. They not only falsify and distort northern opinions themselves, but will not contradict the grossest and most mischievous falsehoods on the part of their Southern contemporaries."

What Should Pennsylvania Do?

"In the present crisis the attitude of the State of Pennsylvania is watched with peculiar interst by the people of the whole country, and in the midst of this solicitude, as well as the suggestions of those who do not know the people of the old Keystone State, the question arises, What Should Pennsylvania Do? Shall she give up her integrity and independence in order to appease the wrath of a few fanatics, or should she maintain both and let consequences take care of themselves, abiding by her ancient devotion to the Constitution as a justification for any position she may assume in the present heated and excited state of public feeling in every portion of the Union. Certainly Pennsylvania has as much to lose as any other State by a dissolution of the Union, but she had better lose her all now than be hereafter eternally subjected to the fluctuations, expansions and contractions of business growing out of periodical ebulitions of Southern passion and resentment such as now distract the whole country, because a union existing only in animosity and aggression had better be dissolved at once than be continued only for the creation of new wrongs and the exercise of increased oppression. If the whole country is to submit to the error of a particular section, binding its energies to the sloth of others, halting in the great path of progress to pander to ignorance and prejudice, and giving up all the rights guaranteed by laws both human and divine, the Union had better be dissolved - the right left to its energies, the wrong allowed to waste its strength on itself, freedom be untrammelled, labor made free, and all things and all men equalized so far as their efforts prove their merits, and this jarring between free and slave institutions on this hemisphere would not last a month, because freedom would triumph as sure as the sun would illuminate its path to victory. In the contemplation of such a result we do not discern the awful effects of a civil war or mob violence. We do not mean to insist in violently forcing one section to submit to the demands of another, but we do declare that the sentiment of the people of the whole country is opposed to the principle, the meaning, the spirit and the intent of the institution of slavery. But while thus being opposed to an institution which has become interwoven with the social condition and existence of a large class of American citizens, we must see that the rights of this class are not infringed, that their possessions are not destroyed, and that their property in whatever shape it appears is not given up to the ruthless ravages and loose uses of those who now oppose slavery as amoral as well as a political evil. To do this, it is not necessary to grant any new guarantees to the Southern people, nor is it necessary or proper that the people of Pennsylvania should make any new concessions. All that is needed is the repeal of any law which encourages the nullification of a law of the United States. Let Pennsylvania prove her devotion to the Constitution by enforcing its provisions on her soil, and the concession will be ample and sufficient to ensure the people of the South that we are loyal to law, however much such law may be repugnant to our conceptions of right. What more could be granted - what more should be granted? The granting of any new security would be the admission of weakness which the might energy and enterprise of the people of Pennsylvania are not prepared to make, while it would be only lowering its sovereign dignity as a commonwealth thus to acknowledge before the world its weakness."

The Real Disunionists

The Constitution guarantees to the citizens of every State the full protection of personal liberty and property in all the States. The citizens of each State have the right to pass into, through, transact business in, all the others. The freedom of speech, the freedom of the press, and the freedom of religion are rights guaranteed to all alike, and without which there can be no real liberty. The real disunionists and nullifiers are those who impose restrictions upon the free passage of citizens from one State to another, who imprison free seamen who enter their ports; who threaten, tar and feather, hang, burn, and otherwise ill-treat gentlemen for the mere expression of opinion; who break open the mail bags of the United States and open private letters; who destroy newspapers, and make it a penal offence to circulate them; who hang a minister of the Gospel for the mere possession of a letter, of which he was robbed for the purpose of destroying him; who drive away a poor printer for expressing a political opinion; who drive back and refuse the privilege of work to mechanics and laborers from other States; and who thus deny the liberty of speech, the press, and religion. Democratic papers, North and South, have boasted, and gloried in the infamous boast, that Abraham Lincoln, the President elect, could not safely travel through one half of the Union, making a merit of what it should be a shame to assert(?). The Constitution of the United States is practically annulled in every State where any citizen of the United States cannot freely speak his opinions, and transact any respectable business. The Constitution of the United States is a charter of liberty, and its framers would n to allow it to be stained with the name of slave. The Constitution does not recognize slaves as property- but the Constitution, the laws of Congress, and the Courts, recognize only persons owing service or labor. And there is not Northern State that has by law forbidden the United States Courts and officers to arrest and return persons owing service to those to whom such service or labor is proved to be due. No penalty is imposed by the laws of any Northern State upon any citizen or official who aids and assists the officers of the United States in the discharge of this duty. Whoever asserts the contrary is guilty of ignorance or falsehood."

The Duty of the North

"The duty of the people of the North in the present crisis is plain. If Southern State will secede - if nothing short of humiliating concessions and submissions on our part to the demands and dictation of the Slave Power will satisfy them - why then let them seceded and take the consequences. The time has come when the whole South should know that the North are Unionists - that they desire and prefer the Union to remain intact. But if the Southern States are bent on secession, the North can, and will, take care of herself. In the present crisis nothing can be gained by fawning and truckling - but everything depends on taking a firm position on the principles of justice and freedom, which are the basis of our constitutional law. During the political canvass the great issues were brought before the people; and with these issues before them the States have elected, constitutionally, the candidate who is to be President of the United States for the ensuing four years. And this is being made the occasion of secession by some of the Southern States - for the election of Lincoln is not the real cause. The spirit and inclination and desire and impulse of secession have been cherished by politicians South for years - and now they seize on the Republican triumph as the occasion for inaugurating and popularizing their movement. We have a right to presume - it were unjust to make any other presumption - that the Administration of Abraham Lincoln will be constitutional. The principles embraced in the Republican platform, the antecedents of Mr. Lincoln, and the Constitution which he will be oath- bound to execute faithfully, will all preclude his official interference with the institution of Slavery in the States. So far as the measures of Government have an application outside of the States, he will doubtless favor freedom - and for the very good reason that Freedom, and not Slavery, is the , the and the . Let the people stand firmly by the Constitution and the Union of our country, and the storm will pass and bring good weather in due time."

Concessions and Compromises

"We notice, with regret, that some of the public journals of the country, which heretofore pretended to be Republican, are now, since the triumph of the party, talking about concessions and compromises. We reiterate what we have frequently asserted before, that nay departure from the principles upon which the Republican party stands, or any concession which affects the practical benefit to the country of those principles, is not only a virtual desertion of them, but a betrayal of the confidence of the people. A few years ago, our party existed only in the immutable truths which form its creed. Those truths, founded in the nature of our governmental institutions, needed no appeal to the reason or passions of our people. They found an endorsement in the conscience of every community where men were free to think. Being axiomatic, they are invincible. Promulgated by a few brave men, without any prospect of success save their inherent merit, they have commended themselves to the good sense of the American people, gaining by virtue of their own strength, until a majority of our intelligent citizens, uninfluenced by any motive save the prosperity and reputation of our common country, have acknowledged them as the rules by which the republic should be governed. At the ballot box, that people have imperatively demanded the recognition of those principles, in the administration of our government. If the people are the sovereigns, the people have a right to say in what manner the affairs of the country shall be conducted, and inasmuch as this demand has been explicitly made, our representatives in the National Legislature have no right to disregard it by any departure from the platform for which their constituents have asked their support. If the principles of Republicanism were matters of mere expedience, instead of absolute truths, having their existence in the fundamental theory of our institutions, there would be less in this view, and less reason in deprecating any conciliation of opposite factions, which can only be made by a sacrifice of some portion of the ground upon which we stand. But as we now stand, we cannot retreat before the aggressions of our assailants, and yield, in the least, to their selfish and arrogant demands, without casting aside the whole fabric of our national policy and pulling away the corner-stone of our liberties - the power of the people. In truth, we are inclined to the opinion that this backing-down policy has its origin in something besides a desire to strengthen the incoming administration. That idea could not have influenced such a movement. We are confident that Mr. Lincoln's course will need simply the candid attention of our citizens, to become acceptable to all parts of the country, and all classes of our population. At all events, it would be far better to try the experiment, before heedlessly(?) casting aside all the advantages sustained(?) from it."

The White Man's Party

The white working men of the country should not fail to note the recent action of the Republicans in Congress in preserving the public lands as homes for free white men, and that their first act on re-assembling in Congress was to re-enact the Homestead Bill. This law is but an earnest and instalment of that legislation which shall protect and bless the free labor of the country by giving every industrious and wiling man an opportunity to make himself and his children independent and comfortable. This sort of legislation is better than talking about slavery and making new laws for its extension, according to the habit of the Southern Democracy."

The Cotton States After Secession

"We hear it frequently said that secession is revolution. It is revolution, but in a far wider sense than is generally understood. The St. Louis "Democrat," published in a slave State, says that secession will lay bare all the depths of Southern society. It will let loose the conflicting theories of the politicians as well as the passions of the people, and it is difficult to say which are the more destructive. How will it be possible to build a Southern Confederacy, when the right of each State to secede is to be the corner stone of the structure? Dissolution, and not organization - anarchy, and not order - must be the immediate result of such an undertaking, to be followed in due time by some new form of monarchical despotism. The secessionists are preparing a Pandemonium for themselves, the like of which the world has not yet seen, in fact or fable. The disfranchisement of the poor whites, especially of foreigners, will be one of the structural characteristics of the new republic. The aristocratic idea once fully recognized, it will develop itself in the formation of castes. The grand principle of the Declaration of Independence repudiated, we shall see all the gradation of rank and class established by law. If the cotton lords carry out their own logic, working men of the white race will be the Pariahs of the Southern Confederation. Property and birth united, will be the joint standard of political rights and social privileges. He who has been born an alien will die an alien. The power to confer citizenship on foreigners will be denied to the legislative power. Democracy will fly from the recreant land, and hardly leave the traditions of her glory and beneficence behind. The great subdivisions of society will be slaves, foreigners, plebeians, and patricians - the last, as a matter of course, the owners of the first. The avatar of the cotton States, which is to succeed the dissolution of the Union, will e mainly a reproduction of forms of society, which it was supposed had passed away forever, and which are all but known, except to the antiquarian, or the traveler who has wandered and mediated on the banks of the Ganges, the Nile and the Tiber. No doubt the new birth will be distinguished by lineaments entirely original; but such as will impart to it neither nobleness nor dignity. Society will unfold itself from the elementary organism of the plantation, exclusively - Manners, laws, institutions, governments, sects, and systems, will be developments of that primal entity, in form as well as in spirit. All things heterogeneous and dissimilar will be eliminated; the freedom of the press, the pulpit and the rostrum will be formally, as they are now practically, abolished; and the slavery idea will overarch all, like the grim canopy of Tartarus. The aim of the government will be suppression and repression. Freedom will have no wider temple than the soul of the individual, which will also be her prison. There will be no growth, for growth is only possible by differentiation, which is only possible by virtue of freedom, which is the very sun of the intellectual world. Hence the richness of variety which distinguished all free countries - variety in productions, in literature, art, philosophy, occupations and associations - and the dreary rigorous uniformity which prevails wherever despotism rules - dreary and rigorous in proportion to the despotism of the ruling power. This explains the immutability of China and India for thousands of years, and it is into such a Dead Sea that Southern society will plunge if it escape the destructive forces which Secession will be sure to liberate. The whites of the cotton States - the plantation caste - will realize in themselves the fable of the Lotus Eaters; bur for all others nothing will remain but toil and suffering combined with political impotence - an unenviable destiny, if, as we are told, to be weak is to be miserable, doing or suffering."

Disunion and Treason

"It must now be conceded taht the Union is in the most perilous position known in the history of our country. never, since the organization of the Federal Government, has the immediate separation of the States, and the destruction of the Republic, been so imminent as at the present hour. The mass of the people do not seem to realize this fact, nor will not, we fear, until the sad calamity of disunion, ruin, and general distress is brought to their very doors. We have been so used to the hypocrisy and false alarms of partizan warfare - have so often listened to the threats of disunion which we knew would die away after the decision of the ballot-box - that it is difficult to realize the present alarming condition of the country. Says the Cincinnati Daily Times, we now find treason boldly proclaimed by those holding important positions in the Government, and at Washington, and throughout the States, federal office holders announce their readiness to assist in the dismemberment of the Union. And the Government itself seems to be paralyzed, and possesses neither the patriotism nor the courage to meet the sad emergency. The President quails before the threats of the Secretary, whose mismanagement of the federal finances, purposely, perhaps, has brought the Government to the verge of ruin, and with fear and trembling shrinks from the advances of the nation's foes. The miserable old man, responsible, to a great extent, for the dangers which now encompass the Union; selfish, unpatriotic, and seemingly without moral courage, dare not do his duty to his country, and shrinks from the responsibilities of his position. Evidently all he hopes to accomplish is to avert the calamity until after the close of the Administration, and then, for aught he may care, the Union can go to pieces. In fact, his policy makes him open to the suspicion that he is ambitious to be the last President of the United States, and will rejoice if the nation is divided at the close of his distressing Administration.

Congress, we fear, is not equal to the emergency. There are a few patriots there, but how many are steeped in the corruptions of political life? See them now, when States are in arms, and have announced their determination to secede within a fortnight, discussing the probable effect of compromise suggestions upon their partizan organizations at home! They seem dead to that lofty patriotism which destroys self for the country, and which is ready to sacrifice even life, if it be necessary, for our great and noble union. Like NERO, they even delight in the destruction and ruin which the demoralization they have brought to public life has caused, if amid the ruin their selfishness can be gratified. Sad as it is, we cannot hid the fact the Federal Government itself does not possess the virtue, patriotism and courage which this solemn hour demands, and hence it is that traitors to the Republic preach treason with impunity, and dare the federal authorities to interfere with their scheme to dissolve this Union of States.

It is time for the people to be moving. Commerce and trade of all kinds has already felt the first blow of the approaching calamity. At a period of great national prosperity, at a season of bountiful provision, at a time of national glory and pride, the politicians, the demagogues, the political leaders, have brought the Republic to the verge of total ruin. Nothing can save the Union but a prompt uprising of the patriotic people, who do not love CAESAR less but Rome more. It must be done, and done quickly, for in a short time the grandest Government the world ever saw may be utterly ruined, and the genius of Liberty, with saddened heart, will weep over the irreparable wrong to human freedom and human progress."

Facts for Workingmen

Every mechanic and laboring man who is thrown out of employment this winter should remember that he is particularly indebted to the administration of James Buchanan and its satellites for the act. Never has there been a time when the country contained as much money as at present. The great West yielded immense crops of grain and provisions the last season, while in Europe the crop was short. Consequently they have had to buy of us, and the balance of trade being largely in our favor they are compelled to remit us the specie, over six millions of which arrived last week, and the average will probably reach a million per week for the next month. With all this gold in the country, yet trade is stagnant. And why? Solely because the Democratic party which has so long been in power, had become so corrupt, that the people determined on a change of rulers, and they refuse to quietly submit to the change. Rather than to permit others to wield the power they have so long held and abused, they prefer to see the Union broken up. The Democratic party of the North by vilifying and misrepresenting the Republican party to our Southern brethren, have stirred up a spirit of bitter animosity and rebellion to the incoming Administration. This has paralysed trade, and thrown thousands out of employment, at a season when its effects are most keenly felt. Let every mechanic and laboring man remember these facts, for the day of retribution will surely come."

Southern Aggressions

"The toadies of a Southern aristocracy, many of whom claim to be Democrats, are just now assailing the North for its aggressions upon Southern rights. When asked for particulars, they mouth words about personal liberty bills, etc., as tho' the North were really censurable for their passage. We find in an exchange a few charges on the other side, which are tangible and true. In the first place, the understanding from the commencement, and on all hands, South and North, was that slavery was tolerated as a temporary necessity, which was to be gradually, steadily and utterly eradicated. That understanding and a virtual agreement the South first ignored. In the annexation of Texas, in defiance of the strongest remonstrances, they inaugurated the policy of making slavery perpetual. The repeal of the Missouri Compromise was a further step in the same bad faith. Some of the provisions of the fugitive slave law were most unchristian, intolerably offensive to non-slaveholders, and unnecessary to the maintenance of that law - yet modification was refused. The extradition or lynching of our citizens on mere suspicion, not only without proof, but in defiance of proof to the contrary. The illegal imprisonment of our coloured seamen. The banishment of Judge Hoar, in defiance of all law and courtesy. The brutal assault on Senator Sumner, who, however unwise, was entitled to the protection of the law - the worst thing ever done in intimidation of government and law."

The Democracy Responsible

"For the folly that is now kicking up its rampant heels in the South, one portion of our Northern population is to a great extent responsible. So far as any causes for the secession movement can be fixed, it is found in the continual waivings of principle which the Democratic party have bargained to the South, for power and the spoils. If the unjust demands made by the slave interest had been as firmly resisted during the last ten years as they were in the old time, the idea of secession would have been a mere myth. The desire for a separate government has been the final object of that section - for which the demands for additional advantages were to furnish a pretext. The Democracy of the North, in the hope of retaining the strength of the South in national elections, have uniformly thrown their influence and their votes in favor of these unjust demands. Increasing in enormity every year, the schemes of the revolutionists at last arrived at such a pitch of absurdity as to exceed the utmost gullibility of our people. The triumph of the Republican party was the inevitable consequence. now that this has been the result, in spite of the cries of the opposition, prophesying the immediate destruction of the republic, in case of any success - save their own - they give themselves up to wailing, and sing premature dirges over the Union. They are obstinate in their sorrow. The poor old man, wandering like a ghost among the shadows of the White house, his eyes fountains of tears, his childish treble calling upon Heaven for the help that lies in his own hands, is but a picture of the state of that party of which he was once at the head. The voice of rebellion, fostered by their acts, has arisen; and they, afraid to stem the tide - refusing to lift an arm for the integrity of this our goodly heritage - refuse also to be comforted. We believe that the secession movement will end in gas. The necessities of the South preclude the idea of its separate independence. But if this movement had been thirty years ago, it would have been quenched as that other treason was. The crowning glory in the history of the Democratic party was the action of its President in the nullification excitement. The remains of that party can save its credit by taking the same stand now. There is no danger of a test of their sincerity in the position. Let them dry their tears, and make their declining days as honorable as those of their primal strength."

What is Conservatism?

We notice taht a number of Democratic sheets, and their attendant demagogues, are assailing the Republican party as lacking in conservatism, because its leaders refuse to accept the thousand and one plans of accommodation prepared for them by the Constitution tinkers at Washington. Some have even gone so fare as to aver that if civil war is the result of the present complications, the guilt thereof will fall on the Republicans. Under any other circumstances a charge of this character would deserve only contempt, but at the present time the prevalence of such an idea, ridiculous as it is, may possibly have serious consequences. Still, we have very little to say in reply, more than this: Conservatism is not cowardice - it does not mean desertion of fundamental principles of right and wrong - it does not imply the surrender of the Government into the hands of a vicious and rebellious minority - and more than all, it does not mean a giving up of the future destinies of this great and free republic to the domination of a clique of slave breeding oligarchs. So far as we can see, nothing less than entire and eternal submission would satisfy the demands of the secession leaders. They will have the whole or none. They will rule or ruin. This being the case, we believe that the Republicans, and the more reasonable Democrats, are prepared to fully endorse the firm and manly position of their representatives. Such submission as the South demands is out of the question, and such concessions as we could reasonably grant, without a sacrifice of honor or principe, would be unavailing - therefore we must stand firm. If nothing but a fight will answer the purposes of the revels, much as all true patriots would regret it, a fight they can have. if they must attack United States forts, ships, arsenals and custom houses, the Government must defend the national property and punish all rioters and rebels with due severity. States, as States, are not recognized in this quarrel. There is not, and cannot be, any such thing as `coercion of a State' - Government deals altogether with individual men, owning allegiance to the United States."

We Want Concession

"We want concession remarks the Springfield Journal. We want the Southern States which are clamoring about concession and compromise, to concede that ours is a Government proper, and not a compact between States. We want them to conceded that State cannot dissolve its connection with this Union at will. We want them to concede that this Government has a right to enforce its laws and protect its property, even if it becomes necessary to hang or shoot every traitor in the United States, to do it. We want them to conceded that it is the duty of this Government to retake from Southern traitors its stolen forts, arsenals, etc. We want them to concede that ABRAHAM LINCOLN, having been constitutionally elected President of the United States of America, has a right to take his seat without any opposition from any quarter whatever; and that if armed opposition is offered, it is the duty of the Government to put down or overcome such opposition at every hazard. We want the South to concede that after ABRAHAM LINCOLN has taken an oath to support the Constitution of the United States, it is his duty to observe it. We want them to concede that the seceding States have violated the Constitution - taht they are in rebellion against the Federal Government, and that it is the duty of this Government to put down rebellion. We want them to concede that the taking of Federal forts and firing upon the Star of the West, are insults that should be atoned for. We ask them to concede taht northern creditors have aright to sue for and collect their demands in Southern courts. We ask them to concede that Slavery is the creature of local law.

In all this we do not ask the South concede a single thing that is not demanded by the Constitution of the United States. Until they concede all this they ought not to expect that the North has any concession to make. The flag of our country, the glorious stars and stripes, has been insulted by traitors - our vessels have been fired into - the free navigation of the Mississippi has been interrupted - and today a large body of traitors lie in wait to take Fort Pickens. We are in hourly expectation of the sad news that some brave defenders of the American flag - the flag of Washington - have been struck down in death in an effort to uphold it on American soil. The telegraph tells us today that South Carolina has determined to attack the noble Anderson if Government does not surrender Fort Sumter to the traitors! Away with compromises at an hour like this! Let us first establish the fact that we have a Government - a Government able to protect itself and punish treason. We should not talk about compromise while the flag of the traitors floats over an American fort, and the flag of our country trails in the dust. The flag that a Washington and his war-torn, weary soldiery kept flying at Valley Forge - the flag that Jasper replaced on the walls of Fort Moultries at the cost of his life - the flag that our heroic Revolutionary fathers carried triumphantly through the war for independence - the flag that is honored the wide-world over, has been torn from American forts, arsenals and navy yards at home - has been trampled under foot by traitors in our own land, on American soil! Until that flag is unfurled over Moultries, and over every other stolen fort, arsenal, custom houses and navy yard - until the laws of this Government are obeyed and its authority recognized, let us never man to yield up his conscience, his manhood nor his honor. The border States tell us that they are devoted to the Union and the Constitution. We ask them, then, to concede that the one shall stand and the other be obeyed. We are asked to concede that slavery shall go into the Territories by authority of this Government. Before we talk about such a thing, we want it settled that we have a Government. Before compromise of any kind is made or even talked about, on the subject of slavery, we want to see the rightful authority of this Government recognized and respected. Let the stolen forts, arsenals and navy yards be restored to the rightful owner - tear down your rattlesnake and Pelican flag, and run up the ever glorious Stars and Stripes - disperse your traitorous mobs, and let every man return to his duty. Then come to us with your list of grievances, and whatever manhood, honor or patriotism can yield, shall be fully accorded."

The Southern Confederacy

"The promised end of secession is a Southern Confederacy, founded on the system of slavery as a corner-stone. The various machinery of this Confederacy is now occupying the attention of the seceders, somewhat impracticable, it is true, as each State expects under the new Government perfect freedom and license for itself, but still complimentary to the Government of our fathers, as the general opinion is, that for a basis the United States Constitution should be taken, altered only in a few unimportant particulars. Yet even in their present weakness, a few of the indications of the intractable spirits of the different sections are appearing shadowing forth very plainly the anarchy and confusion which will continually embarrass their government.

Alabama insists on the perpetual prohibition of the slave trade, which has been the great motor with the rabble of South Carolina. Louisiana will ask that, in following the lead of here sisters, she shall not lose the duty which is the salvation of her sugar interests; while South Carolina is committed to free trade so deeply, as in 1833, as to make the tariff a cause of disunion. Georgia has adopted a more liberal policy as the commerce and the mails, so as to make Savannah over-reach her rival, Charleston, and already cause a bitter jealousy in the latter city. Georgia, also, finding herself the only State of important in the entire movement, has, through some of her newspapers, expressed a willingness to fight battle alone, unless her demands are recognized by here sisters. South Carolina, hardly as powerful, but fully as unyielding, will insist upon the precedence she has already taken, in any new government. Indeed she has a host of patriots who are willing to fill all the offices which the new government has to grant, and her newspapers are insinuating the very possible fact that the other seceders are already shrinking from their folly, while she remains immovable. Thus a mutual jealously must soon be engendered and bring all the other States at loggerheads with South Carolina, giving deeper root to the fear already existing that a union with her is a rope of sand, which sooner or later she will break.

Yet, unless the whole scheme dies out of dry rot before their Convention meets, unless their patriotism and love of Union becomes revivified through the infallible medium of the stomach and packet; we expect there will be some Union formed, upon the model of our Constitution. A legion of Presidents are proposed - Jefferson Davis, Yancey, Cobb, Toombs, Benjamin, Clay, not to mention all the great men of South Carolina. Davis is the Magnus Apollo, and the probable winner, since Hunter or Breckinridge cannot induce their States to hurry into such a Confederacy without first calculating the cost. We of the North need only look on as disinterested spectators, only expected to pay the postal bills of the new government, and provide arms and ammunitions in the arsenals. We are to see the unlimited credit extended to King Cotton by the capitalists of Europe. No war will be made, it is promised, if we consent to all the terms proposed to us, except New England, with which the case is hopeless. We shall watch with some interest the development of the experiment."

The Anti-Coercion Delusion

"That portion of the Norther Democratic leaders who are attempting to make an `anti- coercion' issue with the Republicans, are only repeating, in a more flagicious form, the mischief they did during the Presidential campaign. The strength and virulence of the disunion movement is due in no small degree, as all now see, to their perverse misrepresentations of the principles and designs of the Republican party. The great mass of the Southern people undoubtedly believe that the incoming Administration intend to assail slavery in the slave States, and it is this belief that has caused the intense feeling and precipitate action of secession. We speak of the people of the South; the leaders know how utterly false is this opinion. The Northern leaders of the Democratic and Union parties are responsible for this mischief, for they have had the ear of the South, and have filled it continually with these malign falsehoods. Now they are doing still worse. While pretending to be patriotically anxious to save the Union, and calling lustily on the Republicans to sacrifice party to country, they are repeating the same game of falsehood and fraud in an infinitely more injurious form. They now accuse the Republicans of a design to coerce the South, to invade and subdue the seceding States, to desolate them with the horrors of civil war, and the most frightful pictures are drawn of the punishments the Republicans are preparing for the Southern people. What is the natural effect of these falsehoods? There can be no question on this point. Their effect is already seen in the increased determination of the seceding States to resist to the last, and in the avowed purpose of the other Southern States to defend them against `coercion.' It avails nothing that coercion is disavowed; Democratic papers and Conventions and sham Union Meetings continue to repeat the alarming outcry. They seem bent upon exasperating the South to uncontrollable phrensy, as if to precipitate the terrible evils they profess to deprecate. Their eagerness to break down the Republican party, by any available means, completely overrides their patriotism, and under pretence of a desire for peace and Union they are pursuing the very course to destroy both. It is no injustice to these men to say that they are, in effect, the worst enemies of the Union and of the South, and taht they are doing more by their false appeals for peace and conciliation, to prevent reconciliation and to bring war, than any class of men in the South have the power to do."

The Southern Confederacy - What Secession Means

"Secession is at last enthroned in the Cotton States says the Springfield Journal. Jefferson Davis has been inaugurated as the first President of the Southern Confederacy. He has made his speech and defined the position of his new Republic. True, he calls it merely a `Provisional Government,' but there it is, full fledged according to the idea of those who have at length got it into existence, after the treasonable plottings and sectional agitations of thirty years. But what is it that they want, and what is the pretext for this attempt at overthrowing the government under which they have lived for the greater part of a century in a peace and prosperity rarely paralleled in the history of mankind? Well may call this `a revolution unprecedented in the history of nations,' for never before did this number of sane people thus undertake to destroy a government, the power of which they had felt only in the blessings which it had conferred upon them. Mr. Davis has the audacity to declare that the Union has failed to secure the great objects for which it was professedly established, that is `to establish justice, insure domestic tranquillity, and secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and our posterity.' Yet all the world knows that if the Union has f ailed in any of these objects, it was because those who are now making this charge would have it so. They can not point to a single instance in which the government of the Union has denied them justice, interfered with their domestic tranquility, or infringed upon their liberties. If any of these things have been done it has been by themselves, and their great complaint at this time is, that they are not permitted to make slaves of the white freemen of the North, as well as the black natives of Africa, and their own dusky posterity.

This is undoubtedly the mainspring of the monstrous conspiracy and attempt at dismembering this great and beneficent government; that is to say, that ambitious Southern leaders find that they can no longer be at the head of our National affairs and monopolize the power, honors and offices of this Government, as they have done for the greater part of national existence. Calhoun and his followers became aware of this in 1830 - they then saw the handwriting of destiny inscribed upon the wall of our national edifice in the growing power of the free North which was steadily swelling beyond their power to control. It is notorious that Calhoun's disappointed ambition turned all his feelings to wormwood and shaped his whole subsequent policy for the dismemberment of our national Union. Thomas Jefferson, as with the clear vision of prophecy, has given us the rationale and working of this disturbing element in our national life. In his `Notes on the State of Virginia,' chapter 18, he has pointed out the disturbing influence and danger of slavery in a Republican Government. He there says: `There must, doubtless, be an unhappy influence on the manners of our people, produced by the existence of slavery among us. The whole commerce between master and slave is a perpetual exercise of the most boisterous passions, the most unremitting despotism on the one part, and degrading submission on the other. Our children see this, and learn to imitate it, for man is an imitative animal... The parent storms, the child looks on, catches the lineaments of wrath, puts on the same airs in the circle of smaller slaves, gives a loose rein to the worst of passions, and thus nursed, educated, and daily exercised in tyranny, cannot but be stamped by it with odious peculiarities... And with that execration should the statesman be loaded, who, permitting one-half of the citizens thus to trample on the rights of the other, transforms those into despots, and these into enemies, destroys the morals of the one part, and the love of country of the other.'

There you have the philosophy of Thomas Jefferson - not Jefferson Davis - the true origin of the Southern Confederacy. The immortal author of the Declaration of Independence was perfectly convinced that slavery was utterly incompatible with the spirit and existence of a Republican Government. The man who is in the habit of exercising absolute power from day to day, is unfitted for submission to the wholesome restraints of law - regards its application to his restraining as degrading and disgraceful. Hence, we have a solution of otherwise amazing and inexplicable spectacle of whose States, by a common impulse of phrenzy, throwing aside their allegiance to a government which they had so often and so solemnly sworn to support, and the great mass of their population excited to madness against their Northern brethren, ,who had done them no other injury than that of calmly asserting their right to choose for themselves a Chief Magistrate and representatives in Congress who would properly represent their settled convictions of duty and policy. We will not insult the freemen of the North by the suspicion that they will ever tremble at the cracking of Southern whips, or be driven from the course of right and justice by the furious ravings of men who have been utterly blinded by their passions, which have been carefully excited by the leaders for their own ambitious purposes."

The Crisis

"There is scarcely an individual or an interest in any community throughout what is left of the Union and that portion which has placed itself in belligerent attitude to the prestige and power of the government, but what feels and is affected by the awful crisis which has prostrated the energies and divided the sympathies of the American people. As well feel it now, and as we are now arrested in our development and progress, the whole civilised world must sooner or later come within the influences of the raid which now seeks to plunge this hemisphere into civil war of the most unrelenting and bloody consequences. Those who have provoked the strife are those who seek to transfer its responsibility to the people, because they have, in the exercise of their rights and judgments, elevated to power men of tried moral worth and patriotic incentives. The triumph of the Republican party is made the excuse for the treason at the South by the men at the North who have lost an ally in every Southern traitor - while the leaders of the revolution themselves boldly declare that the election of Abraham Lincoln has nothing to do with their usurpation or their felonies. They claim the right of revolution and they have exercised such a right. On this claim they rest the justification of their acts, and by their success they illustrate either their own promises and power, or the instability and inefficiency of the Constitution and laws of the land.

Since 1833 the secession movement of the South has been gaining strength with every successive triumph of the Democratic Party, until it has culminated in the success of its leaders so far as they have been able to entrench themselves behind their defiance of the legitimate government of the country. The idea that the treason of Jeff Davis was induced by present causes is as foolish as the assertion that South Carolina went out of the Union to vindicate a right or redress any real wrong. The actual motive of both was revenge. The true cause of the secession movements, the disappointment of those who have instigated it, in maintaining their positions in power, and covering up the corruptions which have disgraced their rule from the hour they gained possession of the government. The enormity of these corruptions has to often startled the nation to be repeated by us - and as there is a God to punish the crimes and the excesses of nations as well as men, we need to be surprised that he has suffered the American people to go astray in their pursuits of peace and prosperity. The corruption of our government has indeed become unparalleled in history or experience. From secret fraud to open bribery, we have arrived at the dreadful vortex of disunion, in which are concealed civil war, social extinction and national extermination.

This crisis was bequeathed to the administration of Abraham Lincoln by that which has preceded him. It is now made the pretext for the most vile attacks on the Republican party. The Democratic press first seek to excuse secession by inventing plans for its defence, and then demand that Mr. Lincoln should at once bring the troubles to a termination. They point to the felony of Twiggs and the perjury of Wigfall not as crimes, but as the evidences of unpopularity of the Republican party and the inability of a Republican administration to maintain and vindicate the laws. With such arguments, the workingmen of the North are sought to be seduced from their adherence to principle, and again induced to support the old measures and corrupt men of the Democratic party. If it asserted that the laws are be enforced, at once the cry of coercion is proclaimed - and when humanity would seem to dictate the evacuation of a fort, a howl is raised that the government is being forced from its position, and that `the Republican party has been compelled to back down.' Let us not mistake these counter attitudes and variable declarations of the Democratic press of the whole country. They not only illustrate the inconsistency of those engaged in them, but it will shortly be proved by the action of these very men that they were as much accessories before the denoument of treason, as they have been aiders and abettors since it has achieved a sort of defiant success. This must be so, because the laws cannot much longer remain unvindicated and we as a government expect to preserve our position before the nations of the world. And when the blow is struck for the right, and the administration of Abraham Lincoln wields the power conferred upon it by the Constitution for the preservation of the Union, the opposition with which it will be compelled to contend will not alone be the secessionists at the South, but the hordes of removed Democratic officials and traitors at the North, who, with the loss of office, have sacrificed all love of country, and are now sworn and ready to increase the strength of slavery at the South, as well as destroy every vestige of civil and religious liberty at the North. If this is not to be the result of the present crisis, in case secession should succeed and revolution be acknowledged as the common right of those who choose to object to both statue and common law, then we have mistaken the objects of the Democratic press and the tendencies of Democratic leaders for the last four years."

Peace or War?

"The delay in the aggression of the secessionists and the pause in the action of the Federal administration, have left all sections of the country in a state of perplexity, in which they cannot exist much longer and preserve their equanimity. With all due respect to the administration we now think, with thousands of earnest Republicans, that it is time some definite policy was proclaimed, so that the country may prepare itself for any emergency which might grow out of such declaration of design or action. If secession has arrayed itself in impregnable defenses, and it is no longer possible to maintain the federal authority in the seceded States, the States that yet cling to the old confederation should be apprised of the fact and proper means at once taken for the safety and preservation of what remains of the Union. It is no longer just to deny that the Union has been dissolved, because the facts of dissolution are too apparent in the insults which are daily heaped on our nationality by the States that are antagonized. To all intents and purposes, the Union is dissolved. The theory of dissolution was fully established by John C. Calhoun before he died. Its practical realization began six years ago - and now that it has burst upon the country and the world with all its force and fury, it behooves us no to shrink from any of the terrors which it presents, but to meet it boldly, and, if possible, cope with and conquer all the difficulties which it has cast in our way.

For many years, there has been a bitter antipathy growing up between the South and the North. This feeling was produced entirely by jealously, because under the influence of free labor, one section excelled the other, so immensely in augmented interest and growth, that political, financial and business inferiority stared them in the face as their inevitable doom. The admission of new States with free institutions as the basis of their government, did not assist in allaying this feeling, while the result of the late census has unmistakably fixed the political inferiority and subordination of the slave States, in any union of commonwealths imbued with freedom and free labor. Southern statesmen understand and appreciate this condition of affairs, and have long since beheld their doom in the mighty progress of free labor, and consequent destruction of slavery in North America.

Why is peaceable secession not practicable? Why, if the people of the slave States are determined to organize a government of their own, should the people of the free States object? When rebellion first showed itself in South Carolina, it was within the power of the federal authorities to have reduced the rebels to subjection - but as the federal government was then in the hands of those who sympathized with secession, the movement was permitted to go on until it has become one of formidable proportions and strength. War with the seceded States will not bring them back into the Union - it will not inspire them with fresh allegiance to their old attachments, nor can its results be other than sanguinary and mournful to one, and, perhaps, fatal to both parties. Why, then, should not the cotton States be allowed to remain where they are, adrift among the nations of the world, until they discover their own folly, and of their own volition seek again an association in a union with their old friends and neighbors? Such a recognition of peaceable secession would not increase the danger and difficulties by which we are already surrounded, nor would it affect any more than they have been affected, the destiny and development of the free States. In the present juncture, a resort to arms seems utterly impracticable. And yet the complication of affairs seems so completely to perplex those who are without official information on the subject, that we most patiently wait until the wisdom of the administration has devised some plan to rescue the country from its impending ruin."

The History of the Times

"When the impartial pen of the historian is invoked to trace the transaction of the present to their true source and responsibility, he will be compelled to discharge a duty which will leave a stain of dark and irrefaceable crime on the name of the Democratic party, its measures and its men. However we may endeavor to deal leniently with the errors of individuals, and close our eyes to the common faults and frailties of our nature - there are yet degrees of crime and extents of excuse which must not be permitted to pass unnoticed or uncondemned. They will not be permitted to do so, particularly when they seek to thrust suffering on the generation that governs or entail misery and sorrow on that which is to come after us, to inhabit and posses the land. All taht we were as a government, so far as prestige and political influence are concerned, we inherited from the wisdom of those who bathed their virtues and their patriotism in their own blood, and became martyrs to their faith, with the holy resolution and purpose of creating a government which would end the martyrdom of patriotism, and establish forever the civil and religious rights of mankind. Those who formed and framed and labored for the establishment of free institutions on this hemisphere, never dreamed that the blow which would destroy their cherished object and holy purpose, would be dealt by the hands of a portion of the American people themselves. They never imagined that treason would be hatched in the capital of the republic they poured out their blood to organize. If the blow ever did come, and treason plotted to subvert the liberty of the American people, in their opinion it would come from abroad, and be hatched by those who never enjoyed and therefor could not appreciate the blessings of free institutions. But in their confidence in those who were to come after them, the statesmen and heroes of the revolution were mistaken. Instead of the blow that is to destroy us, coming from abroad, it is dealt from at home, by those most benefitted, and the treason with which it is clutching the nation by the throat, was concocted by the very men who were sworn to its preservation and protection. This is no idle assertion. The history of the past proves the origin of the treason, while the transactions of the present are daily developing the designs of those engaged in this treacherous revolution.

The cause of all our troubles is traced to the subject of slavery. In the infancy of the nation, and while we as a people were yet dependent colonies, slavery was introduced. After the revolution, and after the formation of the first Constitution, every christian man and patriot in the land admitted the evil of the institution, and consulted for a plan to ensure its gradual extinction. Such was the purpose of Jefferson and Adams, of Madison and Monroe, and on this idea of the abolishment of slavery the leading men of the past looked to the future for the grandest and holiest realization of the conception of free institutions. But as politics became a business, and the hunt for office a trade in which the worst passions and propensities of men were invoked and displayed, every prejudice which could be flattered and used for selfish purposes, was at once cultivated and fostered. The Democratic party as o reorganized to counteract the purpose of effecting the gradual extinction of slavery. Its legislation has all tended towards such an achievement. During the years of its success, its efforts to prevent the protection of free labor were in keeping with its purpose to consolidate and spread the institution of slavery over all our territory, and constitute it a recognised element in the government of the country. Not satisfied with incorporating slavery in the domestic policy of the government, a foreign war was provoked, in order to satisfy its voracity and cater to its demands. And herein is the true source of all our difficulties. As long as the South maintained the balance of power, as long as they were able to control the government, to manage its departments, the machinery of legislation was undisturbed, and no section complained of the aggressions of the other. The breeding pens of Virginia were never more flourishing than when their owners were permitted to sit in high places of power - nor were South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, Florida and Louisiana, fearful of the invasion of nay of their privileges or the disregard of nay right, when the national legislature refused to recognise free labor, or persisted in pouring into the lap of slavery the treasure of the whole country. By such acts and such legislation, the Democratic party were able to hold the government of the country in their own (obscured) because it made the South a unit in their favor. They succeeded in polluting the minds of the people of the North with false notions of monopoly, whenever protection to labor was broached, until the very labor which was thus sought to be fostered, suffered itself to be bound in its service and dragged into the depths of Democratic misery and destitution. For forty years all our struggles have been for slavery. The forcible and fraudulent annexation of Texas was for the same purpose. The bloody and costly war with Mexico aimed at conferring benefits on the same hellish influence - and to day we stand on the verge of a conflict even more sanguinary and far more expensive to curb the lusts and larcenies of this identical institution.

The historian will deal impartially with these facts. As long as the Democratic party was able to protect and maintain slavery, the advocates and supporters of that evil were also advocates and supporters of Democracy. As long as the Democratic party was powerful for slavery propagandism, the entire South was devoted to Democracy. But when the Democratic party became demoralized, when its leaders at the South assumed all the regal arrogance of aristocratic power, and the masses at the North suddenly changed their faith in its purity and purposes, then its southern adherents suddenly ceased in their devotion, the party itself was divided into angry factions and the cry of revolution and succession became as popular as free trade and direct taxation had before been audaciously insisted upon. No sane man will dare to declare that the revolution at the South is the result of any fear of political invasion from the North - and only those who are insane will deny that it is the effect of northern development, progress and improvement on the last relic of barbarianism that yet remains on this continent, in the shape of African slavery. It is the struggle of the Democratic party to maintain slavery. The effort of a decayed and dissolute aristocracy, under the name and in the disguise of a corrupt Democracy, to maintain its power in this government for the purpose of triumphing in its own base and selfish objects.

Let not the American people, the laboring man and mechanic, be misled, therefore, in the contest which is about to be waged. The conflict has been forced on them, and the struggle will be for their dearest rights. Under any circumstances, war seemed inevitable, and we had better have it written of us hereafter that we were willing to perish in a contest for life and liberty, than that we supinely submitted to our fate, and lost both liberty and life."

For What are We Contending?

"The civilized and Christian world must judge the merits of the contest which has been forced on the people of one by the revolutionists of another section of the country, and the decision made by that tribunal will forever hereafter affect the development and destiny of the contending parties in this warfare. The revolution at the South has no parallel in the history of any revolution since civil governments were formed for the protection of mankind. All other revolutions aimed at the elevation of the morality of men, and sought the achievement of an equality among the masses of the people calculated to promote their happiness, prosperity and power. Even in feudal contests, which were waged at the expense of all the holiest ties of blood and society, the result contemplated was the vindication of the rights of all men, and not the debasement or corruption of any particular race. So with the French revolution, the bloodiest picture on the page of time. During all that awful struggle, when Paris ran with blood, and France bowed her head with mighty agony, above the rage and the passion of the mob, the serene form of Liberty was invoked to preside over the bloody orgies of their mistaken zeal. The revolutions of Poland and Hungary, and the fitful struggles of ireland, all tended to that one object, freedom. All revolutions, in fact, were waged solely for the establishment of liberty in some degree elevating to the masses. All civil wars, too, for whatever purpose in reality carried on, were proclaimed by the belligerents to be for some good of elevating influence, or some right that extended the blessings and benefits of civil and religious liberty. The exception to all these struggles for right is the rebellion in the South, sought to be dignified with the name of rebellion by its participants and sympathizers. Instead of being a revolution to vindicate any right of humanity or religion, it is only a riot, made formidable by the neglect of past Administration, to crush such right, and inaugurate in its stead, power to degrade and enslave the human body and soul. However those who sympathize with this treason may argue that the Southern people are struggling for an equality in the Union, the real design of the conflict so far as the South is concerned, is to make slave equal to free labor, and to elevate the institution of slavery itself, not only as an element in the power of the government, but as a specifically recognized influence in its legislation and diplomacy. Thus, the conflict is reduced to the negative positions, that while the free States are using their influence against slavery, the Slave States are invoking a like influence against treason. We cannot unite these influences by compromises, because their antagonism is derived from a higher power than that of man, and will continue to go on until one yields to reason and humanity, or the other is overcome by treason or cowardice.

It is useless, longer then, to conceal the real merits of this contest. The seceded States have themselves fixed this merit, by announcing slavery to be the fundamental principle of their government. They have declared that slavery should of right constitute the element of all government, and in obedience to this declaration, are now making war on the nearest and freest government in the world. It is that they are contending force - and against this, we of the free States are now forced to struggle. If the government yields to the treason, its heresies will constitute hereafter the government - but if the people of all sections of the Union sustain the government in its efforts to arrest this rebellion, neither its heresies or its atrocities will ever hereafter be again attempted."

What it Costs?

"War costs blood, limbs and life. View it in any light we can or regard it as we may, life, limbs and blood are the result of war. The best disciplined troops are often the soonest destroyed, the worst equipped and armed are those which enter the battle field under the most inauspicious circumstances. In duty to the soldier, a state or a nation that is at war, is in honor bound to see taht he is disciplined for the fighting he is expected to do. If he is not so trained, the consequences are certain to be disastrous. If he is not armed equally in all respects with those with whom he is expected to engage, the consequences will cause blood to flow. If the best officers are not detailed to command and lead him into battle, his life is not only in danger from the foe, but it is placed in jeopardy in the false position he may be forced to take by an ignorant commander. The soldier suffers, whoever may be to blame. He it is who takes the runt of consequences. Others may assume the responsibility - but the soldier in the ranks must take the sabre's gash and bullet's hole. We must think of these things as we county the costs of this war. And we must think too, that while we are carping, criminating and recriminating, the blood of our soldiers is at issue in our complaints - human life is at stake while we are discussing human frailties and shortcomings. Never before was an army organized under such difficulties as those which beset and hamper the organization of the army summoned to the field by the President of the United States. Military skill is measured by civilization criticism and thus life, limb and blood are all in danger, while human being are cast into the scale with human judgment, to be disposed of as lightly as we get rid of our articles of barter or production of trade. It seems as if no man knew anything, while all men understood all things. The press talk of battles, sieges, storms and victories as lightly as they do of politics. They direct the movement of armies, challenge the judgment of soldiers, impugn the motives and question the ability of captains, as recklessly sometimes, as they do those of their contemporaries - forgetting, the while, that this too costs blood. Who will dare to say that this is not wrong? No sensible man, however modest he may be to express himself on other subjects, will hesitate to declare that there has been too much interference by civilians with the organization of the army. men deficient in military knowledge - intent to gain instead of glory have intruded themselves in this business,a nd when is too late to remedy this evil, we will find that it too will cost an immense treasure in blood, limb and life.

It is terrible to contemplate the condition of affairs, but it is not too late to apply a remedy. Let the people await with more confidence the organization of the army. Let the authorities who have it is charge be untramelled with this ceaseless complaining - let the military authorities shake off the speculators who have fastened themselves like leeches on their resources - let the military power assert its supremacy within its own department - let it rise above petty jealousy, mean spites and small revenges - let the press be cautious and judicious - let all be more discreet - because if we do not, we must, in our anxiety to discover frauds and denounce wrong, inaugurate a bedlam in our own midst, and dedicate to confusion and anarchy those who should be disciplines for war's rigors and battle's dangers."

Cotton and Civilization

"We alluded on Saturday to the destiny of the south, asserting that the tendency of the rebellion which the advocates of slavery were waging against the existence of the Union, must result in the final overthrow of slavery itself on this continent. We maintained this, while we also asserted that such a result was not among the achievements which the government aimed at while it was struggling to maintain its power and authority. The idea that the south would forever monopolize the cotton market of the world, would be proven, among the results of this very revolution, to be false, a fact which a contemporary also maintains by declaring that the cotton- clothed world will have to get its material elsewhere than from the southern states for a time; and though this may be felt to be inconvenient, it will be the means of remedying a great evil. The secession states must be prevented from realizing their cotton crop by both a land and water blockade. This is the overruling necessity of war, and will insure a speedier victory over rebellion; but independent of this, the cause of civilization all over the world will be promoted by it. The interior of Africa has been opened of late by remarkable discoveries by intelligent travelers, and it would seem as if the resources of Africa were delayed to these latter ages for the sake of removing American slavery. Africa will soon be the great source of cotton supply. The cotton there grown is reported to be of longer and better staple, more like our Sea Island cotton, than any grown in India. It is now being cultivated by European, chiefly English capital; and the African laborers are being taught to cultivate the plant with more care. Every year sees an increase of arrivals in English ports of African cotton, and the native African kingdoms and rulers are learning the arts of civilization, and especially that it is more profitable for them to raise and export produce than to sell their countrymen as slaves.

It required the force of a hurricane - in the shape of a civil war like the present, in which the South has forced the North to raise the standard of freedom against the attempted domineering spirit of Southern supremacy - to rot up the hold on the world which slavery had got by its cotton products, raised exclusively by slave labor. All Europe is now enlisted against slavery in the most practical way. The cotton manufactories of the world are thrown for a while on their beam ends - the usual sources of supply have been forcibly stopped - that on which they most depended; and new sources must be encouraged. Such sources are within ready reach. Africa and Asia offer these sources; and the civilizing of the African and the Indian will be hastened by the turning of hundreds of millions of pounds sterling into the hands of those nations, instead of the hands of the Cotton South American Confederacy.

Slavery will be abated and finally extinguished on this continent, and Africans will rise to freedom and intelligence on their own soil. This seems to be the certain result of the present God- sent war. Let us therefore rejoice and persevere accordingly. The petty suffering of the day will terminate in a glorious result to this country and to humanity. Slave and free labor cannot long coexist. One must drive out the other. They are like oil and water - impossible to commingle. The cotton plant, after the bread plant, is most essential to man's civilization. There is no limit to the increase of the consumption of cotton except in that of the race itself. We are a cotton-clothed humanity. Cotton is more suitable for the wants of all than wool or silk or furs or skins of any kind. Cotton, a vegetable product, is much cheaper to raise and to manufacture than any of the others, which are all animal productions. Cotton the world must have, but i t can be obtained in a way consistent with the progress of the world in civilization. Habit and custom in wrong courses are too powerful to change except by violence - by a greater power raised temporarily to overthrow them. The manufacturers of cotton only look to where they can obtain their supplies most readily, cheaply, and steadily, and do not look beyond this point. All or any injustice in the mode of raising the cotton they did not regard. It required, therefor, some storm in the heavens to change this habit and custom. The storm is now raging. The dependence of Europe on a supply of cotton in the southern states is destroyed for ever. The other sources are now being resorted to, and the capital and skill and general power of France and England is being directed to those countries where cotton can be obtained more steadily and more righteously, because raised by free labor.

The northern states of this Republic are therefore fighting the great battle of civilization as well as of freedom and political rights. Immediate action to this was quickened by the domineering spirit of the south, who think it better to reign (if they can) out of the Union than serve within it."

They Are Not Our Equals

"One fact has heretofore been neglected to our notice of the southern rebels - If we were contending with a foreign foe, for the decision of some law of nations - some commercial understanding - some treaty of comity, or some right of possession - we would know that we were meeting our equals - men who were impressed with the conviction that they were contending for principle, under the lead and command of gallant and earnest men. But such is not the case with the southern rebels. The case, as it stands, is against the rebels, and therefor they are not our equals. They are not our equals, any more than the burglar is the equal of the owner of the house he attempts feloniously to enter. he may be armed, he may be the stronger man, and he may find the occupant of the house he has entered wrapped in sleep, but still he is not the equal of the sleeper, on the principle that the thieves, burglar and assassins, are not the equals of an honest man. And on this same principle the rebels are not the equals of the freemen who are now in arms to suppress the rebellion. The men who renounced their senatorial oaths, who perjured their souls while in cabinet conferences, who stole the public property while it was in their charge for safe keeping, who applied the public treasure to self aggrandizement, are certainly no the equals of those who have left their peaceable homes to rescue the land from rebellion. Floyd, Davis, Yancey and Toombs, are not the equals of Lincoln, Cameron, Seward or Chase. The former are sanctioning the destruction of public property, the repudiation of private debts, and the organization of anarchy where law and order once prevailed. The latter are struggling to counteract what the former would create, to undo what they have done, and, if possible, save a land that is already bleeding from a thousand wounds, inflicted by rebel traitors, the inferiors of honest freemen.

The inferiority of the southern people engaged in this rebellion is also illustrated in the fact that they are fighting against the government. Theirs is not a revolution that has enlisted the sympathy or received the acknowledgment of the nations of the world. They are rebels; as such they are regarded by every nation in Christendom, and as such, too, they are not the equals of any honest community of men, however humble they may be in the estimation of their neighbors."

The Blood of Chivalry

"The noisy chivalry of the south, who have heretofore monopolized the public attention by their eternal boasting of superior courage and powers in war, are beginning to prove by their own conduct, that they are among the most arrant knaves and coward in Christendom. They have at last become subjects for the jeers of the people of the world, who regard their conduct as a result entirely unexpected from gentlemen born to such high distinction as has always been claimed for the people of the south. The press of the country also indulges its lucubrations over the bitter hypocrisy of the southern fire-eaters, and in the most becoming language, a contemporary asks whether it is not a humiliating fact for the gallant, the indomitable, the invincible chivalry of the gulf states, who were born almost with rifles in their hands, who practiced gunnery and horsemanship in swaddling clothes, and grew up into such walking arsenals, that each man of them could launch a siege of ten Yankees to scorn; who were to be such thunderbolts in war that they would sweep victorious over every battle field, sack Philadelphia, seize the money chests of New York, and encamp their armies on the three hills of Boston -- we say, is it not humiliating to find these terrible sons of thunder retreating everywhere before their long-despised and vilified enemies, and crying pitifully before the world that all they want is `peace' - all they want is to be `let alone.'

But such is generally the ignoble end of the braggart's career. True courage is never loud- mouthed and ostentatious. It is modest, gentle and silent. And in the clash of `cold steel' and the sulphurous smell of `gun powder' which Jeff Davis so lately and so indecently promised the loyal men of the north, it will be seen where the truest courage is found.

In the meantime, it is worth while to note that the `invincible' secessionists no longer look to their wonderful warriors to win them the victory, but are turning, with despairing eyes to England and France, to break the chains with which their limbs are already bound."

The Tariff

"There seems to be a disposition among certain members of Congress to use the present crisis to attack the revenue laws, and is possible, inure the prospects of the producing classes of the country. By a vote in the House of Representatives yesterday; it was decided not to consider any subject irrelevant to the war. This was of course proper, and in accordance with the purpose for which the present extra session was convened, but we can scarcely consider it fair and just that the present tariff should be assailed to gratify the speculations and put poses of the importing interests of the commercial cities of the Union. There are great interests involved in the revenue laws as they now exist, interests that were just gathering strength and importance when this rebellion burst forth to blast not only them but others equally as important. If they are to be given up to the merciless competition of foreign pauper labor, an evil almost as great as that of rebellion will develop itself in our midst, and when we have crushed the rebels and ended our struggle for the government, we will find more woe in our ruined industrial interests than could have been found in the triumph of treason.

Whatever may be our wants, the revenue laws as they now exist, should e sacredly guarded, and any alteration avoided as likely to create great future injury in return for any present uncertain assistance. The strength of the nation is vested in the prosperity of its industrial interests. Destroy these, or place them in unfair positions or illiberal competition, and we impair not only the prospects of communities, but we arrest the prosperity of the nation itself."

The War for the Union

"There are those who speak of the war as if they had no personal interest in the result of it, or in the object sought to be attained by it. And yet the perpetuity of the government and the integrity of the Union are objects as vital to them as to those who favor a vigorous prosecution of the war. The manifestation of loyalty is not more binding upon a republican than upon a democrat; and the duty of preserving the government is as obligatory upon the one as upon the other. The Union is an inheritance in which every citizen has an equal share, and the man who feels or professes indifference to the means used to preserve it, because he had no part in electing those to whom the people have confided the administration of its affairs, is equally deficient in sense and patriotism.

A Republican has no more at stake in the Union than a Democrat. And yet we hear the remark, every day, that this is a `Republican war; and Republicans may fight its battles.' But every man of sense knows that it is the war of no party; but a war waged by traitors to destroy, and prosecuted by patriots to preserve the government. If the continuance of the government is desirable at all, it is desirable to all alike. And if any man holds back because his party is not in power, he is but a step behind those who are in open rebellion.

There are those who thus hold back, and for this reason. These are, however, we are glad to know `few and far between.' The masses of all parties at the north, are in perfect accord in regard to the necessity and propriety of vigorously prosecuting the war to restore and preserve the Union. But there are more in sympathy with treason than there should be; and there are more than there should be who allow their party prejudices to interfere with their patriotic impulses.

If the Union should be permanently dissolved, or the Government destroyed, or weakened, Democrats would suffer equally with the Republicans. It would be a loss to the world. Democrats equally with Republicans, should, therefore, cooperate in whatever plans are best adapted to achieve the end desired. This is felt by the half-million valiant men who, without a thought of party, have entered the field. It is felt, also, by the millions ready to sacrifice fortune and life rather than see the noble inheritance bequeathed to them by their fathers cloven down by the fratricidal hands raised against its existence.

They mistake the temper of the people who believe it possible to induce them to be indifferent to the issues of the contest in order to punish those to whom they may be politically opposed. If those who took sides against liberty in `76 were held in abhorrence, and if the memory of those who arrayed themselves against the war of 1812, is dishonored - what measure of infamy awaits those who shall, in this contest for the preservation of the Union, array themselves against those who are for the Union, and with those who are seeking to destroy it? Let them take counsel from the past, and beware!"