The Armorial Bearings of
Captain John Smith
of Virginia
as Recorded at the College of Arms, London, by Sir William
Segar, Garter Principal King of Arms, 19 August, 1625.
Rouge Dragon Pursuivant of Arms
SPONSORED BY
The Jamestown-Yorktown Foundation
The National Endowment for the Humanities
The Newberry Library
and
The Institute of Early American History and Culture
The Institute of Early American History and Culture
is sponsored jointly by The College of William and Mary
and The Colonial Williamsburg Foundation.
Preparation of these volumes was made possible in part
by a grant from the Research Materials Program
of the National Endowment for the Humanities,
an independent federal agency.
In addition to the major sponsorship of the agencies listed on p. v,
editorial work on these volumes was assisted also by grants from
the Jennings Charitable Trust,
the Jane and Dan Gray Charitable Foundation,
and the Sterling Morton Charitable Trust.
To the memory of all those
who purposefully or accidentally
have contributed to the preservation
of the manuscripts, books, drawings, and maps
that make it possible today
to edit, annotate, index, and value
the records of the past.
On December 21, 1980, the editor of these volumes, Philip L. Barbour, died in
Petersburg, Virginia. He had turned eighty-two that same day and was en
route to Williamsburg from Louisville, Kentucky, his hometown.
At the time of Mr. Barbour's death, each of the three volumes in the set
was in a different stage of editing. For reasons that need not be explained here,
Volume II had been prepared for the compositor first. By fall 1980 this
volume was in page proof, and Mr. Barbour had had a chance to make final
corrections. Volume I and Volume III had not yet been typeset, but for both
of these volumes Mr. Barbour's editorial work was basically complete. In the
case of Volume I, the manuscript had already been perused by a recognized
authority on John Smith's period, and Mr. Barbour had responded to
detailed criticisms and had been able to make appropriate changes. He had
also approved most of the copy editing that had been done on the volume.
The manuscript of Volume I, then, was entirely ready for the compositor by
the end of 1980.
Volume III had not yet been sent to an outside reader for criticism prior
to Mr. Barbour's death, nor had the manuscript been finally copy edited. It
should be emphasized, however, that in the course of preparation of the
manuscript, Mr. Barbour had been in regular consultation with editors at the
Institute of Early American History and Culture, and his work had been
scrutinized piecemeal. In consequence, neither the outside critical reading
nor the final copy editing resulted in any significant changes in the
manuscript.
The Institute did not have for Volumes I and III the benefit of Mr.
Barbour's close reading of the galley and page proof, which has been a
considerable handicap, especially in the case of the substantive footnotes. On
the other hand, the copy text of all three volumes had been prepared by Mr.
Barbour long before his death, and the faithfulness of the text presented here
to that copy text has been authenticated by multiple oral readings of the copy
text against the proofs by members of the Institute staff.
Mr. Barbour had undertaken only preliminary planning of the index
before he died. Knowing, however, that preparation of the index was a task
too massive for him at his advanced age and that page proof of Volume III
would not be available for another year, he requested, only months before he
died, that the Institute arrange to have Mrs. Alison M. Quinn take over the
job, which she was able to do.
It was Mr. Barbour's goal to have his editorial tasks completed by 1980,
the quadricentennial anniversary of Smith's birth, and happily this goal was
achieved. We are grateful, too, that Mr. Barbour thought to ensure the
financial health of the project by a provision in his will -- a complete surprise
to the Institute staff -- assigning a portion of his estate for Institute use. The
Barbour fund was critically important at the last stages of editorial and
production work.
The first attempt to present Capt. John Smith's works objectively and with
sympathetic understanding of their character was made by Edward Arber in
1884. Before that, and since the days of their original printing, only scattered
bits had been republished for one or another reason -- on occasion even
merely to disparage or glorify the man or what he wrote, depending on the
publisher's bent. Arber, perhaps spurred by the specific doubts raised in the
nineteenth century regarding Smith personally, collected and reprinted all
but one of the major works, and added thereto a considerable section
dedicated to contemporary writings relevant to Smith's career. This work,
entitled Captain John Smith ... Works, 1608-1631 (Birmingham, 1884), has now
served for a century as the basic edition of Smith. Its excellence, rather than
any want of assiduity on the part of more recent scholars, has certainly been
responsible for the lack of a later edition. Yet modern research soon made a
revision desirable, and that meant an edition that would supply such notes
and comments as would make Smith mo fully understandable.
The present edition includes a transcription of Smith's letter to Francis
Bacon of 1618, which was omitted by Arber but constitutes the first draft of
Smith's New Englands Trials (1620). This latter in turn was reprinted with
additions in New Englands Trials (1622). Although the three versions are
identical in part, each later one contains added material, thereby providing
some insight into the development of Smith's plans for colonization.
Next, Arber omitted the Sea Grammar from his edition, presumably on the
grounds that it is a mere expansion of Smith's Accidence. In this case, however,
the omission is more serious than in that of the letter to Bacon. The material
Smith added to the Sea Grammar was taken, generally verbatim, from one of
the manuscript copies then circulating of Sir Henry Mainwaring's
"Dictionary of Sea Terms" (the title is variously phrased), which was not
printed until long after both Mainwaring and Smith were dead. Smith did
not outrightly copy Mainwaring's book, but he used it as a source for good
definitions of nautical terms that for the most part he had already published in
his Accidence, much as the present editor has used the Oxford English Dictionary
to explain obscure or obsolete words. The difference is that today we
acknowledge our debts to our sources, while in 1627 few borrowing writers
known to complain.
A third kind of omission was Arber's failure to see the importance of
passages in Samuel Purchas's Hakluytus Posthumus, or Purchas His Pilgrimes ...
(London, 1625), that contain excerpts from Smith's notes or to recognize the
importance of other documents in Purchas that add to our knowledge of
Smith, or in the case of the True Travels provide an earlier version of a later
work. Parenthetically, we may add that two poems by Smith have been
discovered recently in the form of published commendatory verses for books
by friends. These indirectly confirm Smith's authorship of the poem that
introduces the Advertisements.
In the case of the present editor, a fading memory of a visit to
Jamestown's 300th anniversary in 1907 persuaded him to return for the 350th
anniversary in 1957. This brought about renewed interest in Smith and the
acquisition of a copy of Arber. Finding that some details of southeastern
European geography that had perplexed Arber were quite simple to verify
through modern historical maps, the present editor undertook first an
explanatory article or two, and then deliberately set out to try his luck with a
biography of Smith based on known facts, illustrated with controlled flights of
imagination but virtually devoid of bald legend. At that point, he became
acquainted with Bradford Smith and his then recent Captain John Smith: His
Life and Legend (Philadelphia, 1953). There, in an appendix by Dr. Laura
Polanyi Striker, he found evidence of the first scholarly investigation into the
Hungarian and provincial Austrian sources.
To pass over extraneous details, the editor's training in linguistics and
experience as a newspaperman and intelligence officer had long since been
that of an investigator. Impartial investigations in European archives steadily
yielded circumstantial evidence in support of Smith's personal narratives,
making the biography in progress a fait accompli. But, more important, these
investigations aroused the interest of Dr. Lawrence W. Towner, then editor of
the William and Mary Quarterly, to the extent that the desirability of a new
edition of Smith's works was broached.
Arber's original edition had become scarce, as had even the reissue of
1895 and the reprint of 1910 with a new introduction by A. G. Bradley. Then,
there were the works omitted by Arber (the letter to Bacon, the Sea Grammar,
and the bits included as "Fragments" in Volume III of this edition), and
there was the need for annotation, including the results of the latest research
in many fields. Dr. Towner had already considered attacking the problem
singlehandedly, but early in 1960 he got in touch with the present editor with
the idea of joining forces. Due to other commitments on both parts, however,
nothing concrete resulted from our discussions.
Finally, in 1969, five years after the publication of the present editor's life
of Smith (The Three Worlds of Captain John Smith, Boston, 1964), the
Jamestown Foundation celebrated the 350th anniversary of the first Virginia
Lewis A. McMurran, Jr., privately approached the editor with his own
independent plan for publishing a complete and annotated edition of all
Smith's works, including those omitted by Arber, and proposed entrusting
this to the present editor. Agreement was soon reached. Dr. Towner (by then
occupied with the Newberry Library, of which he is now president and
librarian), willingly committed his dream to the present editor, and the
Jamestown Foundation (now the Jamestown-Yorktown Foundation)
contributed the funds necessary for further research, as well as partial support
for publication. In this way, the editor was able to take charge by 1971.
Although many problems remained to be solved, thanks to the efforts of Lewis
McMurran and Lawrence Towner, the objective has become a reality. The
many others who have helped make this edition possible, in addition to these
"prime movers" (as Smith would have called them), are mentioned below.
A basic acknowledgment of debt to my forerunners in treating of John Smith's
works is meet and proper, even though a wide and deep chasm often divides
our aims and our conclusions. This chasm is the passage of time: the chronos of
Homer, from which we have formed the word "chronology." With the
passage of time, Smith's Elizabethan expansiveness became boasting within a
generation, and by 1850 was labeled "lying." Yet those critics who began
about 1850 to appraise Smith's work should be thanked, for ill informed
though they were, they opened the door to just evaluation.
My most lasting debt in connection with this work, however, is to those
who made its specific production possible. I therefore begin my
with those who have granted me the most practical aid.
Foremost of these is the National Endowment for the Humanities, to
which I express my hearty thanks for a grant in direct support of my research
in 1972, and, four years later, for a Folger Library-NEH Senior Fellowship
toward the same end, and in response to the need for study in greater depth of
several problems raised particularly by Smith's True Travels. Another
sponsor, already mentioned, is the Jamestown-Yorktown Foundation, heir to
the Jamestown Foundation, whose generosity has been of help to me
personally as well as to publication. And finally, two other sponsors have lent
their support in more ways than one: the Newberry Library, Chicago; and the
Institute of Early American History and Culture, Williamsburg, Virginia.
They have been represented in part by an Advisory Board composed of the
Honorable Lewis A. McMurran, Jr., Professor David Beers Quinn, Parke
Rouse, Esq., Dr. Lawrence W. Towner, Dr. Wilcomb E. Washburn, and Dr.
David Woodward. To all of these I extend my sincerest appreciation for
advice and support. Dr. Thad W. Tate, director of the Institute of Early
American History and Culture, has been the principal administrator of the
project almost from its inception. His leadership has been essential to its
success. In addition, I wish to recognize the efforts on my behalf of the
Frederick Fausz, and Dr. Norman S. Fiering. Without their keen attention to
the minutiae that are encountered in such a work many flaws would not have
been detected. For the oversights and errors that remain, I alone am
responsible.
My debt is also great, however, to many other individuals and
organizations. In addition to those listed in my Three Worlds (xi-xiii) who
have since renewed their help, staff members in many previously unexplored
libraries and archives have cooperated in great ways and small. Two or three
sound scholars have remained skeptical (I would not want it otherwise), or
disagreed with this or that analysis; but I believe I can truthfully state that the
bulk of those whom I have consulted are in reasonable concord with the
interpretations I have advanced here and there where highly moot historical
questions are involved. Many of the results are to be found in the footnotes,
above all in Volume III.
Here then, in order to avoid a list of acknowledgments reminiscent of a
scholar's guide, I will single out a handful of scholars and archivists whose
personal opinions have in some way influenced my work on Smith during the
past five years. I am indebted particularly to Professor Quinn, already
mentioned, who has freely given me the benefit of his unequaled familiarity
with the entire period and area involved and thus has served as a welcome
mentor for the edition as a whole. On specific matters and in specific fields, I
am beholden to Dr. Franz Pichler, archivist in Graz, Austria; to the "Nicolae
Iorga" Institute of History, Bucharest, and especially to Dr. Maria Holban,
formerly of the staff of that institute; to the Topkapi Palace Archives and
Library, Istanbul, and especially Sayin Ibrahim Baybura; to Francis W.
Skeat, Esq., Fellow of the British Society of Master Glass Painters for advice
on heraldic matters; to Dr. Karl Pis~ec', Maribor (Yugoslavia), for helping to
identify Smith's "Olumpagh"; to Professor Gustav Bayerle, Department of
Uralic and Altaic Languages, Indiana University, Bloomington, for
clarification of certain aspects of the "Long War" (1593-1606); to Dr.
Mehemet Kocakülah, graduate student at the University of Louisville
(Kentucky), for help with Turkish titles; and to the staff of the Folger
Shakespeare Library, Washington, D.C., and its director, Dr. O. B.
Hardison. Many others are mentioned in the footnotes, in order to keep this
section within bounds.
In conclusion, I wish to acknowledge also the help of my associate and
assistant for thirty years, Wolfgang Rennert, whose work on the index was
interrupted by his sudden untimely death on March 2, 1977.
The editor's goal throughout has been to present the texts of Smith's works as
faithfully as possible. The changes introduced are of two kinds, systematic and
ad hoc. All ad hoc changes have been recorded meticulously by page and line
number in the sections entitled "Textual Annotation" that follow each of
Smith's works. More will be said below about the guiding principles behind
these ad hoc changes. The systematic changes, most of which are merely
typographical, have been introduced silently in accordance with the
following rules.
Where necessary, "i" and "u" have been altered to represent vowel
sounds exclusively; "j" and "v" have been altered to represent consonants
exclusively. The makeshift "vv" has been changed to the modern "w," and
the old forms of "s" have been changed to the modern "s."
Contractions have been expanded throughout: "Master" for "Mr.,"
"Captain" for "Cap[t].," "Sir" for "Sr," "lordship" for "Lp," etc.; "the,"
"that," etc., have been substituted for "ye," "yt," etc. ("y" was a graphic
variant of the runic letter thorn, still used in modern Icelandic, with the value
of "th"); "and" replaces the ampersand; and "etc." replaces "&c." The tilde
(a graphic variant "m" or "n" often reduced to a macron or short superior
line) has been replaced by expanding the word, as in "them" or "then" for
"the~," or "assistance" for "assistãce."
The numerous italicized words in the first editions (mostly proper
names) have here been set in roman, except in the case of poetry, where we
have followed the original mixture of italics and roman exactly. Otherwise,
we have confined the use of italics to ships' names, Indian words (other than
proper nouns) that do not appear in standard English dictionaries, and a few
obscure foreign words and phrases. In one or two cases, such as the lists of
immigrants and their occupations, italics have been retained or added for the
sake of typographical clarity.
Almost all changes in punctuation are recorded in the Textual
Annotation, except for a few additions or deletions of commas or full stops in
the marginalia, which was often erratically typeset, and the silent addition of
end-of-line hyphens that in certain obvious cases had been inadvertently
dropped by the seventeenth-century compositor (e.g., a line ending after
"pit" with the next line beginning "ched").
Speeches and other direct quotations, which normally were not set
off by inverted commas in the seventeenth century, have been recognized in
this edition by the introduction of a line space above and below the extract
material.
The original running heads have been discarded along with the
paging of the seventeenth-century editions. Page breaks are indicated by a
double vertical rule (||), and the original folio is set in boldface in brackets in
the margin. All page references to Smith material in these volumes are to these boldface
folios, not to the modern pagination. The catchwords have also been dropped.
All other adjustments of the text, whether of punctuation, spelling, or
word order, are listed in the Textual Annotation. It is perhaps necessary to
comment a little on the editorial philosophy underlying these ad hoc
alterations. First of all, obvious misprints have been corrected. Although in
Smith's time the degree of standardization now prevailing in matters of
orthography and punctuation did not exist, enough agreement existed to
enable us to identify actual printer's errors as such. Correction of
mishaps such as inverted letters, triple consonants, and repeated
words need no defense, but, in addition, we have made alterations in the copy
text when it appeared logical to assume that if either Smith or his printers had
noticed the "error," it would have been corrected. On the other hand,
hundreds of "misspellings" in the modern sense have not been touched
because they were common (or even uncommon) variants at the time.
However, even though the editor has been extremely chary of making any
changes at all in spelling, in a number of cases sound editorial considerations
have justified some alterations. Since every one of these is listed in the Textual
Annotation appended to each work of Smith's, the reader is free to check and,
if so desired, reverse the editor's decision.
With regard to changes in punctuation, the same rules have been
applied. When the text could easily be misunderstood by, or even be
unintelligible to, the modern reader, we have altered the punctuation, based
on our best judgment of how it would have been done if the compositor had
minded his type. Here, too, the Textual Annotation will serve as a check and a
resource for the specialist. Generally, no matter how peculiar the
punctuation, if the text is comprehensible we have let it stand. The
punctuation has been altered, then, only in cases of unusual ambiguity or
obscurity. It has never been changed solely in the interest of modernizing or
standardizing.
The Textual Annotation following each work of Smith's includes also
two lists pertaining to the problems posed by words hyphenated at the end of
the line. The first list records those words that in the copy text were
hyphenated at the end of the line, thus raising for the editor the question of
whether the hyphen should be retained when the same word fell in the middle
of a line in the present edition. In deciding whether a word is normally
word division, the editor has been guided by what he took to be Smith's
typical usage. Since a decision on hyphenation is a form of emendation not
unlike the correction of a supposed typographical error, the reader can use
this first hyphenation list as a means of reconstructing the text as it was before
editing. The second hyphenation list records those words hyphenated at the
end of the line in the present edition for which the hyphen should be retained
when transcribing from this edition. In other words, it corrects for the
ambiguity that is often present when a word is divided at the end of the line.
One does not know if it is word division brought about by the number of
spaces left in the line or if the word is one that is to be hyphenated no matter
where it falls in the line. The second list, then, does not reflect editorial
discretion; it simply records that the word in question was hyphenated in the
copy text and was found that way in the middle of a line.
Before concluding, a word must be said about the copy texts for this
edition. The compositor was supplied with xerographic or printed facsimiles
of Smith's works on which certain editorial changes had been made, as
indicated above. The facsimiles were chosen for readability and availability,
and in some cases two or three different copies of Smith's books were used. In
consequence, in most instances no single library copy of a Smith work can be
cited as the copy text. However, in all cases we have worked with the first
editions of Smith's publications; there are no historical reasons for using any
later editions under the assumption that Smith himself corrected or altered
material for subsequent editions. The one partial exception to this rule is as
follows: Since the Generall Historie is in some respects a compilation or reprint
of some of Smith's earlier books, we have occasionally used that 1624
publication as a standard. All textual changes based on the Generall Historie
are so indicated in the Textual Annotation, and many footnotes make
comparisons between different versions of the same material in various of
Smith's works. We have not found it necessary, on the other hand, to collate
systematically the extant copies of Smith's works. There are variations from
copy to copy, but these are invariably extremely minor, and after a century or
so of Smith studies, no one has yet turned up a single important variation of
this kind from copy to copy. Many years of research into John Smith's life and
writings has brought to the editor's attention a number of these minor
variations; these are noted in the Textual Annotation by the addition of the
phrase "in some copies," without any further specificity.
* This statement on editorial method has been prepared by the staff of the Institute of Early
American History and Culture.
The Biographical Directory has been specifically designed to direct the reader
through the more obscure byways of Elizabethan and Jacobean biography,
with particular reference to the works of Capt. John Smith. No "famous"
personage has been listed unless there is some direct connection with Smith,
and the extent to which the biographies are detailed has been determined by
either the amount of firm information available or the significance of the
personage in Smith's career. The Directory thus falls short of adhering to a
precise pattern, as it also falls short of providing sources in every case.
Practicality has been the editor's basic principle, and this has eliminated
detailed references to (I) sources in little-known languages such as
Rumanian, Turkish, and Hungarian, and (2) the very many notes made by
the editor over nearly twenty years in nearly three dozen archives in the
United States, England, France, Austria, Spain, Italy, and such cities as
Munich, Istanbul, Copenhagen, and so on. To cite the former would be idle
because of the languages and the scarcity of sources in other than major
libraries; to cite the latter would take more space than is practical.
In short, this is a directory, not an encyclopedia. The short titles listed
below have been used for the principle sources, in addition to those given in
the Short Titles list for this volume. A few particularly pertinent, isolated
works are named in the Biographical Directory with full bibliographical
details.
ABBAY, THOMAS (fl. 1608-1612), Jamestown colonist, 2d supply; author of
dedications in the Map of Va. and the Proceedings; identity as yet
unknown.
ABBOT, GEORGE (1562-1633), archbishop of Canterbury; one of the dedicatees
of the Advertisements; see DNB, Enc. Br., etc.
ABBOT, JEFFREY (fl. 1608-1612), Jamestown colonist, 1st supply, apparently
not related to the archbishop; known to Smith as able and loyal, yet
executed for unrecorded reasons; see Generall Historie, 110, and Hamor,
True Discourse, 27.
ALEXANDER, SIR WILLIAM (c. 1577-1640), earl of Stirling, poet, statesman, and
colonial promoter; see DNB, and Thomas H. McGrail, Sir William
Alexander, First Earl of Stirling: A Biographical Study (Edinburgh, 1940).
ARCHER, CAPT. GABRIEL (c. 1575-1609/1610), original Jamestown colonist;
educated at Cambridge and Gray's Inn (1593), but never called to the
bar; associated with Bartholomew Gosnold (q.v.) in 1602 (wrote a report)
and in 1606-1607 (report attributed to him); returned to England in
1608, by then an avowed opponent of John Smith's; arrived back in
Virginia in Aug. 1609 to lead an anti-Smith faction; died during the
"starving time" in the winter of 1609/1610; see the account in Barbour,
Pocahontas, 60-66.
ARGALL, SIR SAMUEL (1580-1626), navigator and administrator, knighted in
1622; double cousin-by-marriage of Sir Thomas Smythe (q.v.) and
brother-in-law of Lord De La Warr's wife's uncle; commissioned to test a
shorter route to Virginia, he later succeeded Christopher Newport (q.v.)
as pilot for Virginia, though briefly; abducted Pocahontas early in 1613
acting Virginia governor from 1617 to 1619, he soon joined Sir
Ferdinando Gorges (q.v.) in the renewed New England colonial effort;
commanded a ship in an expedition to Spain (1625-1626), on the heels
of which he suddenly died; see DAB; DCB; DNB; Seymour V. Connor,
"Sir Samuel Argall: A Biographical Sketch," VMHB, LIX (1951),
162-175; Dorothy S. Eaton, "A Voyage of 'ffisshinge and Discovvery,'"
Library of Congress, Quarterly Journal of Current Acquisitions, X (1953),
181-184; and Barbour, Pocahontas.
ASPLEY, JOHN (fl. 1624), "Student in Physicke, and Practitioner of the
Mathematicks, in ... London" (from title page of his Speculum Nauticum
[1624]); see Accidence; Sea Grammar; and D. W. Waters, The Art of
Navigation in England in Elizabethan and Early Stuart Times (New Haven,
Conn., 1958).
AURELIUS ANTONINUS, MARCUS (A.D. 121-180), Roman emperor and Stoic
philosopher; the "Marcus Aurelius" available to Smith was almost
certainly not the "Meditations," but a didactic novel by Antonio de
Guevara (q.v.) based on the emperor's life and character; see True
Travels, 2n.
BARNES, JOSEPH (1546-1618), printer to the university and bookseller in
Oxford; see Introduction to Map of Va., and McKerrow, Dictionary,
22-23.
BARRA, JAN (JOHN) (fl. 1604-1634), Dutch engraver, came to England c.
1623; his title page for the Generall Historie was one of his first works; see
Hind, Engraving, III, 95.
BASTA, GEN. GIORGIO (1540-c. 1607), count of Huszt, imperial commander in
the "Long War," military writer; a ruthless tactician who brought "a
peace of the grave" to Transylvania; see Enc. It.
BÁTHORY, ZSIGMOND (SIGISMUNDUS) (1572-1613), prince of Transylvania,
nephew of István Báthory, king of Poland, married to a first cousin of
Emperor Rudolph II and through her connected with Sigismund III of
Sweden and Philip III of Spain; an unstable ruler in a time of unusual
difficulty for his country; caught between the Ottoman and Holy Roman
empires, Zsigmond abdicated at least three times; in the absence of any
biography in English, see László Makkai, Histoire de Transylvanie (Paris,
1946).
BERTIE, ROBERT (1582-1642), Baron Willoughby of Eresby, 1st earl of
Lindsey, later admiral of the ship-money fleet and general of the king's
forces; son of the famous Elizabethan general Peregrine Bertie, Robert
toured France (True Travels, 2), studied a wide range of subjects, and
above all appears to have befriended John Smith, albeit
Robert's grandmother Catherine Willoughby, dowager duchess
(see Gouyon Family, below), befriended Smith, could hardly have failed
to know her. His other grandmother, Margaret Golding, was related to
the Gosnolds and the Wingfields, with whom Smith set out for Virginia.
His wife, Elizabeth Montagu, could well have had a part in Smith's
being appointed to the council in Virginia, and after the Virginia
episode, Robert himself could have introduced Smith to the theatrical
clique, including Richard Gunnell (q.v.). None of these helping hands
can be identified in documents, yet it is surely worth mentioning that
Robert Bertie or his shade seems to be standing by at nearly every event
in John Smith's eventful life. Genealogical tables for the Bertie family are
in Barbour, Three Worlds, 419-421.
BOCSKAI, ISTVÁN (1557-1606), chief councillor of Zsigmond Báthory (q.v.),
his nephew; driven to take sides with the Turks by General Basta's
outrages in Transylvania in 1602 and later, Bocskai in 1605 was elected
prince by the diet in Medias, supported by the Ottoman sultan, and
acknowledged by the Habsburg court, making possible the Zsitvatorok
Treaty of 1606 ending the "Long War"; a few months later he died,
apparently of poison; see Enc. Br.
BRATHWAIT, RICHARD (1588-1673), prolific poet, wrote verses for the True
Travels; see DNB, and Matthew Wilson Black, Richard Brathwait: An
Account of His Life and Works (Philadelphia, 1928).
BRENDAN, SAINT (fl. c. A.D. 484-c. 578), Irish monk, abbot, and missionary;
legend says he sailed across the N Atlantic and discovered an island; see
DNB.
BRERETON (BRIERTON), JOHN (1572-1619 or later), divine, Caius College,
Cambridge, M.A. 1596; curate at Lawshall near Hessett, Suffolk, where
he apparently got to know the Bacons, cousins of Bartholomew Gosnold
(q.v.), with whom he sailed to New England in 1602; wrote an account
(drawing also on Verrazzano's letter published by Hakluyt); rector near
Gosnold's home in 1619, where he died; see DNB, and DAB.
BREREWOOD (BRYERWOOD), EDWARD (1565?-1613), antiquary and
author of Enquiries touching the Diversity of Languages, and
Religions (1614); professor at Gresham College; see Sea Grammar, 51n, and
DNB.
BRY, THEODORE DE (1527 or 1528-1598), engraver, of Liège, established at
Strasbourg by 1560, visited England in 1586/1587, applied for
citizenship in Frankfurt-am-Main in 1588, then returned to England to
work on John White's drawings of "Virginia"; Johann Theodor
(1561-1623) was his son; see Hind, Engraving, I, 124-126.
BUCK(E), GEORGE (fl. 1627), author of commendatory verses for the Sea
Grammar; this Buck(e) seems to be the same as the "great-nephew" of Sir
Index, 26), and the "George Buck, Gent.,"
who published An Eclog of Crownes ... (1635); see DNB, s.v. "Buc, Sir
George" (d. 1623).
BURLEY, NICOLAS (fl. 1627), author of commendatory verses for the Sea
Grammar; otherwise unidentified.
BURTON, ROBERT (1577-1640), author of The Anatomy of Melancholy (1621),
under the pen name of Democritus Junior; celebrated by Smith in the
sixth state of the Smith/Hole map of Virginia with "Democrites Tree";
furthermore, Burton had a brother George who may have been the
George Burton who arrived in Jamestown in 1608 and accompanied
Smith to Werowocomoco on Dec. 29; "Burtons Mount" on the same
map could have been named for either Burton; see Barbour, Three
Worlds, 375.
BUTLER (BOTELER), CAPT. NATHANIEL (1577?-c. 1640), ship captain and
governor of Bermuda, author of the History of the Bermudaes, which was
the basis for Bk. V of Smith's Generall Historie, and of the Dialogues; sailed
against Cádiz with Argall (q.v.) et al. in 1625, and sailed on the Île de
Ré expedition in 1627. Butler's sister married John Cornelius (q.v.).
See DNB.
CALVERT, GEORGE (c. 1580-1632), 1st Lord Baltimore; private secretary to
Robert Cecil, earl of Salisbury, from 1606 to 1612; projector of the
Maryland colony, member of the Virginia Co. from 1609 to 1620; see
DNB; DAB; and Lawrence C. Wroth, Tobacco or Codfish: Lord Baltimore
Makes His Choice (New York, 1954).
CARLTON, ENSIGN THOMAS (fl. 1602-1616), mercenary soldier with Smith in
Transylvania, author of commendatory verses; otherwise unknown.
CARY (CAREY), HENRY (fl. 1617-1631), 4th Baron Hunsdon, Viscount
Rochfort, 1st earl of Dover, grandson of Henry Carey (first cousin of
Queen Elizabeth), and second cousin of Thomas West, Lord De La
Warr (q.v.); dedicatee of the True Travels.
CAUSEY, NATHANIEL (fl. 1608-1627), Jamestown colonist, 1st supply (in the
Phoenix), 1608; wounded in 1622 massacre, he visited England, but was
back in Virginia in 1627; see Jester, Adventurers, s.v. "Cawsey."
CECIL FAMILY: for Lord Burleigh and the earls of Salisbury and Exeter, see
DNB.
CECILL, THOMAS (fl. 1630), engraver; contributed an unregistered coat of arms
to the True Travels, based on Robert Vaughan's (q.v.) two devices in the
map of Ould Virginia; see Hind, Engraving, III, 31, 45, and plate 20b.
CHAMBERLAIN, JOHN (1554-1628), news gatherer and letter writer; educated
at Cambridge, but took up no profession; his letters are an invaluable
source of historical information; see Norman Egbert McClure, ed., The
Letters of John Chamberlain, 2 vols. (Philadelphia, 1939).
CLERKE, ROBERT (fl. 1616), an obscure bookseller who was licensed to print
Smith's Description of N.E.; he appears also to have been the engraver of
the portrait in the corner of Smith's map of New England (McKerrow,
Dictionary, 70); his name was later erased (Hind, Engraving, II, 273).
CODRINGTON, JOHN (1580s?-1622?), author of commendatory verses for the
Description of N.E.; Jamestown colonist with the 2d supply in 1608;
despite the sketchiness of available data, he was certainly admitted to the
Inner Temple, July 16, 1616, after his return to England; his will
indicates that he was a man of some means; he was connected with the
Fettiplaces (q.v.) by marriage; see R. H. Codrington, Memoir of the
Family of Codrington of Codrington ... (Letchworth, Herts., 1910).
COKE, SIR EDWARD (1552-1634), judge, writer on law, chief justice of the
king's bench, but he finally lost favor with both James I and Charles I;
Smith inserted a leaf of address to him in New Englands Trials (1620); see
DNB, and Catherine Drinker Bowen, The Lion and the Throne: The Life
and Times of Sir Edward Coke, 1552-1634 (London, [1957]).
CORNELIUS, JOHN (fl. 1601-1609), goldsmith and merchant; member of the
East India and Virginia companies, he sponsored Samuel Argall's (q.v.)
exploratory 1609 voyage to Virginia; his wife was Elizabeth Butler, sister
of Capt. Nathaniel Butler (q.v.).
COTTON, SIR ROBERT BRUCE (1571-1631), politician and antiquarian;
educated at Cambridge, he began a collection of manuscripts, coins, etc.,
in 1588, part of which survives in the British Library today; see DNB,
and Hope Mirrlees, A Fly in Amber: ... Sir Robert Bruce Cotton (London,
[1962]).
CRASHAW, RAWLEY (RALEIGH) (fl. 1608-1622), companion of Smith in
Virginia and author of commendatory verses; a presumed but unverified
relative of Rev. William Crashaw (q.v.).
CRASHAW, REV. WILLIAM (1572-1626), divine, poet, and bibliophile;
supporter of the Virginia Co. and of John Smith, as well as of William
Strachey (q.v.); responsible for interesting William Symonds (q.v.) in
the publication of the Map of Va.; see DNB, and P.J. Wallis, William
Crashawe, the Sheffield Puritan (privately printed by the Hunter
Archaeological Society, 1963).
CRUSO, JOHN (fl. 1632-1681), civilian author of military works; despite his
1632 matriculation at Caius College, Cambridge, the publication of his
Militarie Instructions for the Cavallrie at Cambridge that same year, with its
broad and detailed basis in the classics, suggests that Cruso may have
been the I. C. of the verses commending the True Travels; see DNB.
DALE, SIR THOMAS (fl. 1588-1619), deputy governor and marshal of Virginia;
began as a mercenary in the Dutch forces; during a variegated career he
rose to a captaincy and made many friends, including Sir Thomas Gates
Virginia, where his success is well known; in England in 1616 Dale
entered the service of the East India Co. and died in Java in 1619; see
DAB, and especially Darrett B. Rutman, "The Historian and the
Marshal: A Note on the Background of Sir Thomas Dale," VMHB, LXVIII (1960), 284-294.
DAVIES (DAVIS), JAMES, commander of Fort St. George at Sagadahoc in Maine
(1606-1608). This was an attempt to plant a colony in "north Virginia,"
named "New England" a few years later by Smith; see Quinn, New
England Voyages.
DAVIES, JOHN, of Hereford (1565?-1618), poet and writing master, author of
commendatory verses for the Description of N.E.; see DNB, and
Introduction to Description of N.E.
DAVIES (DAVIS), ROBERT, sergeant major at Fort St. George (1606-1608). As a
skilled pilot he spent most of these two years commanding the Mary and
John or the Gifte of God carrying colonists to and from Sagadahoc. The
journal of the voyage of the Mary and John in 1607, used by William
Strachey (q.v.), was probably written by Robert Davies; see Quinn, New
England Voyages.
DAWSON, JOHN (fl. 1613-1634), printer in London who typeset Bks. I-III of
the Generall Historie (see Haviland, John, below, and Introduction to the
Generall Historie); admitted master printer in Jan. 1621 (McKerrow,
Dictionary, 85).
DELARAM, FRANCIS (fl. 1615-1624), engraver, possibly of Netherlands origin;
engraved portraits of Frances Howard, duchess of Richmond and
Lennox, and Sir William Segar, among others; see Hind, Engraving, II,
215, 230, and plates 132b, 132c.
DE LA WARR, LORD: see West, Thomas.
DERMER (variously spelled), THOMAS (fl. 1614-1621), navigator and explorer;
after his initial 1614 voyage with Smith, he spent part of 1616-1618 in
Newfoundland with John Mason, later founder of New Hampshire,
where he met Tisquantum (q.v.); in 1619 Sir Ferdinando Gorges (q.v.)
commissioned him as commander of an expedition to New England,
where he remained until exploring trips took him to Virginia, where he
was killed by Indians in 1621; see DCB.
DONE, JOHN (fl. 1624-1633), author of commendatory verses for the Generall
Historie and of Polydoron: or a miscellania of morall, philosophicall and
theologicall sentences (1631); not to be confused with John Donne, dean of
St. Paul's.
DROESHOUT, MARTIN (1601-c. 1652), English engraver, of Dutch extraction,
famous for his portrait of Shakespeare (1623); he worked with John
Payne on the illustrations for the True Travels, he doing the engraving;
see Hind, Engraving, II, 341, 361.
EGERTON, SIR JOHN (1579-1649), 1st earl of Bridgwater, a title for which
George Villiers (q.v.), then earl of Buckingham, is said to have extorted
£20,000 from him (DNB); Smith inserted a leaf of address to him in New
Englands Trials (1620).
ELSTRACK, RENOLD (1570-1625 or later), English engraver, of Dutch origin;
did a portrait of Zsigmond Báthory; see Hind, Engraving, II, 163-214.
FEREBY, ANTHONY (fl. 1621-1640), author of commendatory verses for the
True Travels, purveyor to the Ordnance Office; see Calendar of State Papers,
Domestic Series, 1629-ca. 1640.
FETTIPLACE (PHETTIPLACE), MICHAEL AND WILLIAM (fl. 1608-1616), brothers,
gentlemen colonists of the 1st supply, and loyal supporters of John Smith
during his Jamestown career; scions of an ancient Norman family, the
Fettiplaces were well connected in England and well behaved in
Virginia; together, they composed commendatory verses for the
Description of N.E., to which Richard Wiffin (q.v.) lent a hand as a token
of his loyalty. Michael and William's great-aunt Dorothy Fettiplace
married a great-uncle of Smith's friend John Codrington (q.v.).
FISHER, BENJAMIN (fl. 1621-1637), bookseller, licensed with Jonas Man (q.v.)
to publish the Accidence, along with other notable works; see McKerrow,
Dictionary, 104-105.
GATES, SIR THOMAS (fl. 1585-1621), governor of Virginia; sailed with Drake
when Ralegh's Roanoke colony was rescued, fought in the Dutch wars,
and sailed with the 1596 Cádiz expedition, etc.; patentee of the Virginia
Co. in 1606; obtained leave from the Dutch States General to go to
Virginia in 1608 and after serving the Jamestown cause well, returned to
the Netherlands in 1621, where he died; see DNB, and DAB.
GENTLEMAN, TOBIAS (fl. 1612-1614), fisherman and writer on fishery;
consulted by John Keymor (q.v.); author of Englands way to win wealth ...
(London, 1614), which strongly influenced New Englands Trials; see
DNB Supplement.
GILBERT, CAPT. BARTHOLOMEW (fl. 1597-1603), naval captain, somehow
involved in privateering and the fraudulent sale of a diamond to Queen
Elizabeth, but cleared of any guilt; a cousin of Bartholomew Gosnold
(q.v.) by marriage, he took part in Gosnold's 1602 voyage and was killed
by Indians in 1603; see Gookin and Barbour, Gosnold, and Quinn, New
England Voyages.
GIRAY, GAZI (GHAZI) (fl. 1588-1608), khan of Crimea, then tributary to the
Ottoman Empire; younger brother of Mehmet Giray Khan, who had
openly defied the sultan, Murat III, was deposed in 1584, and later
killed; Mehmet was followed by Islam Giray Khan, who was succeeded
in 1588 by Gazi Giray, another brother; in 1601 Gazi came to the aid of
Mehmet III (q.v.) with a considerable Tatar force that swept into
Transylvania on its way west, mostly skirmishing and raiding, until Gazi
verse, Good and Evil; see the Enc. Isl.; Shaw, History, 183; and W.E.D.
Allen, Problems of Turkish Power in the Sixteenth Century (London, 1963).
GOAD(E), MASTER DOCTOR THOMAS (fl. 1615-1638), chaplain to Archbishop
Abbot, precentor of St. Paul's; licensed New Englands Trials (1620) and
the Generall Historie; see Greg, Licensers, 37-38.
GONZAGA, FERRANTE II (1563-1630), governor of High Hungary (True
Travels, 8), cousin of Vincenzo, duke of Mantua (q.v.); his services in the
"Long War" and elsewhere were so appreciated by Archbishop
Ferdinand II of Styria that the latter, soon after his election as Holy
Roman emperor, raised Ferrante's domain of Guastalla to a duchy, and
created him duke thereof in 1621; see Espasa Calpe, and Enc. It., s.v.
"Gonzaga" and "Guastalla."
GONZAGA, VINCENZO (1562-1612), duke of Mantua, noted for his piety, his
sense of justice, and his liberality, the last of which made his court one of
the most brilliant in Europe; a cousin of the Holy Roman emperor
through his mother, Vincenzo led an Italian army into Hungary to
thwart the infidel Turk -- with little success; for a vivid description of this
late Renaissance Italian incursion into the Balkans, see Maria Bellonci,
A Prince of Mantua: The Life and Times of Vincenzo Gonzaga, trans. Stuart
Hood (New York, 1956).
GOOS, ABRAHAM (fl. 1614-1629), Dutch map engraver and printseller, who
first printed Norwood's map of Bermuda; he was a cousin and pupil of
Jodocus Hondius (q.v.); see Koeman, Atlantes.
GORGES, SIR FERDINANDO (1568-1647), naval and military commander,
"father of English colonisation in America" (DNB), and onetime backer
of Smith; see Richard Arthur Preston, Gorges of Plymouth Fort: A Life of Sir
Ferdinando Gorges, Captain of Plymouth Fort, Governor of New England, and
Lord of the Province of Maine (Toronto, 1953).
GOSNOLD, CAPT. BARTHOLOMEW (c. 1572-1607), explorer and planter in New
England and Virginia, onetime privateer; in 1602, a pioneer explorer in
New England; in 1606, undoubtedly a recruiter of colonists for Virginia,
of whom one was probably Smith (through Robert Bertie [q.v.], whose
aunt married Sir John Wingfield [q.v.], a first cousin of Gosnold's uncle's
wife, as well as a second cousin of Edward Maria Wingfield [q.v.]); see
Gookin and Barbour, Gosnold, and Quinn, New England Voyages. A
genealogical table of the Gosnold family, as well as pertinent ties, is in
Barbour, Three Worlds, 419-421.
GOUYON FAMILY, COUNTS OF PLOUËR. Charles Gouyon I, of Plouër, Brittany,
had been a page of Charles IX of France (1550-1574), but had turned
Protestant; he had fought against the duke of Mercoeur (q.v.), aided by
English troops, and had fled to England with his family; his sons,
Pommerit (born c. 1582), and Jacques, baron of Marcé (born c. 1584),
were friends of Smith's c. 1600-1601; see Barbour, Three Worlds.
GRENT, WILLIAM (fl. 1617-1626), educated at Hart Hall, Cambridge, and
Middle Temple c. 1626 (D.D., according to Hind, Engraving, III, 5, 174,
359); compiled a broadside "Map of the World 1625"; sailed for "the
great river of Gambra" with Captain Jobson "to discover ... those rich
mines of Gago or Tumbatu" (True Travels, 36n); wrote commendatory
verses for the Generall Historie.
GRIFFIN, MISTRESS [ANNE] (fl. 1618-1621), widow of Edward, son of John
Griffin of Llandunes, near Denbigh, who had bought out Eliot's Court
Press in 1618; on Edward's death in 1621, his widow joined John
Haviland (q.v.); see Plomer, Dictionary, 86-87.
GUEVARA, ANTONIO DE (1480?-1545), Spanish prelate and author, famous for
his Libro de Marco Aurelio (1529), an adaptation of Marcus Aurelius's
"Meditations"; Lyly's Euphues was modeled after his prose style; see
Espasa Calpe.
GUILLIM, JOHN (1565-1621), herald; author of A Display of Heraldrie ... (1610),
for which John Davies of Hereford (q.v.) and Sir William Segar wrote
commendatory verses; he systematized the science of heraldry; see note
to True Travels title page, and DNB.
GUNNELL, RICHARD (c. 1585?-1634), actor, theatre manager, and dramatist;
author of commendatory verses for the Description of N.E.; see Bentley,
Stage, II, 454-458, IV, 516-519, and Philip L. Barbour, "Captain John
Smith and the London Theatre," VMHB, LXXXIII (1975), 277-279.
HAGTHORPE, JOHN (1585-after 1627), author of commendatory verses, poet,
and perhaps the naval captain of that name; the poet had ties with the
Saltonstalls (q.v.), through Wye Saltonstall's mother; see DNB.
HAKLUYT, REV. RICHARD (1552-1616), younger cousin of Richard Hakluyt,
the lawyer; preacher, advocate of English expansion overseas,
editor, translator, and broadly one of the "key figures in a group
of intellectual clerics"; see D. B. Quinn, ed., The Hakluyt Handbook, 2 vols.
(Hakluyt Society, 2d Ser., CXLIV-CXLV [London, 1974]).
HAMOR, RALPHE (fl. 1609-1626), Jamestown colonist, apparently with the 3d
supply in 1609; became a councillor in 1611, visited England in 1614,
and was a staunch supporter of the colony; despite the obscurity
surrounding him, it is known that he had children by a first wife and
married a second time before 1623 (Jester, Adventurers, 138); author of A
True Discourse Of The Present Estate of Virginia (London, 1615).
HARSNETT, SAMUEL (1561-1631), archbishop of York; educated at
Cambridge, collated to the archdeaconry of Essex in 1603, he promptly
published a Declaration of egregious popish impostures, from which
King Lear; his High Church
leanings kept him in trouble with the Puritans (DNB, and Enc. Brit.). He
is one of the dedicatees of Smith's Advertisements.
HAVILAND, JOHN (fl. 1613-1638), printer in London who set Bks. IV-VI of
Smith's Generall Historie; in 1621 Haviland joined with Edward Griffin's
widow (q.v.) and founded an important printing business; in 1627 they
printed Smith's Sea Grammar, but the following year he began entering
books in his own name and soon became one of the three leading printers
in London, along with Miles Fletcher and Robert Young; in 1630
Haviland printed Smith's True Travels for Thomas Slater, in
spelling, and followed with the Advertisements in 1631, sold by
Robert Milbourne (q.v.); see McKerrow, Dictionary, 131-132, and
Plomer, Short History, 170.
HAWKINS, MA[STER], author of commendatory verses for Smith's True Travels,
probably the William Hawkins (fl. 1622-1637) who was sizar at Christ's
College, Cambridge (M.A., 1626), and then schoolmaster at Hadley,
Suffolk; author of Latin verses between 1630 and 1634 and of a comedy
published in 1627 by Robert Milbourne (q.v.); see Bentley, Stage, IV,
538-539.
HAWKINS, SIR RICHARD (1562?-1622), naval commander, only son of Sir John
(1532-1595); sailed on a voyage round the world in 1593, but was
caught and defeated in battle with Spanish ships off the Ecuadorian
coast in 1594; a long term of imprisonment in Peru and Spain ended in
1602-1603; his most important work was his Observations in his Voiage into
the South Seas (1622); see DNB.
HAY, JAMES (fl. 1603-1636), earl of Carlisle; highly esteemed by James I and
served as a diplomat in Europe; see DNB, and True Travels, 52.
HEALEY, JOHN (fl. 1609-1610), translator, especially of Bishop Joseph Hall's
Mundus alter et idem, a satire on the New World (DNB, and Barbour,
Jamestown Voyages, I, 168, n. 1); tentatively identified as the "I. H." of the
dedication "To the Courteous Reader" in the True Relation, though he
remains an obscure personage.
HEATH, SIR ROBERT (1575-1649), judge, attorney general in 1625; Smith
printed a special dedication to him in the Accidence.
HERBERT, WILLIAM (1580-1630), earl of Pembroke, famous for his ties with
Shakespeare, but less well known as an investor in the Virginia,
Northwest Passage, and Bermuda companies (DNB, etc.); dedicatee of
Smith's True Travels.
HOLE, WILLIAM (fl. 1607-1620s), engraver, and sculptor of the king's seals,
etc., as well as for the mint; a friend of many notables, his engraving of
Smith's map seems to have been unique for him; see Hind, Engraving, II,
316-317, 339-340.
HONDIUS, JODOCUS (JOOS DE HONDT) (1563-1612), Flemish engraver,
calligrapher, scientist, cartographer, and publisher; migrated to
England c. 1584, where he worked with Emory Molyneux on the first
English terrestrial globe of 1592 and became famous for his "wall-map of
Europe" of 1595; continued Mercator's Atlas Major, purchased
Mercator's plates after his return to Holland, and published his first
edition in 1606; his sons Justus and Henrik continued his work; the
smaller plates of his Atlas Minor (1607) appeared in England in Purchas's
Pilgrimes (1625) and Wye Saltonstall's Historia Mundi (1635); see Hind,
Engraving, I, 154-156, and Koeman, Atlantes.
HOWARD, CHARLES (1536-1624), earl of Nottingham, lord high admiral, etc.
(see DNB); he was a first cousin in the male line of Thomas Howard,
father of Smith's benefactress, Frances (q.v.), "the Double Duchess,"
and in the female line of Anne Boleyn, mother of Queen Elizabeth.
HOWARD, FRANCES (1579?-1639), daughter of Thomas, Viscount Howard of
Bindon, and the patron of Smith's Generall Historie; upon the death of her
second husband, Edward Seymour (q.v.), earl of Hertford, she married
Ludovick Stuart, 2d earl of Lennox and later duke of Richmond, which
alliance made her one of the richest women in England. It is notable that
her father's brother Charles and his first cousins Queen Anne Boleyn and
Queen Catherine Howard were all three executed, and Frances's own
first cousin the premier duke of England, Thomas, duke of Norfolk, also
died on the scaffold.
HUDSON, HENRY (fl. 1607-1611), navigator famed for his four voyages, from
the last of which he never returned; friend of Smith's, he explored New
York Bay and the Hudson River in 1609 in Dutch pay and was sent by
English merchants to search for a northwest passage in 1610; see DNB;
DAB; etc.; and Llewelyn Powys, Henry Hudson (London, 1927).
HUME, DAVID (1560?-1630?), controversialist, historian, and poet, of
Wedderburn, Berwickshire; began travels c. 1580 in France, where he
published tracts and books (DNB), but John Smith is the only witness to
his presence there in 1599 or 1600 (True Travels, 2).
HUNT, REV. ROBERT (c. 1569-1608), M.A., first preacher in Jamestown with
original colonists, formerly of Reculver, Kent; what little is known about
him is summed up in Charles W. F. Smith, "Chaplain Robert Hunt and
His Parish in Kent," Historical Magazine of the Protestant Episcopal Church,
XXVI (1957), 15-33, while pertinent documents are in Barbour,
Jamestown Voyages.
HUNT, MASTER THOMAS (fl. 1614), shipmaster for Smith in his 1614 voyage,
during which he stole more than twenty Indians to sell into slavery in
Spain, thereby damaging Anglo-Indian relations for many years.
IAPAZAWS (IAPAZOUS) (fl. 1610-1619), brother of the "King of Potomac,"
werowance of Paspatanzie; perhaps fretting under Powhatan's
he helped Samuel Argall (q.v.) in engineering the
of Pocahontas; see Hamor, True Discourse, and Generall Historie,
112.
INGHAM, EDWARD (fl. 1627-1630), author of commendatory verses for Smith's
Sea Grammar and True Travels; identity as yet unknown; see Williams,
Index, 103.
JAMES, RICHARD (1582-1638), scholar, author of commendatory verses for
Smith, nephew of Thomas James, Bodley's first librarian; after traveling
extensively, as far as Muscovy, where he compiled an invaluable
Russian-English vocabulary, Richard James became librarian for Sir
Robert Bruce Cotton (q.v.); see DNB, and Oxford Slavonic Papers, X
(1962), 46-59.
JEFFERAY(E), MASTER JOHN (fl. 1626-1630), D.D., chaplain to Archbishop
Abbot (q.v.) and rector of Old Romney; licensed Smith's True Travels;
see Greg, Licensers, 51-52.
JENKINSON, ANTHONY (fl. 1546-1611), merchant, sea captain, traveler;
member of the Mercers' Company; received passport from Suleiman I in
1553 to travel in Ottoman Empire; captain-general of the Muscovy Co.'s
fleet to Russia and their agent there for three years; authorized to travel
in Persia and Central Asia in 1562, becoming the first Englishman to do
so; he wrote a brief account of his travels 1546-1572; see DNB.
JONES, WILLIAM (fl. 1601-1626), printer, licensed for New Englands Trials
(1620); a Puritan, imprisoned for some months, he sometimes printed for
Michael Sparke, the bookseller; see McKerrow, Dictionary, 160-161.
JONSON, BEN (1572-1637), the dramatist (DNB, etc.); Smith's description of
Pocahontas in his dedication to Frances Howard (q.v.) (Generall Historie,
2), was used verbatim in Jonson's The Staple of News, end of Act II.
JORDEN, EDWARD (1569-1632), physician and chemist, probably the author of
commendatory verses for Smith's Sea Grammar and True Travels; his
Discourse of naturall bathes was published for Michael Sparke, publisher of
Smith's Generall Historie.
KENDALL, CAPT. GEORGE (fl. 1600-1607), original Jamestown colonist,
executed "for a mutiny" in late 1607; apparently a former "servant"
(employee) of Sir Robert Cecil, secretary of state and later earl of
Salisbury; see Philip L. Barbour, "Captain George Kendall: Mutineer or
Intelligencer?" VMHB, LXX (1962), 297-313, and John G. Hunt,
"Captain George Kendall of Virginia, 1607," National Genealogical Society
Quarterly, LIX (1971), 263-265.
KEYMOR (KEYMER), JOHN (fl. 1610-1620), economic writer; his Observation
made upon the Dutch fishing may have been written c. 1601, but was first
published in 1664; see New Englands Trials (1620 and 1622).
KHISSL, HANNS JACOB (fl. c. 1601), baron of Kaltenbrunn, court war counselor
of Archduke Ferdinand (later Emperor Ferdinand II); appointed
lieutenant colonel of the arsenal, Apr. 12, 1601; see True Travels, and J.
Franz Pichler, "Captain John Smith in the Light of Styrian Sources,"
VMHB, LXV (1957), 335-336.
KINGSTON, FELIX (fl. 1597-1651), printer in London, originally a grocer,
licenser with Clement Knight (q.v.) of Smith's Accidence; briefly one of
the three king's printers in Ireland; see Plomer, Dictionary, 109-110.
KNIGHT, CLEMENT (fl. 1594-1629), draper and bookseller in London, joint
licenser as warden of the Stationers' Company of Smith's Accidence with
Felix Kingston (q.v.) and of the Sea Grammar with Edmund Weaver; see
McKerrow, Dictionary, 166.
LEIGH, CAPT. CHARLES (1572-1605), merchant and voyager; early attracted
by the separatist Puritanism of Robert Browne (1550-1633), Leigh
attempted to plant a religious colony on the Magdalen Islands in the Gulf
of St. Lawrence in 1597; failing in this, he traded in Algiers from 1600 to
1601, pursued pirates in the Mediterranean from 1601 to 1602, and later
set out for Guiana, where he attempted in 1604 to settle a colony on the
modern Oyapock River, only to die on board the ship sent to relieve him;
this was the voyage in which Smith "should have beene a partie" (True
Travels, 49); Leigh was a younger brother of Sir Oliph, "an encourager of
maritime enterprise"; see DNB, and DCB.
LOW, GEORGE (fl. 1612-1614/1616), printer in London, known only for
Smith's map of New England and an edition of William Byrd and
Orlando Gibbons's Parthenia (1612?); see McKerrow, Dictionary, 178.
LOWNES, MASTER HUMPHREY (fl. 1587-1629), master of the Stationers'
Company, licensed Smith's True Relation, Description of N.E., New
Englands Trials, and Generall Historie; as a printer he was responsible for
such famous works as Sidney's Arcadia, Spenser's Faerie Queen, and
Bacon's Apothegmes; see McKerrow, Dictionary, 178-179.
M., S., author of commendatory verses for Smith; not satisfactorily identified as
yet; see Williams, Index, 122.
MACARNESSE, THOMAS (fl. 1624), author of commendatory verses for the
Generall Historie; "a Lincolnshire man" who has not been identified
despite a thorough search in the Record Office, Lincoln.
MAINWARING, SIR HENRY (1587-1653), navigator, privateer, pirate, and
nautical writer; Smith made full use of his manuscript "Dictionary" for
the Sea Grammar; see DNB, and G. E. Manwaring and W. G. Perrin, eds.,
The Life and Works of Sir Henry Mainwaring (Navy Records Society, 2
vols., LIV, LVI [London, 1920, 1922]).
MAN, JONAS (fl. 1607-1626), bookseller in London, licensed with Benjamin
Fisher (q.v.) to print Smith's Accidence (though neither name is shown);
Man later transferred his copyrights to Fisher.
MARKHAM, GERVASE (c. 1568-1637), prolific writer, linguist, soldier under
Essex, horse breeder, farmer, etc.; Smith's titles of Accidence and Sea
Grammar were evidently inspired by Markham's works; see F. N. L.
Poynter, A Bibliography of Gervase Markham (Oxford, 1962).
MARTIN, CAPT. JOHN (c. 1567-1632?), original Jamestown colonist, son of Sir
Richard, the master of the mint and lord mayor of London (1534-1617),
and brother-in-law of Sir Julius Caesar, the master of the rolls; always a
contentious figure, about whom little is recorded beyond his quarrels;
there is no full biography, but see Samuel M. Bemiss, "John Martin,
Ancient Adventurer," VMHB, LXV (1957), 209-221, and James P. C.
Southall, "Captain John Martin of Brandon on the James," VMHB,
LIV (1946), 21-67.
MARTIN, RICHARD (1570-1618), member of the London Council for Virginia
and friend of William Strachey, secretary of the Jamestown colony;
though expelled from Middle Temple for his behavior in 1591, Martin
became a barrister in 1602 and was "Prince of Revels" at Middle
Temple c. 1605; later he was a member of the so-called "Mermaid
Tavern Club," founded by Sir Walter Ralegh, which included Ben
Jonson, John Donne, Thomas Coryate, possibly Shakespeare, and
many other personalities.
MEADE, RICHARD (fl. 1629), author of commendatory verses for Smith's True
Travels, his identity is uncertain.
MEHMET III (1566-1603), sultan of Turkey; inherited the "Long War" on his
father's death in 1595, and left it for his son Ahmet I to conclude; after
one decisive victory at Keresztes, Hungary, in 1595 and a defeat by
Zsigmond Báthory (q.v.) and Mihai Viteazul (q.v.), Mehmet left
military affairs to his viziers and led an indolent life in the Topkapi
Saray, Istanbul; see Shaw, History, 184-186.
MELDRITCH, COL. (fl. 1601-1602), a military commander in the imperial army
under whom Smith served during the "Long War"; despite efforts by Dr.
Laura Polanyi Striker, Dr. J. Franz Pichler, and this editor to identify
him, no firm case has yet been made; see Introduction to Fragment J,
Vol. III.
MERCOEUR, PHILIPPE-EMMANUEL DE LORRAINE, DUKE OF (1558-1602);
ardently Roman Catholic, he opposed Henry IV as king of France, but
had to give way by 1598; a capable but hardly inspired leader, he entered
the service of Rudolph II, a distant cousin, in the "Long War," but died
on his way back to France to recruit more troops; see Grande Encyclopédie.
METHAM, GEORGE (fl. 1590s), son of George, son of Sir Thomas; caretaker of
John Smith's small estate during his minority, he was related by
marriage to Peregrine Bertie, Lord Willoughby, and to Sir John
Wingfield (q.v.), who married Willoughby's sister, Susan; in addition, in
Thomas Sendall (q.v.), the King's Lynn merchant to whom Smith was
apprenticed; see True Travels, 2.
MIHAI VITEAZUL ("MICHAEL THE BRAVE") (1558?-1601), prince of Walachia,
then an autonomous tributary state in the Ottoman Empire; at first ban
(governor) of Craiova, in 1593 he was appointed voivode of all Walachia
by the Turkish grand vizier, perhaps to assure his cooperation when the
"Long War" broke out, but Mihai found the price too high and revolted
in 1594; in 1595 the new sultan, Mehmet III (q.v.), retaliated, but his
army was soundly defeated by Mihai in league with Zsigmond Báthory
(q.v.) of Transylvania; this encouraged the neighboring Moldavian
prince to rebel, thereby involving Mehmet's ally, the Tatar Khan of
Crimea, and brought Sigismund III of Poland down to occupy
Moldavia to keep the Tatars out; meanwhile Zsigmond Báthory
abdicated, leaving Mihai virtually alone between the two empires; in a
desperate effort to maintain independence, Mihai extended his league
with the Habsburgs, but in the end he was treacherously murdered by
order of Basta (q.v.), the imperial general, on Aug. 18, 1601, and by 1605
Walachia, Transylvania, and Moldavia were again ruled by native
princes under the suzerainty of the Turkish sultan; see the brief
biography by Nicolae lorga in the Grande Encyclopédic; full biographies
exist only in Rumanian, Hungarian, and German.
MILBOURNE, ROBERT (fl. 1623-1642/1643), bookseller in London who handled
Smith's Advertisements; Milbourne also published Edward Waterhouse's
Relation of the Barbarous Massacre (1622); see Kingsbury, Va. Co. Records,
III, 541, and Plomer, Dictionary, 127-128.
MILDMAY (or MILEMER), THOMAS, unidentifiable due to his uncertain surname.
MOCKET, RICHARD (1577-1618), warden of All Souls, Oxford; actively
employed licensing books at Stationers' Hall; author of two Latin
religious treatises; see DNB.
MONTLUC (better, MONLUC), BLAISE DE (1502-1577), Gascon army captain,
marshal of France in 1574; renowned for his Commentaires (1592); see
Grande Encyclopédie.
MURAT III (1546-1595), sultan, grandson of Suleiman I; his wife Safiye Sultan
strengthened the so-called "sultanate of the women"; Murat helped put
István Báthory on the Polish throne, to counter Habsburg influence;
admitted the first English ambassador and merchants; in the west,
mutual frontier raids led to the "Long War"; see Shaw, History, 179-184.
NAMONTACK (fl. 1608), trusted servant of Powhatan, used to help, and spy on,
the English on their first visit to Werowocomoco early in 1608;
exchanged for Thomas Savage (q.v.) to learn the ways of the English and
sent to England with Christopher Newport (q.v.); see Barbour, Three
Worlds.
NEWPORT, CAPT. CHRISTOPHER (1560-1617), mariner; sailed for Brazil in
1581, but left ship because of a quarrel and somehow made his way back
to England; after 1590 commanded privateers in the West Indies, soon
taking out a share in the enterprise; chosen to command the Virginia
Co.'s fleet in 1606 as "well practised" in those waters, he served the
company for five years; employed by the East India Co. in 1612, he died
at Bantam; see K. R. Andrews, "Christopher Newport of Limehouse,
Mariner," WMQ 3d Ser., XI (1954), 28-41.
NORTON, ROBERT (d. 1625, aged over 50), engineer and gunner, son of
Thomas Norton, the lawyer and poet, coauthor with Sir Thomas
Sackville of The Tragedie of Gorboduc; Robert was granted the post of
engineer of the Tower of London for life in 1624; he and John Smith
exchanged commendatory verses for one another; see DNB.
NORWOOD, RICHARD (1590?-1675), surveyor and mathematician; sent to
survey Bermuda by the Bermuda Co. and produced a map in 1622,
which exists only in manuscript copy; measured out one degree of
latitude in England in terms of miles with astounding accuracy; returned
to Bermuda and died there; see DNB; Generall Historie, 169n; and Wesley
F. Craven and Walter B. Hayward, eds., Journal of Richard Norwood
Surveyor of Bermuda (New York, 1945).
OPECHANCANOUGH (fl. 1607-1644), younger half-brother of Powhatan (q.v.),
werowance of Pamunkey, later overlord of Powhatania; both wily and
determined, he was the unwavering enemy of the English; he captured
Smith in Dec. 1607, but bowed to Powhatan's conciliatory policy;
keeping in the background while Powhatan lived, he came more to the
fore when Opitchapam/Itoyatin (q.v.) briefly succeeded Powhatan, and
commanded the massacre of 1622 as soon as his own authority was
recognized; shaken but not broken when the colonists struggled to their
feet again, Opechancanough made one last desperate effort to dislodge
the English in 1644, when he was almost certainly over ninety; see
Barbour, Pocahontas.
OPITCHAPAM (ITOYATIN) (fl. 1607-1618), next younger half-brother of
Powhatan, werowance of Pamunkey; entertained Smith in 1608;
succeeded Powhatan in 1618, but he kept behind the scenes; the date of
his death is unknown.
OPOSSUNOQUONUSKE (fl. 1607-1610), weroansqua of a small Appamatuck
village and the independent sister of the tribal werowance, she attended
the ceremony when Smith was first brought before Powhatan and again
when he returned early in 1608; nearly three years later she was killed by
the English in retaliation for the massacre of fourteen colonists; see
Strachey, Historie, 64.
O'ROURKE, BRIAN (fl. c. 1603-1629), an Irish gentleman, grandson of Brian
Ballach and son of Brian-na-Mota, who inherited a strong aversion to
1619 he was almost constantly in and out of prison, but was finally freed
with the aid of a generous grant from King James; his commendatory
verses for the Generall Historie are the last recorded word from or about
him; see Barbour, Three Worlds, 486, n. 5.
PASSE, SIMON VAN DE (c. 1595-c. 1647), Dutch engraver, son of Crispin,
worked in England with his father, brothers, and sister; engraved
portraits of Pocahontas (q.v.), Ludovick Stuart, duke of Richmond and
Lennox, and Sir Thomas Smythe (q.v.), as well as the smaller engraving
of John Smith for the map of New England; see Hind, Engraving, II,
266-268, 273.
PASSE, WILLEM VAN DE (fl. 1600-1637), brother of Simon (q.v.); engraved a
portrait of Frances Howard (q.v.), duchess of Richmond and Lennox;
see Hind, Engraving, II, 293.
PERCY, GEORGE (1580-1632), younger brother of the 9th earl of
Henry Percy; educated at Gloucester Hall, Oxford, and
Middle Temple; traveled in the Netherlands and in Ireland and sailed
for Virginia with the first colonists; his manuscript account of the
"Starving Time" in Virginia (1609-1610) and its aftermath reflects
ennui coupled with sickness more than any other emotion; see Philip L.
Barbour, "The Honorable George Percy, Premier Chronicler of the First
Virginia Voyage," Early American Literature, VI (1971), 7-17.
PHETTIPLACE: see FETTIPLACE.
POCAHONTAS (1595?-1617), favorite daughter of Powhatan (q.v.);
was the one potential peacemaker between the unwanted
and her own people; after the legendary meeting with Smith in
Powhatan's residence, she seems to have worked unremittingly in the
interests of the English; ultimately she was baptized and married John
Rolfe (q.v.); she died in Gravesend, apparently of some pulmonary
congestion brought on by the polluted air of London; see Barbour,
Pocahontas.
POOLE, JONAS (fl. 1607-1612), mariner, served under Captain Newport (q.v.)
on first exploration of James River in 1607; in 1610 sailed "for a northern
discovery" for the Muscovy Co. and a year later "to fish near
returning from Spitzbergen in 1612, he was "basely murdered
betwixt Ratcliffe and London"; see DNB.
POPHAM, SIR JOHN (1531-1607), chief justice of the king's bench, noted for his
severity; interested in colonization, he helped bring into being both the
London and Plymouth companies for "Virginia" colonization; primary
backer of Plymouth Co. until his death in June 1607; see DNB, and
Quinn, New England Voyages.
POTS (POTTS), RICHARD (fl. 1608-1612), clerk of the council in Virginia; the
compilation of Smith's Proceedings has been ascribed largely to him; he
returned to England in Sept. 1610; neither his identity nor his
contribution to Smith has been precisely determined.
POTTER, CHRISTOPHER (1591-1646), preacher, provost of Queens College,
Oxford; possibly the author of the commendatory verses ascribed to
"C.P." in the True Travels; see DNB.
POWELL, NATHANIEL (fl. 1607-1622), navigator and original Jamestown
colonist; accompanied Smith on the second Chesapeake Bay expedition
and wrote part of the account thereof in the Proceedings (pp. 36-41) in
collaboration with Anas Todkill (q.v.); credited by Alexander Brown
with being a surveyor, but this seems unlikely in view of the London
Council's appointment of William Claiborne as surveyor in 1621 when
Powell was still in Virginia; see Kingsbury, Va. Co. Records, III, 477.
POWHATAN (1540s?-1618), overlord of tidewater Virginia; named for his chief
fortified village, Powhatan near the James River falls, he inherited five
other villages, to which he added more than a score by conquest or
intimidation; despite legends to the contrary (see DAB), he appears to
have been an unusual Algonkian despot, similar to Bashabes in Maine.
PRING, CAPT. MARTIN (1580-1626?), sea captain; commanded a small
expedition to New England under license from Sir Walter Ralegh in
1603; in 1604 he was master of the Olive Plant under Capt. Charles Leigh
(q.v.), but revolted because of hard fare and the like; returned to London
aboard a chance Dutch ship; in 1606 he sailed to New England again, for
Sir John Popham (q.v.), and is said to have brought back an "exact
discovery of the North Virginia coast"; served the East India Co.,
probably from 1608; he is said to have made another voyage to Virginia
in 1626 and to have died on his return to England; see DNB.
PURCHAS, REV. SAMUEL (1577-1626), B.D., Cambridge, curate in 1601, vicar
of Eastwood, near Southend, where he began to assemble material for
what became his Pilgrimage. Or Relations Of The World ... (1st ed., 1613);
this received such acclaim that he was inducted as rector of St. Martin's,
Ludgate, and appointed chaplain to the archbishop of Canterbury in
1614; Richard Hakluyt (q.v.), in whose footsteps Purchas evidently
wanted to follow, died in 1616, leaving a vast collection of documents
and books of travel that soon became Purchas's; this led to his embarking
on the huge work known to all historians of the period, the Pilgrimes; he
and Smith became friends about 1611, and much of Smith's work was
reprinted by Purchas; see Barbour, "Samuel Purchas," in J. A. Leo
Lemay, ed., Essays in Early Virginia Literature Honoring Richard Beale Davis
(New York, 1977), for further details and references to other sources.
RATCLIFFE: see SICKLEMORE, JOHN.
RAWDON (ROYDON), SIR MARMADUKE (1582-1646), London merchant who
married a wealthy heiress; traded, largely in wines, in France, Portugal,
see references in Robert Davies, ed., The Life of Marmaduke Rawdon of York
(Camden Society, LXXXV [1863]), which treats Sir Marmaduke's
nephew.
RICH, SIR NATHANIEL (1585?-1636), merchant adventurer, probably the
eldest son of Richard Rich (author of Newes from Virginia [1610]), who
was an illegitimate son of Richard, 1st Baron Rich; Sir Nathaniel was
consequently a "cousin" of Robert Rich, earl of Warwick, of Bermuda
and Virginia fame; see DNB.
ROBINSON, EDWARD (fl. 1601-1616), sergeant with Smith in Transylvania;
author of commendatory verses for the Description of N.E.; otherwise
unknown.
ROE, SIR THOMAS (1581?-1644), ambassador; Prince Henry sent him "upon a
discovery to the West Indies" from 1609 to 1610; in 1614, at the
suggestion of, and financed by, the East India Co., James I appointed
him ambassador to the court of Jahangir, the "Great Mogul"; other
embassies followed, all of them marked by good judgment and sagacity;
see DNB.
ROLFE, JOHN (1585-1622), son of John and Dorothea Mason Rolfe, of
Heacham, Norfolk, presumed husband of Pocahontas, and if so identical
with the John Rolfe who sailed for Virginia in 1609 in the Sea Adventure,
was wrecked off Bermuda, and finally reached Jamestown on June 23,
1610; he died apparently before the massacre in 1622; for doubts about
Rolfe's identity, see Wilson Miles Cary, VMHB, XXI (1913), 208; for
further details, see Barbour, Pocahontas.
ROSIER, JAMES (d. 1609), Cambridge graduate, became a Catholic, sent in
1605 by Sir Thomas Arundell, a Catholic, to collect information possibly
leading to a Catholic colony in modern New England, and to write a
report; published A true relation that same year, and in 1625 a version
from manuscript was printed in Purchas's Pilgrimes, IV, 1659-1667, with
the addition of a valuable Maine-Algonkian vocabulary; see Quinn, New
England Voyages.
SALTONSTALL, SIR SAMUEL (1580s?-1641), draper, son of Sir Richard, the lord
mayor of London, and first cousin of Sir Richard (1586-1658) of the
Massachusetts Bay Co. (see DNB); Sir Samuel was imprisoned for
thirteen years for unknown reasons, but released by the efforts of his
sister's husband, Sir Thomas Myddelton, and perhaps for that reason
kept in the background; he had interests in the West Indies and proved a
friend and protector to John Smith; see Sea Grammar, and True Travels.
SALTONSTALL, WYE (fl. 1619-1640), son of Sir Samuel (q.v.), poet and
translator; published some eight books, one of which was his translation
into English of Historia Mundi, ... written by Judocus [sic] Hondius, which
England; see Sea Grammar, and DNB.
SANDYS, SIR EDWIN (1561-1629), statesman, parliamentarian; second son of
Edwin Sandys, archbishop of York; M.P., 1604-1611 and 1621; quickly
took a leading position in the House of Commons; basically opposed to
extreme royal prerogatives, Sandys became and remained obnoxious to
James; interested in colonization, he became a member of the London
Council of the Virginia Co. (acting as assistant treasurer 1617-1619 and
treasurer 1619-1620) as well as of the East India Co., and later, the
Bermuda Co.; see DNB, and Wesley Frank Craven, Dissolution of the
Virginia Company: The Failure of a Colonial Experiment (New York, 1932).
SANDYS, GEORGE (1578-1644), poet, traveler, translator, and treasurer of the
council in Virginia, youngest brother of Sir Edwin (q.v.); author of A
relation of a journey [to Turkey] (1615) and translator of Ovid's
Metamorphoses; see DNB, and Richard Beale Davis, George Sandys, Poet-Adventurer
(London, 1955).
SAVAGE, THOMAS (1594?-before 1633), "laborer, boy," later ensign, colonist of
the 1st supply, apparently of the old Cheshire family of Savages of Rock
Savage; given to Powhatan (q.v.) in exchange for Namontack (q.v.) in
1608; learned the Powhatan language and Indian customs and proved of
great value as a reliable interpreter (see Proceedings); celebrated in an
Indian song, Savage settled on the Eastern Shore, raised a family, and
died there; see Martha Bennett Stiles, "Hostage to the Indians," Virginia
Cavalcade, XII (Spring 1962), 5-11.
SCRIVENER, MATTHEW (1580-1609), son of Rauff Scrivener of Ipswich,
colonist with 1st supply, and the first "new" member of the local council
in 1608; at the start a loyal friend and aide to Smith, after Captain
Newport's (q.v.) third departure in Dec. 1608 he suffered a "decline in
his affection" and began to act arbitrarily; was drowned on a foolhardy
canoe trip in Jan. 1609.
SENDALL, THOMAS (fl. 1577-1614), prominent merchant of King's Lynn,
Norfolk, to whom Smith was apprenticed; see True Travels, and Bradford
Smith, Captain John Smith: His Life and Legend (Philadelphia, 1953),
30-31.
SEYMOUR, EDWARD (1539?-1621), earl of Hertford, oldest surviving son of
Edward "the Protector" (1506?-1552), brother of Queen Jane Seymour
and thus uncle of King Edward VI; secretly married Catherine Grey,
sister of Lady Jane Grey, who was, after Lady Jane's execution, the next
in succession to the crown after Queen Mary and Queen Elizabeth; thus
involved in court and legal intrigues, Hertford led a difficult life; his
friendliness to John Smith may at first have been prompted by Robert
Bertie (q.v.), whose grandmother Catherine, duchess of Suffolk, had ties
Frances Howard (q.v.) (later duchess of Richmond and Lennox), to be
helpful to Smith; see DNB.
SICKLEMORE, JOHN (fl. 1607-1609), alias Capt. John Ratcliffe; master of the
pinnace Discovery on the original Jamestown voyage (1606-1607) and
member of the local council; at first friendly to, and later at odds with,
John Smith, Sicklemore/Ratcliffe remains an enigma as to who he was
and why he was appointed to the council; although several baptisms of
boys named John Sicklemore are registered in Ipswich for the 1570s and
early 1580s, it is impossible to identify any with "Captain John"; see
Barbour, Jamestown Voyages, passim.
SICKLEMORE, MICHAEL (fl. 1608), colonist with the 1st supply; chiefly noted for
his unsuccessful attempt to find traces of Ralegh's "Lost Colony" at
Roanoke, etc., as noted in the Proceedings, 57, 90; little is known about
him; an extended inspection of Suffolk County archives (which contain
many references to the Sicklemores) has not brought to light anyone
named Michael Sicklemore.
SMITH, N. (fl. 1616), author of commendatory verses for the Description of N.E.
and the Generall Historie; identity uncertain, but see the Brief Biography
of Captain John Smith, below.
SMYTH, JOHN, of Nibley (1567-1640), genealogical antiquary, steward for the
Berkeley family and, later, of the hundred and liberty of Berkeley;
adventurer in the Virginia Co., he later backed Berkeley Hundred,
Virginia; a regular attendant at the company courts, he was the first to
propose the writing of a history of the colony; see DNB, s.v. "Smith," and
many references in Kingsbury, Va. Co. Records.
SMYTHE, SIR THOMAS (1558?-1625), outstanding merchant in London,
governor of the East India Co., treasurer of the Virginia Co., and others;
see DNB for details.
SOMERS, SIR GEORGE (1554-1610), mariner; after a life dedicated to the sea, he
was one of the chief movers in the founding of the London Virginia Co.,
and one of its four patentees; named admiral of Virginia in 1609, he was
wrecked off Bermuda, got ashore, and built two barks with which he
transported 150 colonists to Jamestown in 1610; he returned to Bermuda
for supplies and died there, it is said, of overeating; see DNB.
SPELMAN, HENRY (1595-1623), Jamestown colonist, 2d supply; son of Erasmus
Spelman, the brother of Sir Henry, the well-known antiquarian; all
doubt regarding the identity of young Henry was removed many years
ago by the discovery of the will of his great-uncle, in which he was
disinherited (VMHB, XV [1907-1908], 305); in trouble at home, he
continued his independent way in Virginia, but was killed by treachery;
see particularly the Generall Historie, 105, 108, 120, 151, 161.
STRACHEY, WILLIAM (1572-1621), member of the Essex minor gentry,
educated at Emmanuel College, Cambridge, and Gray's Inn, London;
moved in literary and dramatic circles, had a brief career as a diplomat
in Istanbul, and in 1609 decided to try his fortune in Virginia; sailing
with Gates (q.v.), Somers (q.v.), and Newport (q.v.), he was wrecked off
Bermuda, landing at Jamestown only in 1610; meanwhile Matthew
Scrivener (q.v.), briefly secretary of the colony, was drowned, and
Strachey received the post; first writing an account of the shipwreck
(which somehow reached Shakespeare's ears and provided fodder for
The Tempest), Strachey put together The Historie of Travell into Virginia
Britania, which was neither finished nor published in his lifetime, but
which constitutes with John Smith's works our chief source of
information about the Virginia Algonkians; returning to England in
1611, Strachey suffered continuous disappointments until his death; for
details, see S. G. Culliford, William Strachey, 1572-1621 (Charlottesville,
Va., 1965), and Strachey's Historie.
STUKELY, SIR LEWIS (fl. 1603-1620), vice-admiral of Devon; was appointed
guardian of Pocahontas's (q.v.) son, Thomas Rolfe, in 1617, and in the
following year was involved in the arrest of Sir Walter Ralegh, a cousin;
see DNB.
SUTCLIFFE, DR. MATTHEW (1550?-1629), dean of Exeter; founder of Chelsea
College, where Samuel Purchas (q.v.) worked on his Pilgrimes; member
of the Virginia Council, principal backer of the Plymouth Co., and later,
member of the Council for New England, he was a prime backer of
voyages to New England, including John Smith's projects; see DNB.
SYMONDS, REV. WILLIAM (1556-1616?), D.D., divine, schoolteacher, rector, and
author; in 1599 he was presented by Robert Bertie (q.v.) to the rectory of
Halton Holgate, Lincolnshire; later, preacher at St. Saviour's,
he undertook to help publish the Proceedings (as well as Smith's
Map of Va.), at the suggestion of "Master Croshaw," probably Rev.
William of Crashaw (q.v.); see DNB, and Proceedings.
TAHANEDO (fl. 1605-1607), an Algonkian Indian from Maine who had been
kidnapped by George Waymouth (q.v.) in 1605; Thomas Hanham, a
patentee of the Plymouth Co., brought him back in 1606, and he was of
great help to the Sagadahoc colony; see Quinn, New England Voyages.
TANNER, SALO. (fl. 1629), author of commendatory verses for the True Travels;
identity unknown.
THORPE, THOMAS (fl. 1584-1625), bookseller in London; published plays from
1604 and Shakespeare's Sonnets in 1609; his identification as the "T. T."
of the commendatory verses for the Generall Historie seems logical in the
light of other similar contributions by Thorpe.
TINDALL, ROBERT (fl. 1606-1610), sailor and gunner for Prince Henry;
nothing seems to be known about him beyond his sketch map and odd
references to him; see Barbour, Jamestown Voyages.
TISQUANTUM (SQUANTUM) (fl. 1605?-1622), Algonkian Indian from
(possibly Maine); Gorges (q.v.), when old, said he was one of
Waymouth's (q.v.) five Indians taken to England in 1605, but this is
mistaken; probably brought to England in 1611 and put ashore at Cape
Cod by Smith in 1614, Smith's captain, Thomas Hunt (q.v.), caught
him and twenty other Indians and sold them as slaves in Spain;
Tisquantum escaped to London, where he was befriended by the
treasurer of the Newfoundland Co.; sent back to America, he met
Thomas Dermer (q.v.), who brought him once more back to England in
1618; a year later, Dermer put him ashore again in New England, where
he found all of his tribe dead (of smallpox?); in 1621 Tisquantum visited
the Pilgrims at Plymouth and became their interpreter; see DCB.
TODKILL, ANAS (fl. 1607-1612?), at first servant of Capt. John Martin (q.v.),
he was the only colonist to go on both of the Chesapeake Bay expeditions
and to be present as well at the earlier visit to Powhatan (q.v.) and the
later Pamunkey confrontation; credited as part author of four of the six
sections of history in the Proceedings and Generall Historie; see Bradford
Smith, Captain John Smith: His Life and Legend (Philadelphia, 1953), and
Barbour, Three Worlds.
TRABIGZANDA, CHARATZA (from the Greek for "girl from Trebizond"),
ladylove in 1602 of the Turk Captain Bogall, for whom he bought Smith
in the Danube slave market at Axiopolis; she and her brother, the
timariot, appear to have been Greeks assimilated to Turkish life.
TRADESCANT (TREDESKYN), JOHN, the younger (fl. 1607-1637), traveler,
naturalist, and gardener, of English descent, married in Kent; interested
himself in Virginia c. 1617; studied plants in arctic Muscovy in 1618 and
sailed with Sir Robert Mansell and Capt. Samuel Argall (q.v.) against
the Algiers pirates in 1620, bringing back "the Algiers apricot"; served
Buckingham and later Charles I, establishing a "physic garden" and
museum at South Lambeth; named a beneficiary in Smith's will; see
DNB, and Mea Allen, The Tradescants (London, 1964).
UTTAMATOMAKKIN (fl. 1616), husband of Powhatan's (q.v.) daughter
Matachanna, he accompanied Pocahontas (q.v.) to London; known
there as Tomocomo, he was a frequent guest at the home of Dr.
Theodore Gulston, a parishioner of Samuel Purchas's (q.v.) church and
a scholar, where Purchas had an opportunity to hear him "discourse" on
his country and religion, to see him dance, and so on; deeply disillusioned
by his visit, Uttamatomakkin returned to Virginia anything but a friend
of the English; see Barbour, Pocahontas.
VAUGHAN, ROBERT (c. 1600-1663 or before), English engraver of Welsh origin
and ties; student of heraldry and antiquarian, he combined accuracy
with romantic invention (Hind, Engraving, III, 48-49, 83-84); engraved
title pages, book illustrations, and portraits, including the map of Ould
Virginia for the Generall Historie, with its amusing Welsh joke.
VILLIERS, GEORGE (1592-1628), duke of Buckingham, royal favorite; see
DNB.
WAYMOUTH, CAPT. GEORGE (fl. 1601-1612), mariner, forerunner in North
American exploration, as well as a knowledgeable naval architect; sent
to search for a northwest passage by the East India Co. in 1602 (despite
his encouraging report there was no follow-up); in 1605, with the earl of
Southampton and Sir Thomas Arundell as sponsors, Waymouth sailed
to explore the modern New England coast with an eye toward English
colonization, the most significant outcome of which was the kidnapping
of five "Salvages" whose presence in England subsequently weighted the
balance in favor of pursuing just such colonization; see DNB; DCB; and
Quinn, New England Voyages.
WEST, FRANCIS (1586-1633?), younger brother of Thomas (West) (q.v.), Lord
De La Warr, Jamestown colonist with the 3d supply in 1609, he shortly
antagonized Smith; later the same year he seemingly deserted the
colony, but rejoined his brother afterward; appointed admiral of New
England in 1622, he divided his time between the two colonies; see DNB.
WEST, THOMAS (1577-1618), 3d or 12th Baron De La Warr, a grandson of a
first cousin of Queen Elizabeth's and a second cousin of Henry (q.v.),
earl of Dover, to whom Smith dedicated his True Travels; served under
Essex in Ireland and in 1602 became a member of the Privy Council; in
1609 he became a member of the London Virginia Co.; in 1610 he was
appointed first governor and captain-general of Virginia for life and
promptly sailed for Jamestown; taken ill, he returned to London in 1611;
sailing back to Virginia in 1618, he died en route; see DNB, and DAB.
WESTON, THOMAS (fl. 1619-1646), ironmonger; possessed of some means, he
became an adventurer in New England, where he succeeded in irritating
the Pilgrims despite their indebtedness to him, perhaps because of his
"squeezing all he could out of them"; soon migrating to Virginia, he
there engaged in fishing and trading voyages to Maine; in trouble with
the law in Virginia, he retreated to Maryland and from there to
England, where he died; see Bradford, Plymouth Plantation, 37n.
WHITAKER, REV. ALEXANDER (1585-1617), divine, son of Rev. William
(1548-1595); appointed to a living in northern England in 1608, he soon
volunteered to go to Virginia, where he arrived with Sir Thomas Dale
(q.v.) in 1611; he instructed Pocahontas (q.v.) from 1613 to 1614 and
baptized her; in Mar. 1617 he was accidentally drowned; see Harry
Virginia," WMQ 3d Ser., XIV (1957), 317-343.
WHITE, JOHN (1540s?-1593), English artist, perhaps of Cornish stock;
connected with Ralegh's Roanoke colony as artist and then as governor
from 1584 to 1590; previously in 1577 he made on-the-spot drawings of
Eskimos on Frobisher Bay; see Paul Hulton and David Beers Quinn,
eds., The American Drawings of John White, 1577-1590 (London, 1964).
WHITHORNE, PETER (fl. 1543-1565), military writer, noted among other
things for his translation of Machiavelli's Arte of Warre (1560-1562); see
DNB.
WIFFIN(G), DAVID and RICHARD (fl. 1608-1616), colonists in the 1st supply,
apparently brothers; authors of commendatory verses for the Description
of N.E., and obviously loyal friends of Smith's, both still remain obscure;
see Barbour, Jamestown Voyages.
WINGFIELD, EDWARD MARIA (fl. 1586-1613), patentee, adventurer, and first
president of the council in Virginia; of a distinguished family, Wingfield
had served in Ireland and the Netherlands and had been prisoner in Lille
with Sir Ferdinando Gorges (q.v.) in 1588; having sailed with the
original colonists, he was elected in Virginia to head the governing
council, but proved himself rather a gentleman than a practical
administrator; at odds with Smith and apparently disliked by most of the
colonists, he returned to England in 1608, where he slowly lapsed back
into obscurity; author of the valuable "Discourse of Virginia"; see DAB,
and Barbour, Jamestown Voyages.
WINGFIELD, SIR JOHN (fl. 1585-1596), son of a second cousin of Edward
Maria's (q.v.), he married Susan Bertie, aunt of Smith's friend Robert
(q.v.), later Lord Willoughby; granted the close-knit Wingfield family, it
may well be that Sir John was instrumental in helping Smith get his
appointment as a member of the local council, before Edward Maria
discovered that Smith had a mind of his own; see DNB, and genealogical
tables in Barbour, Three Worlds, 420-421.
WITHER, GEORGE (1588-1667), poet and pamphleteer; author of
verses for the Description of N.E.; see DNB.
YEARDLEY, SIR GEORGE (c. 1587-1627), son of a London merchant tailor,
Yeardley served in the Netherlands, where he got to know Sir Thomas
Gates (q.v.); in 1609 he sailed for Virginia with Gates, but was
shipwrecked off Bermuda; in 1616 Sir Thomas Dale (q.v.) appointed
him deputy governor; relieved by Samuel Argall (q.v.) in 1617,
returned to England, where he was knighted in 1618 and appointed
governor to succeed Thomas West, Lord De La Warr (q.v.); returning to
Virginia in 1619 with instructions to summon the first legislative
assembly in America, Yeardley was soon disgusted by the negligence of
Southampton Hundred; he returned to England in 1625, was again
commissioned governor in 1626, sailed back, and died in office; see DNB,
and DAB.
Eight air miles (12.8 km.) east by north of Louth, where young John Smith
attended grammar school, lies the village of Saltfleetby All Saints. Within a
radius, say, of two miles (3.2 km.) from this center, clockwise, lie Saltfleet, due
north, Saltfleet by St. Clement, Theddlethorpe St. Helen, Theddlethorpe All
Saints, and, due west, Saltfleetby St. Peter. In this small area there once lived
at least two families named Smith/Smyth (the spelling does not matter).
Despite the ubiquity of so common a surname, this can only doubtfully be an
accident in such small villages so close together. We may even soundly argue
that these Smiths/Smyths were related.
The better known of the two families, established by a John Smyth of
Epping, Essex, had attained some degree of respectability in the early
century. This John's eldest son, also John, died in Epping in 1570, while
a younger son, Richard, established a family in far-off Bristol (see below).
The heir of the younger John was born about 1552 and was named Nicholas.
Nicholas migrated to Lincolnshire, and established small estates in
and Cawkwell (the two Theddlethorpes are not a mile apart, and
Cawkwell is but five miles [8 km.] the other side of Louth). Nicholas's wife
was Alice Bonvile, of Spaunton, Yorkshire. Their firstborn son was another
Nicholas, who married the daughter of a knight, while their daughter Susan
married Francis Guevara, surely a close relative of Antonio de Guevara,
secretary of Peregrine Bertie, Lord Willoughby, when he died in 1601. Here
we must turn to the other Smith/Smyth family of the neighborhood.
When Capt. John Smith entered the Free Grammar School of King
Edward VI in Louth, the headmaster was Robert Smith of Saltfleetby St.
Clement. This Smith is known to have had a brother named Nicholas. With
Theddlethorpe only two miles south of Saltfleetby St. Clement and the
Nicholas Smyth who lived there having reached the age of twenty-eight when
Captain John was born, it seems highly probable that Robert's brother
Nicholas and Nicholas Smyth of Theddlethorpe were the same man. Add to
this the fact that it has long been postulated that Captain John was sent to the
Louth school because the headmaster was a relative, and it will become
reasonably evident that the N. Smith who wrote commendatory verses for the
Description of New England in 1616 and in them called Captain John "cousin"
together: Nicholas Smyth signed his will January 18, 1623, and died before
May 28.
To bear out the deduced relationships between various recorded facts,
documents in manuscript as well as early compilations in print are readily
available in the Lincolnshire Archives, Lincoln (e.g., the "Owte Rents Dewe
to the Manner of Louth"). These show that a "Master" John Smith owned
specific properties in Louth that were inherited by a George Smith who died
before 1613. These same properties were later held by "Alice Johnson, widow,
late wife of Martin Johnson of Boston" (thirty-two miles south of Louth).
Alice, Capt. John Smith's mother, is known to have married Martin Johnson
within a year of the death of John Smith's father, George Smith, in 1596.
Thus, through inheritance of property we establish the grandfather-grandson
relationship between Master John Smith of Louth and Capt. John Smith of
Willoughby.
By way of further details, we may note here that in 1552 "John Smythe
and George Somerscales" donated eighteen shillings to the Guild of Our Lady
in Louth "for the Frame and organs in the Ladies quere [choir]"; and in later
years that the captain had inherited property in Great Carlton, which is but
five miles from both Theddlethorpes.
Not only has it in this way been demonstrated that Capt. John Smith's
grandfather was established in Louth as early as 1552, but also the known
migrations of other Smith/Smyth families point to a mobility among Captain
John's relatives heretofore considered unlikely. Earlier ancestors could just as
easily have come from Lancashire to Lincoln or Louth as the Smyths of
Epping could have moved to Louth or Bristol.
More important than this is the conjecture made firmer by recent
investigations that Master John Smith of Louth was in some way related to
the John Smyth of Epping (d. 1570), and that the latter's son Nicholas
(1552-1623) was the author of the commendatory verses mentioned above.1
Despite the genuine humility that surrounded Captain John's father, much
evidence has recently been brought out to show that the family was far from
insignificant locally, and probably was related (at least by marriage) to
personages of some distinction in the entourage of the Barons Willoughby of
Eresby. Lincolnshire tradition would have it that George Smith, John's
father, was a well-to-do man.
In short, the doughty captain was evidently not a boasting braggart, but
a man of parts in his own microcosm whose convictions carried him beyond
the smug routine of the traditionalists who all but destroyed him. The three
phases of Smith's career outlined below will bear this out.
John Smith, son of George and Alice (Rickard) Smith, was baptized in
Willoughby by Alford, Lincolnshire, on January 9, 1580. Of his paternal
grandfather, John Smith of nearby Louth, we have evidence only that he was
a property owner, and from Captain John we know that the family originated
in Cuerdley, near Liverpool, Lancashire. Young John's mother's family had
apparently migrated to Lincolnshire from Yorkshire a generation or more
before, and by 1580 or so had acquired a certain social status in both counties. Still, neither side of John Smith's family could have been "upper class" in any
sense. Socially they were yeomen.
Smith had a customary schooling in Alford, part of it quite possibly
under the noted preacher Francis Marbury, father of the even more famous
Anne Hutchinson of New England, who was born in Alford in 1591. For
unexplained reasons, young John attempted to run away from school in 1593,
but his father "stayed" him, and in 1595, after some further schooling in
Louth, he was apprenticed to a rich merchant in King's Lynn, some sixty
miles (96 km.) away. But when Smith's father died early in 1596, and his
mother remarried within a year (as was not uncommon in those days), Smith
did not delay long in terminating his apprenticeship, amicably. The Dutch
war of independence from Spain beckoned him, and in 1596 or 1597, after his
father's estate had been settled, he joined a company of English volunteers.
Although this much is clear in his True Travels (1630), it seems likely that at
least part of Smith's military service was in France, where English contingents
had been sent to aid Henry IV in establishing himself on the throne. In any
event, peace being concluded in France in 1598, by 1599 Smith was back in
England.
This date is established by two facts: Smith says that "he found meanes to
attend Master Perigrine Barty into France";3
Lord Willoughby of Eresby, was granted a license "to travel for 3 years" on
June 26, 1599. Bertie's father, be it noted, was John Smith's landlord. Despite
this, and because of Lord Willoughby's expensive position under Queen
Elizabeth, Smith had hardly reached Orléans with Peregrine when the
He simply lacked the funds.
Back across the Channel Smith went, not without adventure (including
shipwreck). In Willoughby, or Alford, however, he got to know a visiting
Italian nobleman of Greek extraction, who taught him horsemanship while
instilling in him a violent dislike of the Turks. After all, Mehmet the
Conqueror had driven the Greeks out of Constantinople less than 150 years
before. The nobleman seems to have left for Yorkshire to get married in mid-1600,
and his absence plus news of renewed hostilities in the Netherlands may
naturally have led Smith back to the Continent. Briefly put, Smith's
wanderings soon ended with a tour of the Mediterranean in a merchant ship
with a captain inclined toward piracy. In this way, he became involved in a
fracas with a large Venetian trader and in the end landed in Italy with a share
of prize money. Thus provided for financially, he decided, late in 1600, to join
the Austrian forces then engaged in the "Long War" against the Turks
(1593-1606).
Promoted to captain for his services in Hungary, in the spring of 1602
Smith was sent to Transylvania (now northwestern Rumania). There, during
a siege, he accepted challenges to single combat in three duels that resulted in
his beheading three Turkish officers. Later, wounded in a skirmish with Tatar
allies of the Turks, he was captured and sold as a slave to a Turk who in turn
gave him to his sweetheart in Istanbul, a girl of Greek descent. Before long, she
apparently fell in love with Smith. As a result, she sent him to her brother,
head of a timar (government fief), near the Black Sea, to "sojourne to learne
the language, and what it was to be a Turke."4
intended to marry him and wanted him to get training for a career in the
imperial service, which was open to Christian converts. Smith, however,
unwilling to undergo the almost sadistic disciplining required for such
aspirants, and surely not wanting to become a Turk in any case, eventually
escaped by murdering the brother and fleeing back through Russia and
Poland to Transylvania. Finding that country in different hands, he looked
for and found the prince under whom he had served, Zsigmond Báthory, and
was handsomely rewarded early in December 1603. Then, after traveling in
Europe and looking for further soldiering in Morocco, Smith must have
returned to England during the winter of 1604-1605. Let it be added here
that, although this account is Smith's alone, circumstantial evidence supports
his story broadly, and at times in detail.
Back in London, Smith got caught up in the plans to colonize Virginia. A
royal charter licensing such activities was signed on April 10, 1606, and the
1606, with John Smith named as one of the members of the council in
Virginia, and at last Jamestown was founded on May 13, 1607.
Possibly three hundred years before, however, Algonkian Indians had
pushed down from the north into the area, and their hereditary chief,
Powhatan, was just then expanding his realm into a tidewater Virginia
"empire." The unwelcome English colony was resisted, ambushed, raided,
and cajoled, alternatively, in the hope that it would go away. But John Smith,
propelled into leadership largely by the colonists' prevailing sickly inertia,
retaliated in kind. Though he had little backing, he would not yield.
In December 1607, Smith and a handful of companions out exploring
ran across a large band of Indians hunting deer under the leadership of a
werowance (tribal chief) who was one of Powhatan's half-brothers. Smith,
captured, was taken for a white werowance whose fate had to be determined
by Powhatan himself, since it was not customary to put werowances to death.
Off the Indians marched him, by a circuitous route, to the Great Chief's
residence. There, impressed by Smith's self-confidence and by such
supernatural instruments as a pocket compass, Powhatan seems to have
invoked an Indian custom and adopted Smith into his tribe as a subordinate
werowance. A ceremony followed in which Powhatan's little daughter
Pocahontas played an unclear role. After that, Smith was subjected to further
inquiry and finally returned to Jamestown on January 2, 1608, escorted by a
squad to guide, help, and protect him. This episode was the source of the
Pocahontas legend.
Meanwhile, the policies formulated in London, along with dilatory and
insufficient supplies, gradually led to alienation between Smith and some of
the other leading colonists, especially Capt. Christopher Newport, who was in
charge of the colony's lifeline to London. As a result, Smith pursued his own
policy so far as he could, and during June, July, and August, left Jamestown to
explore Chesapeake Bay and its tributary rivers. This provided not only the
food the colony needed, but eventually also the material for his Map of
Virginia, a descriptive book accompanied by a map of the whole region. At
that time, however, bad government in Jamestown led to near anarchy, and
to Smith's election as the president of the local council in September.
Under Smith's administration the settlement took better root. He
strengthened defenses, enforced discipline as far as he could, and encouraged
agriculture. Nevertheless, the London Council found need to reorganize the
company on a broader basis. They patterned a local administration along the
lines of British monarchical rule. Two knights, Sir Thomas Gates and Sir
George Somers, were consequently dispatched with Captain Newport to lay
the groundwork for the later arrival of a baron as lord governor and captain
general. These two top men and Newport, sailing in one ship despite orders to
the contrary, were wrecked off Bermuda, but the rest of the supply fleet in
anti-Smith faction who had returned to England. The remaining weeks of
Smith's presidency were thus disrupted by what amounted to mutiny. A
brother of the future lord governor felt at liberty to disobey Smith, general
disorganization broke out, and Smith, on a voyage to quell an Anglo-Indian
encounter near modern Richmond, was accidentally incapacitated by a
gunpowder burn. The outcome was that he had to sail back to England early
in October 1609.
In London Smith dedicated himself to promoting Virginia, but his
intransigence on matters of policy stood in his way, and he got no further
commission from the Virginia Company. In fact, his Map of Virginia had to be
printed in Oxford, the London publishers apparently being unwilling to flout
the mercantile "establishment." In April 1614, however, Smith obtained
backing in the West Country for a voyage to modern Maine and
Massachusetts Bay, which he named New England with Prince Charles's
approval. In spite of the major cartographical and the minor financial success
of this voyage, Smith's self-assertiveness once more blocked his proposals.
Apart from an abortive return voyage to New England, Smith never went to
sea again. Taking up his pen, he produced eight books in the next sixteen
years. To some degree, both the Pilgrims and the Massachusetts Puritans
accepted his advice, and the government of Virginia fell into a basic pattern
not unlike that which he had proposed. Thus, supported and encouraged only
by a small group of loyal friends, John Smith lived in or near London until he
was taken ill and died, June 21, 1631.
Smith's adventures, none too remarkable for the times, aroused much
skepticism in the nineteenth century, even as his self-centered style of writing
had irritated some near-contemporaries in the seventeenth. The chief
difficulty was, first, the diversity of accounts Smith published regarding
Pocahontas. Since he hardly could have understood what was going on in
December 1607, his inconsistency is not remarkable, yet legend made the
Indian maiden his passion and in time even his wife, although everybody
knows that she married John Rolfe. Then some scholars began to assail the
historical side of his writings, creating a "gascon and braggart" having
nothing in common with the factual Smith but the name. Only quite recent
research has established him for what he was.
As a writer, John Smith apologized for his "owne rough pen," yet he left
to posterity one of the basic ethnological studies of the tidewater Algonkians of
history of early Virginia; the earliest well-defined maps of Chesapeake Bay
and the New England coast; and the first printed dictionary of English
nautical terms. Briefly, his works can be divided into the following categories,
according to their main theme and despite overlapping: Colonial Exploration
and History (True Relation, Map of Virginia, Proceedings, Description of New
England, Generall Historie [which includes or modifies all of these], and the last
third of True Travels); Propaganda (New Englands Trials [both editions] and
Advertisements); Nautical Affairs (Accidence and Sea Grammar); Memoirs (True
Travels [first twenty chapters]). In addition there are the "Fragments,"
published in Volume III of this edition. Speculation about Smith's
personality is well-nigh irresistible, but specialists in psychology should note
that Smith himself was the independent author of only a relatively small part
of all that was published in his name.
1. The clue to the conjectural tie between John Smith of Louth and Captain John was first
supplied to the editor by R. N. Benton, King Edward VI Grammar School, Louth, Lincolnshire
(retired), in the summer of 1967. Ten years later, working on the present edition of Smith, the
editor spent some time in the Research Room, Office of the County Archivist, The Castle,
where he found the material used here. The chief sources were the "Lough Old Corporation
Records," the "Louth Grammar School Rentals," the "Booke of Owte Rents" already mentioned,
and the Notitiæ Ludæ, or Notices of Louth (Louth, 1834), and other printed works in the library.
The editor owes especial thanks to Mr. Benton, and to the county archivist, C. M. Lloyd, M.A.
2. This biography is based on the editor's The Three Worlds of Captain John Smith (Boston,
1964), and partly follows his article on Smith in the 1975 edition of the Encyclopedia Americana, but
it also takes into account the results of investigations up to Jan. 1, 1977.
3. True Travels, 2.
4. Ibid., 24.
Sometime between fifteen and twenty years after John Smith's death, the
Reverend Dr. Thomas Fuller included a brief biography of him in his History
of the Worthies of England, a sort of encyclopedia describing each county of
England and Wales, with short biographies of those whom he considered the
most important natives. The Worthies, as the book is often called, is actually
more attractive for its anecdotes and digressions than for its encyclopedic
content, for Fuller was not noted for accuracy. In the case of Smith,
mistakenly listed among the "Worthies of Cheshire," it is worth noting that
he, Sir George Somers, and George Sandys were the only three signalized
whose careers were directly connected with the colonization of America. Even
then, Sir George was dismissed as "discoverer" of Bermuda and Sandys as a
translator of Ovid, while Fuller's judgment of Smith was that "his perils,
preservations, dangers, deliverances ... seem to most men above belief, to
some beyond truth," and his "many strange performances ... are cheaper
credited than confuted." Indeed, Fuller adds, "it soundeth much to the
diminution of his deeds, that he alone is the herald to publish and proclaim
them."1
"Master Arthur Smith, his kinsman and my school-master," a man under
whom Fuller "had lost some time" when he was four to eight years of age, and
in connection with whom he queries a relationship with the "worshipful
family of the Smiths at Hatherton [Cheshire]."2
about thirty-five miles (56 km.) from Cuerdley, Lancashire, where John
Smith's family had lived.
After Dr. Fuller's mild expression of disbelief, Smith's name remained
unsullied and partly forgotten for some two centuries.3
after a brief note in 1859, issued an edition of Smith's True Relation in 1866, in
which a long footnote (pp. 38-40) called attention to the "marked
discrepancies" between Smith's various accounts of the Pocahontas episode.
Deane's fellow Bostonian Henry Adams (then a budding expatriate serving as
secretary to his father, the United States minister to the Court of St. James),
subsequently published a thirty-page review of Deane's book in the North
American Review, CIV (1867), 1-30. In this, "Adams, seeking to attract
as a liar."45lack
of basic knowledge fanned a flicker of curiosity and doubt into a fiery
controversy that not even the appearance of Arber's 1884 edition of Smith's
works brought completely under control.
It is not the aim or desire of the present editor to put an end to the
argument. What he hopes to present is as much factual information as may
make Smith's writings understandable, along with such circumstantial
evidence as has direct bearing on them, and to supply "informed" conjecture
or guesswork where needed to supply continuity or integration. All
theoretical, presumptive, or hypothetical elements are clearly indicated, so
far as the editor's attention has not flagged, and even facts are occasionally
stressed as such for the sake of clarity. Indeed, without a judicious bit of
explanatory supposition, the facts themselves can well be misleading.
One considerable element for which it is difficult to find a place in an
edition such as this is the matter of differing interpretation or inferences, for
John Smith has been the subject of manifold study. To simplify investigation,
various aspects of his career are summarized below.
1. Thomas Fuller, The History of the Worthies of England (London, 1662), 1, 275-276.
2. Ibid.
3. A full list of works on Smith is printed in Philip L. Barbour, The Three Worlds of Captain
John Smith (Boston, 1964), 521-527.
4. Everett H. Emerson, Captain John Smith (New York, 1971), 94.
5. They are listed in Edward Arber, ed., Travels and Works of Captain John Smith ..., A New
Edition, with a Biographical and Critical Introduction by A. G. Bradley (Edinburgh, 1910),
xxviii-xxix.
In a broad sense, everything John Smith himself wrote was autobiographical.
(The bulk of what was published under his name was collected from others.)
His first work, the True Relation, bears evidence of being a letter designed to
tell a friend or backer what happened to him from the time he sailed until the
day he dispatched it to England. Damaged as it clearly was by injudicious
editing, it still bears little trace of any interest in the colony as a whole;6
matters alien to Smith may be assumed to have been lacking. The next seven
works regard events and developments with Smith's eye even when they are
almost purely descriptive, as in the Map of Virginia and the Accidence/Sea
Grammar. Then the True Travels is for the greater part openly
and is generally so classified, while the last, the Advertisements,
is little more than a Smithian "voice of experience." It is true that Smith's
contemporaries seem to have regarded the True Travels as res gestae patterned
after Caesar's Commentaries (see Richard James's commendatory verses in the
Generall Historie, sig. A5r), and our own contemporary Paul Delany includes it
7
was an autobiographer with other strong interests.
6. Cf. George Percy's necrology in Philip L. Barbour, ed., The Jamestown Voyages under the First
Charter, 1606-1609, 2 vols. (Hakluyt Society, 2d Ser., CXXXVI-CXXXVII [London, 1969]),
I, 143-145.
7. Paul Delany, British Autobiography in the Seventeenth Century (London, 1969), 110, 117.
Only on one occasion (True Travels, 51 n), has the editor ventured to liken the
Smith corpus to Richard Hakluyt's Principal Navigations or to the even more
comprehensive Pilgrimes of his friend Samuel Purchas. Smith's objectives were
far more circumscribed than those of either, and he had neither the available
time nor the inclination for their breadth of scope -- even if at the end of his life
he contemplated a "history of the Sea" (Advertisements, 26). Nevertheless, for
the restricted subject of "English colonization of North America,
1600-1630," the sum total of his work exceeds in detail that of Hakluyt and
Purchas. In execution he is less accurate than Hakluyt in transcribing
material and far less painstaking in acknowledging sources, and in personal
interjections he resembles Purchas more. Yet he is always John Smith - actor,
participant, propagandist, and often excessively apologist for himself.
From this point of view, it is unwise to regard Smith as an editor. In
Hakluyt's case, despite some evidence of editing, the definitive bibliography
of his works bears the subtitle "Works compiled, translated or published by
Richard Hakluyt,"8
wielding of shears hardly constitutes "editing." With Smith, only when it
came to reprinting his own works can he really be said to have edited them (cf.
the Map of Virginia and the Proceedings vs. the Generall Historie, Books II and III
respectively). Otherwise Smith sought rather to weave his source material
into his own accounts, modifying it almost ad libitum, while still
preserving the original text where it served his purpose.
8. D. B. Quinn, ed., The Hakluyt Handbook, 2 vols. (Hakluyt Soc., 2d Ser., CXLIV-CXLV
[London, 1974]), II, 461.
The term "geographer" is perhaps more appropriate for Smith than
"surveyor, cartographer, or mere map-maker." Regrettably, the bulk of
critical articles on this subject is either absurdly partisan or an exercise in
statistics. Among the more outrageous of the former was that by Alexander
Brown. Brown produced a map that had been misfiled by the Public Record
Office, London, as Smith's work,9
Virginia section of the so-called Velasco map "was compiled and drawn by
Robert Tyndall or by Captain [Nathaniel] Powell,"10
to Powell is known to exist. This inconvenience, however, did not deter
Worthington Chauncey Ford a generation later from stating: "I am inclined
to advance the claim that Powell, a skilled surveyor, made the plat form, or
basis, of the Smith map, and is entitled to the credit of it."11
gratuitous description of Powell's training, a more recent professional
geographer has far more soundly observed that "the map [of Virginia],
whether made by Smith or by Nathaniel Powell or by other members of his
party under Smith's direction ... is a remarkable production considering the
conditions under which it was made."12
opinion on the subject.
Smith was a geographer in the sense that Sir Walter Ralegh was, and like
Ralegh may have drawn some details himself.13
Tindall, who saw to it that William Hole produced the map that goes by
Smith's name, just as Ralegh was to do with Hole two or three years later.
How much or how little Smith contributed is irrelevant. That he had some
basic knowledge of, or qualifications for, mapmaking is attested by the list of
reference books on navigation in the Accidence, 36-37.
9. Alexander Brown, ed., The Genesis of the United States, 2 vols. (Boston, 1890), II, 596-597.
10. Ibid., I, 458.
11. Worthington Chauncey Ford, "Captain John Smith's Map of Virginia, 1612," Geographical
Review, XIV (1924), 441.
12. George W. White, "Geological Observations of Captain John Smith in 1607-1614,"
Illinois Academy of Science Transactions, XLVI (1953), 125. Italics added.
13. See R. A. Skelton, "Ralegh as a Geographer," Virginia Magazine of History and Biography,
LXXI (1963), 131-149.
A professional study of John Smith's contribution to the ethnology of the
Indian tribes, particularly in tidewater Virginia, is still a desideratum.
Although Smith is virtually the only source for ethnographic information
about the Indians, supplemented by William Strachey's additions made
between 1610 and 1611, modern studies such as John R. Swanton's The
Indians of the Southeastern United States, Smithsonian Institution, Bureau of
American Ethnology, Bulletin 137 (Washington, D.C., 1946), only sort out
and summarize Smith's observations, but do not evaluate them. Nevertheless,
a careful inspection of Regina Flannery's An Analysis of Coastal Algonquian
Culture (Washington, D.C., 1939), will show how well the traits (attitudes,
habits, practices), recorded by Smith correspond with those of related tribes,
and help determine the overall picture, including local traits in some areas. As
for a preliminary survey of Smith's transcriptions of Indian place-names and
current words and phrases, see Philip L. Barbour, "The Earliest
Reconnaissance of the Chesapeake Bay Area: Captain John Smith's Map and
Indian Vocabulary," Virginia Magazine of History and Biography, LXXIX
in the Map of Virginia, below. Christian F. Feest, "Virginia Algonquians," in
William C. Sturtevant, ed., Handbook of North American Indians, XV, Northeast,
ed. Bruce G. Trigger (Washington, D.C., 1978), 253-270, is a summary of
current research and knowledge.
A preliminary word on Smith's rise to the presidency of the council in
Virginia is here appropriate. He was appointed to the local council by His
Majesty's Council for Virginia by virtue of orders dated December 10, 1606.14
Although provision was made for thirteen councillors,15
the original fleet.16
patentees, Christopher Newport and Bartholomew Gosnold were admiral
and vice-admiral of the fleet and had experience in American waters. John
Martin was son of the master of the mint, George Kendall was related to the
earl of Pembroke and to Sir Edwin Sandys, a parliamentary leader, and John
Ratcliffe was ship captain of the third ship. Only Smith's presence remains to
be explained. Somebody must have recommended him, and that somebody
must have had a basis to go on, for Smith was a nobody while at least three
original colonists who were not named to the council were of some standing:
George Percy was brother of the earl of Northumberland; Anthony Gosnold
was brother of Bartholomew Gosnold, the vice-admiral; and Gabriel Archer
had sailed with Bartholomew Gosnold to Cape Cod in 1602.
While it may be idle to attempt to guess, it could be that Smith's accounts
of military experience in the "Low Countries" (the Netherlands, Belgium,
and northeastern France), and in eastern Europe, coupled with his escape
from Tatary, qualified him as a Miles Standish for the Virginia venture.
(Wingfield's military experience had been brief and inconsequential.) If this
was the case, some of the critics of the True Travels should have second
thoughts.
Whatever the position proposed for Smith in the colony may have been,
it is obvious that his instincts were militaristic; discipline and training for
were among his mottos. He bowed to superior authority, but expected
that authority to be capable and effective. Incapability on Wingfield's part
loosed Smith's wrath, and when Wingfield was legally deposed from the seat
of authority in favor of the still more incompetent Ratcliffe, Smith's disgust
was complete.
Smith sailed on two voyages of exploration in Chesapeake Bay. Soon
Then about Michaelmas (September 29) Newport arrived at Jamestown
with a letter for the president, which is now lost. The content of this was such
that in short order Smith replied with a letter of protest against Newport. This
letter Newport took with him when he sailed again (early December?),
leaving Smith in virtually sole command. Under the pressure of events, a brief
period of discipline was inaugurated in Jamestown, which seems to have
worked for the colony's benefit.17
A new charter was put into effect in 1609, with Sir Thomas Gates as
governor and Smith in charge of defense at Old Point Comfort, thus
combining the authority vested in those days in social (or political) rank with
the capability of experience on the spot. Had it not been for untoward
accidents, the arrangement might well have put the colony on its feet. As it
was, Smith's bright outlook for 1608-1609 was destroyed, Smith himself left
for England with his term barely finished, and Jamestown came dangerously
near to extinction.
14. Barbour, Jamestown Voyages, I, 45-46, II, 382.
15. Ibid., I, 36.
16. Ibid., II, 382.
17. Stephen Saunders Webb's "Army and Empire: English Garrison Government in Britain
and America, 1569 to 1763," William and Mary Quarterly, 3d Ser., XXXIV (1977), 6-7, surely
goes too far: Smith did not "militarize Virginia government," but years later the government fell
into a basic pattern not unlike what Smith had proposed in 1623/1624-at all times, strong
defense.
Edward Arber has not been the only editor to show some surprise at the
publication in 1626 of Smith's Accidence ... Necessary for all Young Sea-men.18
anyone who has read the True Travels will know that Smith chanced to be
involved in a trading voyage when he was twenty and sailed the
Mediterranean from near Marseilles to the Levant, that he took ship with a
French captain to Morocco in 1604, and that he was a prisoner on a French
privateer in 1615 (True Travels, 4-5, 34; Description of New England, 50-57).
His learning in his youth about seamanship as well as trading and fighting
was only natural. Indeed, it seems likely that Smith's encounter with the
authority of Wingfield (or Newport) off the Canaries early in 1607 may have
been due to his knowing something about handling a ship or where to get
water on Gran Canaria. His title of "admiral" must have been granted to him
(officially or tacitly) because of his voyage to New England in 1614, when he
had been captain in charge of the tiny fleet and when he had directed the
coastal survey on which his map was based. In this way, his Accidence was born
of his own experience. Then, taking advantage of a manuscript copy of Sir
Henry Mainwaring's "Dictionary" (first published in 1644), he expanded the
Accidence into the Sea Grammar, putting more than common effort into
(Accidence, 33, 36-37; Sea Grammar, 69, 83 [73]).
18. Arber, Smith, Works, 786.
This subject of course involves relations with the Indians. According to
George Percy, the colony's "cape merchant" or commissary, Thomas
Studley, died on August 28, 1607. On September 10, Wingfield was deposed
as president (as has been mentioned), and shortly thereafter "the new
President [Ratcliffe] ... committed the managing of all things abroad [at
large] to captaine Smith."19
did) stir the colony into productive activity, but also was responsible for trade
with the Indians, especially gewgaws for food. Those who have considered
Smith as primarily a militarist have overlooked the stress Smith continuously
placed on trade, and on the need to keep the Indians at hand and also at
peace. The Indians were not to be persecuted away, for they supplied food,
but the English had to maintain their readiness for combat through strict
discipline.
This basic philosophy of survival and growth forced Smith to travel in
order to trade; travel and trade forced him to explore; and all put together
forced him to learn the language and the ways of the Indians. Smith was a
relatively ill-educated man, yet experience in Europe had taught him a
modicum of French, Italian, and probably Spanish. In addition, it had
trained him in seamanship (as we have seen), in combat, and in survival,
while his modest social background in England had instilled in him an
appreciation of what it is to be the underdog in a class-conscious society
(Smith himself of course would not have thought of it in those terms). All of
this served him admirably in his Indian "policy," if ad hoc solutions to
unexpected problems can constitute a policy. Obviously, the Indians had to
supply the colony with food, since the colonists were too lazy to supply
themselves by working in the fields, but the colonists had to reimburse the
Indians through barter. It was not right to browbeat the Indians, but neither
should the Indians steal or take potshots at the colonists. And Smith's troubles
with the silly, unrealistic orders from London, as well as the silly, unrealistic
behavior of the colonists in Virginia, made all of this extremely real to him. He
was not a trained administrator. He was a reasonably successful improviser.
By the same token, when Smith's career led him to lay down the musket
and the compass, he had to improvise with the pen. As he had learned to use
the first two, so he learned to use the last. In the meanwhile, his writings
reflect weakness and uncertainty in style, conservative use of dialect words in
English in company with occasional borrowings from foreign languages, and
with little regard to organization.
All of this makes Smith difficult to read at times: his antiquated syntax
conflicts with the modernity of most of his language. Yet it all clarifies Smith's
character and habits. To get along, he insists, one must do business in some
fashion (such as trading in the Mediterranean or in America) while bowing to
the demands of the circumstances, and one must know how to fight when
necessary, and be ready at all times. Characteristically, at the end of his life,
Smith was urging the development of the fishing industry in New England,
while arguing for self-discipline and readiness for self-defense.
19. Barbour, Jamestown Voyages, I, 144, 219, II, 385.
Jarvis M. Morse has already recapitulated the bulk of critical comment on
Smith and his writings, both pro and con, in an article published in 1935.20
seems proper here to run over Morse's conclusions in the light of recent
research. Without going into detail, it is evident that most of the carping
criticism revolves around two foci: Smith's rescue by Pocahontas and his
soldiering in eastern Europe. But what Morse barely implies (if even that) is
what is primary: the Indians and the Turkish war were two subjects about
which the critics knew little or nothing. What really happened when
Pocahontas "saved Smith's life" we can never know; but Indian customs
provide an explanation, and the exercise of tact for the benefit of the Virginia
Company in London could explain the seemingly contradictory accounts. By
the same token, the matter of the Ferneza "book" on Smith in Transylvania is
still unsolved (see the Purchas version in the Fragments), but local history and
Turkish customs offer circumstantial evidence that the story is most likely
true. All that was needed was for Morse, and the critics he criticized, to dig
deeper.
When it came to Alexander Brown's Genesis and the obsessive dislike of
Smith it exhibits, Morse was on surer ground. Morse contrasted Brown with
Justin Winsor's Narrative and Critical History, which was already in print when
Brown began work, but without indicating that Brown could have consulted
Winsor. More to the point, however, Morse called attention to Smith's
portrayal of "the spirit of his times" and stressed the value of Smith's
description of the founding of Plymouth by the Pilgrims.
Some years after Morse, Bradford Smith, obviously with the aim of
restoring Smith's reputation, called on a Hungarian scholar, Dr. Laura
Polanyi Striker, and thus for the first time serious investigation of the
problems created by the True Travels began.21
editor is happy to have known Bradford Smith and to have corresponded with
Dr. Striker, both of whom are now deceased. In brief summation,
appreciative mention must also be made of Professor Everett H. Emerson's
Captain John Smith (New York, 1971).
20. Jarvis M. Morse, "John Smith and His Critics: A Chapter in Colonial Historiography,"
Journal of Southern History, I (1935), 123-137.
21. Bradford Smith, Captain John Smith: His Life and Legend (Philadelphia, 1953).
So much has been written about the John Smith of legend (along with
Pocahontas, usually), and so much that is pure legend has been written about
John Smith that a summary of either would be beyond the purview of an
edition that strives to be basically factual. Regarding the former, the editor
can refer to a brief mention in his Three Worlds, 394, and to Jay B. Hubbell's
"The Smith-Pocahontas Story in Literature."22
writings about Smith, these are perhaps even more extensive. For
example, at least since Charles Deane wrote "Smith was a true knight
errant,"2324
have persisted. In fact, to read Deane's note, Smith would appear to have
been more of a Casanova than a hero of medieval romances. As a matter of
fact, Smith was essentially practical, more like Sancho Panza than Don
Quixote. Were not the "tufftaffaty humorists" whom Smith derided
(Proceedings, 13), closer to the knights? If we look for knights errant in
Virginia, even though loveless, they might be found in Edward Maria
Wingfield, with his aloof gentility, and George Percy, who kept a "continual
and dayly Table for Gentlemen of fashion" in Jamestown, in 1611. Smith
paid ladies their proper compliments while seeing life as it was.25
22. VMHB, LXV (1957), 275-300.
23. A True Relation of Virginia, by Captain John Smith (Boston, 1866), 40.
24. See Marshall W. Fishwick, "Virginians on Olympus: 1. The Last Great Knight Errant,"
VMHB, LVIII (1950), 40-57.
25. For Percy, see John W. Shirley, "George Percy at Jamestown, 1607-1612," ibid., LVII
(1949), 239.
As is shown in the bibliographical note following each of Smith's works
printed here, several titles were reissued or appeared in new editions between
1632 and 1699. Then, a few years later, translations of parts of the Generall
Historie and the True Travels appeared, first in Dutch in 1706-1707, and then
in German in 1782.
It was the next century, however, before new English editions began to
come out, first in Virginia in 1819, and later in New England. Nevertheless, it
was not until 1884 that an edition of Smith's collected works was published.
In that year, Edward Arber (1836-1912), a distinguished English professor,
Capt. John Smith,
President of Virginia, and Admiral of New England. Works. 1608-1631.
Complete but for the Sea Grammar, the full text of the letter to Bacon, and
a few odds and ends, Arber's edition included an introduction composed
largely of reprints of other material that had bearing on Smith and early
Virginia. Carefully edited, with relatively few errors of transcription or
printing, the work is scholarly yet sympathetic. Writing not long after the
initial efforts to "debunk" Smith in this country, Arber was perceptive
enough to remark, "To deny the truth of the Pocahontas incident is to create
more difficulties than are involved in its acceptance." The same applies to
other "incidents" attacked by the critics, many if not all of which have since
been confirmed or found to be supported by circumstantial evidence.
Since Arber's death facsimiles of nearly all of Smith's works have become
available. Since these are in process of printing by more than one publisher at
the time of writing, it is impractical to attempt a complete list.
VOLUME I
1608
While the story of John Smith's later life can be written with relatively few
gaps, precisely what he did during his first twenty-six years is far from simple
to determine. This period will be discussed in the Introduction to his True
Travels, in Volume III. His activities from mid-December 1606 until June 2,
1608, however, are sketched by his own pen in the True Relation, and
historians should be on firm ground already. Unfortunately, they are not.
The True Relation, originally a letter, was published without Smith's
knowledge, permission, or supervision.1
hastily and badly printed to an unusual degree. Both the editing and the rush
to press fitted the Virginia Company's interests. The True Relation was the
first account of the Jamestown colony's first year to reach London. There,
rumors of disillusionment and dissatisfaction in Virginia were already rife.
Word had got out that one member of the local council had been executed
for treason; that factions were splitting the local government; that tons of
"gold" brought back to London had proved to be "guilded durt" (as Smith
put it); that the Indians were far less tractable than early reports had
and stragglers outside Jamestown's flimsy ramparts were not safe;
that starvation threatened the colony while most of the colonists sat on their
hands; and that John Smith had all but been clubbed to death by the Indian
"emperor" Powhatan.
Thus when Smith's letter arrived in London, it was eagerly read. Much
of its contents were optimistic, and the mere "rough" style of the young
Lincolnshire soldier-turned-colonist was convincing. Yet it is evident that it
contained episodes not suitable for wide reading and details that could
potential investors. So members of the company who read what Smith
reported, indirectly and discreetly forwarded the letter to one "I. H.," who
prepared it for publication. This writer has been identified as John Healey,
a capable translator who had shown interest in Virginia and was not
with work. In this way, Smith's True Relation was entered for
publication less than six weeks after its arrival in London.
Such was the haste to publish the book that a title page was struck off
with no mention of Smith, but with the name of Thomas Watson as author.
Watson, who may well have been the person to whom Smith's letter was
one line of type and inserted "by a Gentleman." By then someone had told
Healey that Smith wrote the original letter, and after another gaffe, the thin
volume at last appeared with an explanation in the foreword that Healey
had "learned that the saide discourse was written by Captaine Smith, who
is one of the Counsell there in Virginia."2
when the Reverend Samuel Purchas used the book in compiling his first
work, Purchas his Pilgrimage ... (London, 1613), he did not know that Smith
was the author, and since he had met Smith in person by then, he
his source in a marginal note as "Newes from Virginia and a MS of
Cap. Smith" ("Newes from Virginia" was the running head of the True
Relation).3
Nevertheless, the text of Smith's book remains in a sorry state. Between
misprints and Healey's cuts, it is not an easy book to read or to clarify
editorially. The present editor has therefore thought it wise to present a
facsimile of the original, with an edited text on facing pages. There, errors
of both "I. H." and the printer are pointed out, and indication is made of
passages where cuts are evident or suspected. For the latter, reference is made
wherever possible to parallel passages, often in Smith's other works,
in "discourses" by his associates in the colony: Edward Maria
George Percy, Gabriel Archer, Francis Perkins, and others.
In addition, the editor has provided a recension of the narrative of
Smith's capture by the Indians, his restraint at their hands for several weeks,
and his final liberation, in which Pocahontas clearly played a role. This
seems to be doubly necessary because of superficially contradictory versions
in Smith's other works, as well as what appears to be some manipulation of
the text by John Healey. This recension follows the present Introduction.
A word is now needed to explain the facsimile text that has been used.
While working on the Jamestown Voyages in 1965 and 1966, the editor noticed
a British Museum (now British Library) copy of the True Relation cataloged
as long ago as 1787 (present shelf mark C.33.c.5) that contains manuscript
annotations in an early hand.4
help of half a dozen specialists at the British Library, the Houghton Library,
Harvard, and the Folger Shakespeare Library was solicited, and it has been
established that in all probability the handwriting can be dated as of the last
half of Smith's life. This copy was therefore chosen for facsimile reproduction
here, and where the annotations were trimmed for binding, a reconstruction
of the text is provided in footnotes in alphabetical series. While the annotator
that it was Purchas annotating from hearsay (one expert noticed
that Purchas's letter "k" was unusual, although the hand "is that of any
educated person"). But in any event the comments are those of someone well
informed about Virginia.
1. Smith's original letter probably filled up to 40 sheets of paper, foolscap size, folded once to
resemble an unbound booklet. It was most likely written with a goose quill pen in the so-called
"English" or "secretary" hand.
2. See below, sig. ¶ 1v.
3. See the facsimile; and Samuel Purchas, Purchas his Pilgrimage. Or Relations Of The World ...
(London, 1613), 638n.
4. These annotations were not noted in Joseph Sabin et al., eds., A Dictionary of Books Relating
to America, XX (New York, 1927-1928), 256.
The original Virginia settlers appear to have boarded their three ships at
Blackwall, just east of London, on December 19, 1606, and the fleet dropped
down the Thames with the tide after midnight.5
Christopher Newport, a veteran mariner in West Indian waters since 1590.
Newport's lieutenant was Capt. Bartholomew Gosnold, a dozen years his
junior, who had explored the coast of New England in 1602. The third in
command, Capt. John Sicklemore, "commonly called Ratcliffe," remains
an obscure personality. The three ships were the Susan Constant (120 tons),
the Godspeed (40 tons), and the Discovery (20 tons).6
The fleet was much delayed, chiefly by storms, but the coast of Virginia
was finally sighted at dawn on April 26, 1607.7
colonists chose a site some forty miles up the James River from Old Point
Comfort, and on the following day, May 14, 1607, they disembarked and
planted a colony called James Fort (later Jamestown), in honor of King
James.
There was much dissension from the outset, and soon a combination of
heat, unsuitable clothing, and bad water, along with improper diet, brought
on physical disorders of epidemic proportions. Among the leaders, Gosnold
succumbed to some intestinal ailment (hardly malaria or yellow fever as
sometimes has been suggested), while Sicklemore (Ratcliffe) proved both
ailing and self-seeking. Then, the first elected president of the council (i.e.,
the de facto governor), Edward Maria Wingfield, evinced eminent qualities
as a gentleman, but none as chief executive, and before long John Smith,
apparently one of the few colonists possessed of common sense, emerged as
the leader of the colony. A year later he was elected president of the council.
Meanwhile, between a desperate attempt to supply Jamestown with
food and to carry out the explorations desired by the adventurers who had
financed the expedition, Smith not only bargained for provisions but also
eventually exposed himself to capture by Indians on a hunting foray in the
wilderness near the headwaters of the Chickahominy River, northeast of
"emperor" Powhatan, where he was questioned about the colonists'
and apparently subjected to some sort of ritual or trial that ended in
his being adopted into the Powhatan tribe -- as was not uncommon among
the Algonkians when a valiant "werowance" (military or political
was captured. Powhatan's daughter Pocahontas, then a girl of
eleven or twelve, was somehow involved in the ceremony (Smith was
that she saved his life), and this gave rise to the Smith-Pocahontas
legend two centuries after. Powhatan then named Smith werowance of
Capahowasic, an honor that Smith did not refuse, although he did not
occupy the post.
Smith, now unwittingly a subordinate chief, was aided in every way by
Powhatan until Newport returned to Virginia and upset the delicate balance.
Nevertheless, Smith managed to tide over the difficulties, and trading and
friendly -- though mutually distrustful -- relations resumed. Newport sailed
back to England on April 10, 1608. Ten days later a strayed companion ship
commanded by Capt. Francis Nelson arrived. Smith hurriedly finished the
account of the colony that he had been writing, and when Nelson sailed for
England on June 2, he entrusted it to him. Intended as a personal
to a friend, it was mangled and hurried into print, as has been stated.
5. George Percy wrote, "On Saturday, the twentieth of December ... the fleet fell from
London" (Percy's "Discourse," in Philip L. Barbour, ed., The Jamestown Voyages under the First
Charter, 1606-1609, 2 vols. [Hakluyt Society, 2d Ser., CXXXVI-CXXXVII (Cambridge, 1969)],
I, 129).
6. See Barbour, Jamestown Voyages, I, 55-57, II, 378.
7. Ibid., I, 133.
The presentation here of a facsimile of the original printing of the True
Relation on pages facing a specially edited transcription has a twofold
that of preserving, on the one hand, the utmost accuracy and that of
offering, on the other hand, a text that is legible and intelligible. As has been
already stated, the 1608 text is clearly corrupt. Self-evident cutting and
broadly acknowledged textual modifications appear on almost every page,
frustrating all attempts to incorporate modern annotation in the book as it
was first printed. A more radical approach is necessary if we are to have a
text that at least attempts to recapture what John Smith wrote. Hence the
need to couple the text left us by "I. H." with a first step toward
Smith's original manuscript.
These complications made it impossible to handle the True Relation in
precisely the same fashion as the rest of Smith's works. The major difference
in editorial style introduced here is that the editor's substantive annotation
of the text is placed at the end of the book, rather than at the bottom of the
page. (Hereafter in these three volumes, the editor's substantive annotation
appears consistently at the foot of the page.) In this case only, the footnote
space has been reserved for transcription and discussion of the handwritten
marginal comments on the facsimile pages. In addition to this modification,
the edited text itself contains insertions in square brackets of editorial
of omissions, both self-evident [...] and presumptive [...?]. More modern
concepts of breaking up long unparagraphed passages have been introduced
silently (the facsimile provides the original version), along with capital letters
in conformity. Other changes in punctuation and so on have been made
sparingly, only for the sake of intelligibility, and are indicated in the Textual
Annotation that appears at the end of this book.
In attempting to reconstruct one of the most important episodes in Smith's
life, the editor could wish that both Smith and the deposed president,
had had something of the orderly mind of George Percy (or, later,
Samuel Argall), especially with regard to dates. We know from Francis
Perkins, who arrived with Newport on his return voyage, that the first
"supply" reached Jamestown on January 2, 1608 (a Saturday), and from
both Smith and Wingfield that Smith had been escorted back from his
month-long captivity early in the morning that same day.1
however, that Smith did not leave Jamestown until December 10, 1607,
and at the same time states that Powhatan "sent him home" on January 8,
and that Newport came "the same evening." Perkins's date is shown correct
by the fact that he and Wingfield both state that Jamestown was nearly
burned down on January 7, after Newport's (and Perkins's) arrival. Then,
Wingfield implies, and Smith states, that Smith was away from Jamestown
for one month. Since Wingfield has the date of his return six days too late,
it is possible that the date he gives for Smith's departure is in fact the date
when he heard that Smith was captured. This could easily have been six
days after he left. Nevertheless, for the purpose of the recension that follows,
the editor has accepted Wingfield's "Dec. 10," while warning the reader
that an adjustment of about six days must be made somewhere in the
chronology. However, the date of Smith's return is accurate.
The chronology for the following recension is:
The excerpts included in the recension have been left in the order
True Relation the description of the Indian
religious ceremony is found after the narration of Smith's march as a captive
through the Indian hunting towns; here this description is placed in the
middle of the narration so that it may be more easily compared with the
descriptions in the Generall Historie and Purchas's Pilgrimage.
The recension is based on Smith's True Relation, Smith's Generall Historie,
and Samuel Purchas's Purchas his Pilgrimage. Or Relations Of The World ...
(1613).
1. Proceedings, 14.
* Sources: John Smith's works as presented in this edition, and the following accounts printed in
Philip L. Barbour, ed., The Jamestown Voyages under the First Charter, 1606-1609 (Hakluyt Society,
2d Ser., CXXXVI-CXXXVII [Cambridge, 1969]), I, indicated by surnames only: Gabriel
Archer, 80-98; George Percy, 129-146; Francis Magnel, 151-157; Francis Perkins, 158-163; and
Edward Maria Wingfield, 211-234.
The Julian calendar, ten days behind the Gregorian, is retained throughout.
[The editor is grateful to the New York Public Library for permission to reproduce this title page.]
Courteous, Kind and indifferent2
to reade and heare this following discourse, doth explaine to the
world your hearty affection, to the prosecuting and furtherance of so
worthy an action: so it is, that like to an unskilfull actor, who having
by misconstruction of his right Cue, over-slipt himselfe, in beginning
of a contrary part,3
multitude, with a modest blush retires himselfe in private; as 4
the reprehension of his whole audience in publicke, and yet
againe upon further deliberation, thinking it better to know their
censures at the first, and upon submission to reape pardon, then by
seeking to smother it, to incurre the danger of a secret scandall:
himselfe upon the curteous kindnesse of the best, and not
greatly respecting the worst, comes fourth againe, makes an
for himselfe, shewes the cause of his error, craves pardon for his
rashnes, and in fine, receives a generall applauditie of the whole
assemblie: so I gentle Readers, happening upon this relation by
chance (as I take it, at the second or third hand) induced thereunto
by divers well willers of the action, and none wishing better towards
it then my selfe, so farre foorth as my poore abilitie can or may stretch
too, I thought good to publish it: but the Author being absent from
the presse,5
in the printing, especially in the names of Countries, || Townes, and
People, which are somewhat strange unto us: but most of all, and
which is the chiefe error, (for want of knowledge of the Writer) some
of the bookes were printed under the name of Thomas Watson, by
whose occasion I know not, unlesse it were the over rashnesse, or
mistaking of the workemen, but since having learned that the saide
discourse was written by Captaine Smith, who is one of the Counsell
there in Virginia: I thought good to make the like Apollogie, by
the true Author so farre as my selfe could learne, not doubting,
but that the wise noting it as an error of ignorance, will passe it over
with patience, and if worthy an applauditie, to reserve it to the
Author, whose paines in my judgement deserveth commendations;
somewhat more was by him written, which being as I thought (fit to
be private) I would not adventure to make it publicke. What more
may be expected concerning the scituation of the Country, the nature
of the clime,6
their government, and living, the commodities to be produced, and
the end and effect it may come too, I can say nothing more then is
here written, only what I have learned and gathered from the
generall consent78
as others, which have had imployment that way; is that the
Country is excellent and pleasant, the clime temperate and
well followed) many, for our people, the worst being already past,
these former having indured the heate of the day, whereby those that
shall succeede, may at ease labour for their profit, in the most sweete,
coole, and temperate shade: the action most honorable, and the end
to the high glory of God, to the erecting of true religion among
Infidells, to the overthrow of superstition and idolatrie, to the
of || many thousands of wandring sheepe, unto Christs fold, who
now, and till now, have strayed in the unknowne paths of Paganisme,
Idolatrie, and superstition: yea, I say the Action being well followed,
as by the grave Senators,9
worthily begunne: will tend to the everlasting renowne of our Nation,
and to the exceeding good and benefit of our Weale publicke in
generall: whose Counsells,10
I beseech the mightie Jehovah to blesse, prosper, and
further, with his heavenly ayde, and holy assistance.
[¶1 v][¶2 r]
N.B. Page references to Smith works in the notes refer in all instances to the page
numbers of the original editions, which are in boldface numerals in brackets in the
margins.
a. [l. 7]. "26" altered to "16" and entered in the margin; "26" is correct. The error
was possibly due to calendar confusion or misunderstanding of the badly mutilated text.
[A3 r]
KINDE Sir, commendations remembred,
etc.13
many crosses in the downes14
wee arrived safely uppon the Southwest
part of the great Canaries: [...]15
Within foure or five daies after, we
set saile for Dominica, [...]16
The 26. of Aprill: the first land we
made, wee fell with Cape Henry,17
verie mouth of the Bay of Chissiapiacke,18
which at that present we little expected, having by a cruell storme
bene put to the Northward: anchoring in this Bay twentie or thirtie
went a shore with the Captain,19
assalted with certaine Indians,20
shot: in which conflict, Captaine Archer and Mathew Morton were
shot:21
at them, which the Indians little respected, but having spent their
arrowes retyred without harme. And in that place was the Box
opened, wherin the Counsell for Virginia was nominated: [...]22
And arriving at the place where wee are now seated, the
was sworne, the President elected, which for that yeare was
Maister Edward23
b. [ll. 14-15]. A clover drawn in the margin calls attention to the "provisions"
c. [l. 23]. "Arsatecke," changed to read "Arsaticke"; a commoner spelling was
"Arrohattoc" (see n. d, below; and n. 28 to edited text).
The two and twenty day of Aprill,25
selfe with divers others, to the number of twenty two persons, set
forward to discover the River, some fiftie or sixtie miles, finding it in
some places broader, and in some narrower; the Countrie (for the
moste part) on each side plaine high ground, with many fresh
Springes, the people in all places kindely intreating26
and feasting us with strawberries, Mulberies, Bread, Fish, and other
their Countrie provisions wherof we had plenty: for which Captaine
Newport kindely requited their least favours with Bels, Pinnes,
Needles, beades or Glasses,27
liberallitie made them follow us from place to place, and ever kindely
to respect us. In the midway staying to refresh our selves in a little
Ile foure or five savages came unto us which described unto us the
course of the River, and after in our journey, they often met us,
trading with us for such provision as wee had, and ariving at 28
hee whom we supposed to bee the chiefe King of all the rest,
moste kindely entertained us, giving us a guide to go with us up the
River to Powhatan, of which place their great Emperor taketh his
name, where he that they honored for King used us kindely. But to
finish this discoverie, we passed on further, where within a mile29
were intercepted with great craggy stones that in midst of the river,
where the water falleth so rudely, and with such a violence, as not
any boat can possibly passe, and so broad disperseth the streame, as
there is not past five or sixe Foote at a low water, and to the shore
scarce passage with a barge, the water floweth foure foote, and the
freshes30
8. or 9. foote: The south side is plaine low ground, and the north side
high
d. [l. 10]. "Arsetecke," changed to "Arsaticke."
e. [ll. 12-13]. "Agamatock," corrected to read "Apametuck"; in the margin,
(trimmed in binding).
f. [l. 18]. In margin, "Weeanocke," with the last letter struck through.
g. [l. 21]. "Weanocke," with the last letter struck through.
h. [l. 24]. In margin, "Arsaticke" (see nn. c and d, above).
i. [l. 28]. "Tappahanocke," crossed out in text; in margin, "Quiocqahan[-]nock"
(damaged by trimming).
That night we returned to Powhatan: the next day (being 31
after dinner) we returned to the fals, leaving a mariner in
pawn with the Indians for a guide of theirs. Hee that they honoured
for King followed us by the river. That afternoone we trifled in
upon the Rockes and river (further he would not goe) so there
we erected a crosse,32
Captaine Newport congratulated33
Hatchet: returning to Arsetecke, and stayed there the next day to
observe the height34
The next day the Queene of Apamatuck kindely intreated
us, her people being no lesse contented then the rest, and from thence
we went to another place, (the name whereof I doe not remember)
where the people shewed us the manner of their diving for Mussels,
in which they finde Pearles.35
That night passing by Weanock36
Fort, they according to their former churlish condition, seemed
little to affect us, but as wee departed and lodged at the point of
Weanocke,37
us. Yet we might perceive many signes of a more Jealousie38
then before, and also the Hinde39
us, altered his resolution in going to our Fort, and with many kinde
circumstances40
some mischiefe at the Fort, yet Captaine Newport intended to have
visited Paspahegh and Tappahanocke, but the instant change of the
winde being faire for our return we repaired to the fort with all speed,
where the first we heard was that 400. Indians the day before had
assalted the fort, and supprised it.41
expectations) by meanes of the shippes at whom they shot with their
Ordinances42
the fort with our own men, which were then busied in setting Corne,
their armes beeing then in drie-fats43
Gentlemen of their own, in which
j. [ll. 10-11]. In margin, "[Pa]wmaunckett," a form not found elsewhere (the "-tt"
may represent a locative, or place-name ending); "Powhaton: kinge" (see n. u, below).
Captaine Newport having set things in order, set saile for
England the 22 of June, leaving provision for 13. or 14 weeks.47
day before the Ships departure, the King of Pamaunke sent the
Indian that had met us before in our discoverie, to assure us peace,48
our fort being then palisadoed round, and all our men in good health
and comfort, albeit, that throgh some discontented humors, it did not
so long continue, for the President and Captaine Gosnold, with the
rest of the Counsell, being for the moste part discontented with one
another, in so much, that things were neither carried49
nor any busines effected in such good sort as wisdome would,
nor our owne good and safetie required thereby,50
hard dealing of our President, the rest of the counsell beeing diverslie
affected through his audacious commaund, [...] and for Captaine
Martin, (albeit verie honest) and wishing the best good, yet so sicke
and weake, and my selfe so disgrac'd through others mallice, through
which disorder God (being angrie with us) plagued us with such
famin and sicknes, that the living were scarce able to bury the dead:
our want of sufficient and good victualls, with continuall watching,
foure or five each night at three Bulwarkes, being the chiefe cause:
onely of Sturgion wee had great store, whereon our men would so
greedily surfet, as it cost manye their lives; the Sack, Aquavitie, and
other preservatives for our health, being kept onely in the Presidents
hands, for his owne diet, and his few associates: [...]51
Captaine Gosnold fell sicke, and within three weekes died,52
Ratcliffe being then also verie sicke and weake, and my selfe
having also tasted of the extremitie therof, but by Gods assistance
being well recovered. Kendall about this time, for divers
k. [margin, at top]. "Choapock: [Pipposco? crossed out] weeroance [of?] the
Quiocqua[ha]nocks[?] did a[ll]wayes at o[ur] greatest nee[de] supply us w[ith]
of [all?] sortes which hee [did?] not withstanding the Continuall w[ant?] which wee
had in [the?] rest of his Con[try?] and uppon his death bed cha[rged?] his people that
[they?] should for e[ver?] keepe good qu[iet?] with the English[.] Pippisco no[w]
weeroance doth not for[get] his predecess[ors?] Testament:" (see William Strachey, The
Historie of Travell into Virginia Britania, ed. Louis B. Wright and Virginia Freund [Hakluyt
Society, 2d Ser., CIII (London, 1953)], 64-65).
l [l. 4]. The second "when" is erroneously inked out (see n. 53 to the edited text).
m. [ll. 27-30]. In margin, "Keequotancke" (Kecoughtan, modern Hampton,
; "Musquasone" (unidentified, presumably in the same area); "Fort Henr[ie and]
Fort Charl[es]" (on either side of Southampton River [now the Hampton River], built
in mid-1610).
Our provision being now within twentie dayes spent, the Indians
brought us great store both of Corne and bread ready made:56
also there came such aboundance of Fowles into the Rivers, as
greatly refreshed our weake estates, whereuppon many of our weake
men were presently able to goe abroad. As yet we had no houses to
cover us, our Tents were rotten, and our Cabbins worse than nought:
[...]57
chissels, [...]58
The president, and Captaine Martins sicknes, constrayned me
to be Cape Marchant,59
for the company, who notwithstanding our misery, little ceased their
mallice, grudging and muttering. As at this time were most of our
chiefest men either sicke or discontented, the rest being in such
as they would rather starve and rot with idlenes, then be
to do anything for their owne reliefe without constraint:
[...]60
the Indians trade decreasing, I was sent to the mouth of the river, to
Kegquouhtan, an Indian Towne, to trade for Corne, and try the
river for Fish, but our fishing we could not effect by reason of the
stormy weather. The Indians thinking us neare famished, with
kindnes offred us little pieces of bread and small handfulls of
beanes or wheat, for a hatchet or a piece of copper: In the like maner
I entertained their kindnes, and in like scorne offered them like
but the Children, or any that shewed extraordinary
kindenes, I liberally contented with free gifte, such trifles as wel
contented them; finding this colde
n. [ll. 20-21]. "Waroskoyack"; in margin, "[... sk?]ohiucke." "Warraskoyack"
enjoys an exceptional variety of spellings.
o. [l. 35]. "Topohanack," not altered here (see n. i, above). Perhaps the annotator
thought it was another name.
Time thus passing away, and having not above 14. daies vituals
left, some motions were made about our presidents and Captaine
Archers going for England, to procure a supply,64
time we had reasonablly fitted us with houses, and our President and
Captaine Martin being able to walk abroad, with much ado it was
concluded that the pinnace and barge should goe towards 65
to trade for corne: Lotts were cast who should go in her. The
chance was mine, and while she was a rigging, I made a voiage to
Topohanack, where ariving, there was but certain women and
who fled from their houses, yet at last I drew them to draw
neere. Truck they
p. [l. 18]. In margin, "Chickcahom[a?]niacke," now usually "Chickahominy."
q. [l. 25]. "Paspabegheans"; a misprint which the annotator has corrected.
r. [ll. 33-36]. In margin, "They moch[e? -- uncertain; some sort of deceit] him for
the na[me] of it is woo[??]niucke." Though the existence of Manosquosick may be
doubted, the Smith/Hole map shows an "Ozenick" ("Ozaniocke" in the Smith/Zúñiga
map of 1608 [see Philip L. Barbour, ed., The Jamestown Voyages under the First Charter,
1606-1609 (Hakluyt Society, 2d Ser., CXXXVI-CXXXVII [Cambridge, 1969]), I,
238-240]), and a few lines below (top of sig. B2v) Smith mentions an "Oraniocke."
Since the sound represented by z almost certainly did not exist in the local Algonkian
dialect and since a manuscript r could be mistaken for a z it is likely that this annotation
should read "Wooraniucke" (or "Wooreniucke"). See ibid., 177; and Philip L. Barbour,
"The Earliest Reconnaissance of the Chesapeake Bay Area: Captain John Smith's Map
and Indian Vocabulary," Virginia Magazine of History and Biography, Pt. I, LXXIX
(1971), 295, s.v. "Oraniocke."
All things being now ready for my journey to Powhatan, for the
performance thereof, I had 8. men and my selfe for the barge, as well
for discoverie, as trading; the Pinnace, 5. Marriners, and 2. landmen
to take in our ladings at convenient places. The 9 of November70
set forward for the discovery of the country of Chikhamania, leaving
the pinnace the next tide to followe and stay for my comming at
Point Weanock, 20 miles from our fort: the mouth of this river falleth
into the great river at Paspahegh, 8 miles above our fort: that
I stayed the eb, in the bay of Paspahegh with the Indians:
towards the evening certaine Indians haled me, one of them being of
Chikahamania, offred to conduct me to his country, the
grudged71
midnight he brought us before his Towne, desiring one of our men
to go up with him, whom he kindely intertained, and [I] returned
back to the barge: the next morning I went up to the towne, and
shewed them what copper and hatchets they shold have for corne,
each family seeking to give me most content: so long they caused me
to stay that 100 at least was expecting my comming by the river with
corne. What I liked I bought, and least they should perceive my too
great want I went higher up the river:
This place is called Manosquosick72
river, conteining thirtie or fortie houses, uppon an exceeding high
land: at the foote of the hill towards the river, is a plaine wood,
watered with many springes, which fall twentie yardes right downe
s. [below bottom line]. At foot, "The Naturalls much abused him/for there is not
such a name for any towne in all the Country saving the first[:] Matapanient." These
"nonexistent" towns are not mentioned elsewhere in Smith's works (see Philip L.
"Chickahominy Place-Names in Captain John Smith's True Relation," Names, XV
[1967], 216-227; and Barbour, Jamestown Voyages, II, 477-480).
The next morning I returned againe: the second day I arived
at Mamanahunt,74
were ready with 3 or 400. baskets litle and great, of which having
laded my barge, with many signes of great kindnes I returned: at my
departure they requested me to hear our pieces, being in the midst
of the river, which in regard of the eccho seemed a peale of ordnance.
Many birds and fowles they see us dayly kil that much feared them,
[...]75
their canowes, and for any thing give it me, rather then returne it
back, so I unladed again 7 or 8. hogsheads at our fort. Having thus
by Gods assistance gotten good store of corne, notwithstanding some
bad spirrits not content with Gods providence still grew mutinous,
in so much, that our president having ocasion to chide the smith for
his misdeamenor,76
offred to strike him with some of his tooles, for which rebellious act
the smith was by a Jury condemned to be hanged. But being uppon
the ladder continuing verry obstinate, as hoping upon a rescue, when
he saw no other way but death with him, he became penitent, and
declared77
principal, was by a Jury condemned and shot to death.78
appeased, I set forward for the discovery of the River of
Chickahominy: this third time I discovered the Townes of
Morinogh, Ascacap, Moysenock, Righkahauck,
Mattalunt, Attamuspincke, and divers others.79
of corne I found decreased, yet la-
t. [l. 12]. "Moysonicke"; in margin, "no such tow[ne]."
This matter also quieted, I set forward to finish this discovery,82
which as yet I had neglected in regard of the necessitie we had to take
in provision whilst it was to be had: 40. miles I passed up the river,
which for the most part is a quarter of a mile broad, and 3. fatham
and a half deep, exceeding osey,83
many high lands, especially about the midst at a place called 84
a Peninsule of 4. miles circuit, betwixt two rivers joyned
to the main, by a neck of 40. or 50. yards, and 40. or 50 yards from
the high water marke: on both sides in the very necke of the maine,
are high hills and dales, yet much inhabited, the Ile declining in a
plaine fertile corne field, the lower end a low marsh. More plentie of
swannes, cranes, geese, duckes, and mallards and divers sorts of
fowles none would desire: more plaine fertile planted ground,85
such great proportions as there, I had not scene, of a light blacke
sandy mould, the cliffes commonly red, white and yellowe coloured
sand, and under, red and white clay, fish great plenty, and people
aboundance, the most of their inhabitants, in view of the neck of
Land, where a better seat for a towne cannot be desired:86
At the end of forty miles this river invironeth many low ilands,
at each high water drowned for a mile,87
a place called Apokant the highest Towne inhabited. 10. miles
higher I discovered with the barge in the mid way, a great tree
hindred my passage which I cut in two: heere the river became
narrower, 8. 9 or 10. foote at a high water, and 6. or 7. at a lowe: the
streame exceeding swift, and the bottom hard channell,88
most part a low plaine, sandy soyle. This occasioned me to suppose
it might issue from some lake or some broad ford, for it could not be
far to the head, but rather then I would endanger the barge, yet to
have beene able to resolve this doubt, and to discharge the
of malicious tungs, that halfe suspected I durst not for so long
delaying, some of the company as desirous as my self, we resolved to
hier a Ca-
secure, and put our selves uppon the adventure:89
a vast and wilde wildernes, and but onely that Towne: within three
or foure mile we hired a Canow, and 2. Indians to row us the next
day a fowling:90
needfull, I left her there to ride, with expresse charge not any to go
ashore til my returne. Though some wise men may condemn this too
bould attempt of too much indiscretion, yet if they well consider the
friendship of the Indians in conducting me, the desolatenes of the
country, the probabilitie of some lacke,91
my actions at home, as also to have some matters of worth to
our adventurers in England, might well have caused any
honest minde to have done the like, as wel for his own discharge92
for the publike good: [B3 v]
Having 2 Indians for my guide and 2 of our own company, I set
forward, leaving 7 in the barge: having discovered 20 miles further
in this desart, the river stil kept his depth and bredth, but much more
combred93
higher then the barge had bene) to refresh our selves. During the
boyling of our vituals, one of the Indians I tooke with me, to see the
nature of the soile, and to crosse the boughts94
Indian I left with Master Robbinson and Thomas Emry, with their
matches light and order to discharge a peece, for my retreat at the
first sight of any Indian. But within a quarter of an houre I heard a
loud cry, and a hollowing of Indians, but no warning peece;
them surprised, and that the Indians had betraid us, [...]95
presently I seazed him and bound his arme fast to my hand in a garter,
with my pistoll ready bent96
to fly, and seemed ignorant of what was done, but as we went
I was struck with an arrow on the right thigh, but without
harme: upon this occasion I espied 2 Indians drawing their bowes,
which I prevented in discharging a French pistoll:97
By [the time?] that I had charged againe 3 or 4 more did the
like, for the first fell downe and fled: at my discharge they did the
like; my hinde I made my barricado, who offered not to strive.98
or 30. arrowes were shot at me, but short, 3 or 4 times I had
my pistoll ere the
u. [margin, at top]. "Apachancka[no?] was indeede [a?] weeraonce bu[t] not
K[inge]: of Pa[wma]unckett: for [his?] brother Powh[aton?] the Emporor wa[s] Kinge
of that p[lace?/people?]."
At each place I expected when they would execute me, yet they
used me with what kindnes they could: approaching their Towne,
which was within 6 miles where I was taken, onely made as arbors
and covered with mats, which they remove as occasion requires:104
all the women and children, being advertised of this accident, came
foorth to meet them, the King well guarded with 20 bowmen 5 flanck
and rear, and each flanck before him a sword and a peece, and after
him the like, then a bowman, then I on each hand a boweman, the
rest in file in the reare, which reare led foorth amongst the trees in a
bishion,105
back grimly painted: on eache flanck a sargeant, the one running
alwaies towards the front the other towards the reare, each a true
pace and in exceeding good order. This being a good time
they caste themselves in a ring with a daunce, and so eache
man departed to
v. [l. 11]. "Paspahegh"; in margin, "[W?]awinckapunck[,] [King?]e of
Strachey has a paragraph on "Wowinchopunck Weroance of Paspahegh" (Historie,
66-67).
w. [ll. 15-16]. "Ocanahonan"; in margin, "[Oc]onahawan"; and in ll. 26-27,
below, "Ocanahonum." The phrase "as of certaine men cloathed at a place called
Ocanahonan" has been corrected to read, "as of certaine men at a place 6 dayes jorny
beyond Ocanahonan." See the Generall Historie, 110: "five daies journey from us"; and
Philip L. Barbour, "Ocanahowan and Recently Discovered Linguistic Fragments from
Southern Virginia, c. 1650," in William Cowan, ed., Papers of the Seventh Algonquian Conference,
1975 (Ottawa, 1976), 2-17.
The King109
of our ships, and sayling the seas, the earth and skies and of our God:
what he knew of the dominions110
as of certaine men cloathed at a place called Ocanahonan,111
cloathed like me, the course of our river, and that within 4 or 5 daies
journey of the falles was a great turning of salt water:112
would send a messenger to Paspahegh,113
by which they shold understand, how kindly they used me, and that
I was well, least they should revenge my death: this he granted and
sent three men, in such weather, as in reason were unpossible by any
naked to be indured: their cruell mindes towards the fort I had
deverted, in describing the ordinance and the mines in the fields, as
also the revenge Captain Newport would take of them at his returne.
Their intent, I incerted114
and the back sea, this report they after found divers Indians that
confirmed.
The next day after my letter, came a salvage to my lodging, with
his sword to have slaine me, but being by my guard intercepted,
with a bowe and arrow he offred to have effected his purpose: the
cause I knew not, till the King understanding thereof came and told
me of a man a dying, wounded with my pistoll: he tould me also of
another I had slayne, yet the most concealed they had any hurte:
this was the father of him I had slayne, whose fury to prevent,115
King presently conducted me to another Kingdome,
x. [l. 1]. "Youghtanan"; with the u struck through and t added at the end. In
margin, "Yoghtanun[t]."
y. [l. 3]. "Mattapament"; in margin, "Matappa[nient?]"; cf. n. s, above.
z. [l. 5]. In text, "of Pewhakan"; the "of" was deleted, and "Pewhakan" was
changed to "Powhatan."
aa. [ll. 7-8]. In text, "marsh, we returned to Rasawrack"; "marsh" being corrected
to "march." In margin, "no such towne." Rasaweack was a hunting camp only (see sig.
B4r, above).
bb. [l. 10]. An asterisk before "River," and in margin, "or Creeke."
cc. [l. 11]. An asterisk after "Thames," and in margin, "at London."
dd. [l. 11]. "Menapacute"; in margin, "no [such?] pla[ce?]." But both the Smith/
Hole and the Smith/Zúñiga maps show its location.
ee. [l. 29]. "Topahanocke," changed to "Rapahanocke" (see Barbour, "Earliest
Reconnaissance," Pt. I, 298, s.v. "Rappahanock II").
ff. [l. 33]. "Topahanocke" again changed to "Rapahanocke"; in margin,
(see ibid.).
By this the great King hath foure or five houses, each containing
fourescore or an hundred foote in length, pleasantly seated upon an
high sandy hill, from whence you may see westerly a goodly low
Country, the river before the which his crooked course causeth many
great Marshes of exceeding good ground. An hundred houses, and
many large plaines are here togither inhabited, more abundance of
fish and fowle, and a pleasanter seat cannot be imagined: the King
with fortie Bowmen to guard me, intreated me to discharge my
Pistoll, which they there presented me, with a mark at six score to
strike therwith118
they were much discontented though a chaunce supposed.119
From hence this kind King conducted mee to a place called
Topahanocke, a kingdome upon another River northward: the
cause of this was, that the yeare before, a shippe had beene in the
River of Pamaunke, who having beene kindly entertained by
their Emperour, they returned thence, and discovered the
River of Topahanocke, where being received with like kindnesse, yet
he slue the King, and tooke of his people, and they supposed I were
hee. But the people reported him a great man that was Captaine, and
using mee kindly, the
gg. [ll. 2-3]. "Topahanock"; in margin, "Rappahannock ffl:" (for "Fl:" Latin
flumen, "river").
hh. [l. 5]. "Nantaugs tacum," which should be one word, as should "Cuttata
women" and "Marraugh tacum," above; in margin, "[Na?]ntsattaqunt" (cf.
in Ra[l]phe Hamor, A True Discourse Of The Present Estate Of Virginia ...
[London, 1615], 54).
ii. [l. 14]. "Weramocomoco," with an ink blot over the first m in an obvious attempt
to correct it to w; however, "Waranacomoco" was allowed to stand in l. 8, above.
jj. [ll. 17-22]. In margin, "[M]ade of A beast [call?]ed a Raracoone [, the?] skinne
very well [dress?]ed and arty[fic]ially sowed to[get]hur" (see Barbour, "Earliest
Pt. II, 32, s.v. "aroughcun").
Arriving at Werawocomoco,123
uppon a Bedstead a foote high upon tenne or twelve Mattes, richly
hung with manie Chaynes of great Pearles about his necke, and
covered with a great Covering of Rahaughcums:124
woman, at his feete another, on each side sitting uppon a Matte
uppon the ground were raunged his chiefe men on each side the fire,
tenne in a ranke, and behinde them as many yong women, each a
great Chaine of white Beades over their shoulders, their heades
painted in redde, and [he] with such a grave and Majesticall
as drave me into admiration to see such state in a naked
Salvage, [...]125
great Platters of sundrie Victuals, assuring mee his friendship, and
my libertie within foure dayes; hee much delighted in
relation of what I had described to him, and oft examined
me upon the same.126
tolde him, being in fight with the Spaniards our enemie, beeing over
powred, neare put to retreat, and by extreame weather put to this
shore, where landing at Chesipiake, the people shot us, but at
Kequoughtan they kindly used us; we by signes demaunded fresh
water; they described us up the River was all fresh water; at
also they kindly used us; our Pinnasse being leake127
inforced to
us away. He demaunded why we went further with our Boate; I
tolde him, in that I would have occasion to talke of the backe Sea,
that on the other side the maine, where was salt water, my father had
a childe slaine, whiche wee supposed Monocan his enemie had
done128[C2 r]
After good deliberation, hee began to describe mee the
beyonde the Falles, with many of the rest, confirming what not
onely Opechancanoyes, and an Indian which had beene prisoner to
Powhatan had before tolde mee, but some called it five dayes, some
sixe, some eight, where the sayde water dashed amongest many
stones and rockes, each storme which caused oft tymes the heade of
the River to bee brackish:129130
the people that had slaine my brother, whose death hee would
Hee described also upon the same Sea a mighty Nation called
Pocoughtronack,131
with the people of Moyaoncer, and Pataromerke,132
the toppe of the heade of the Bay, under his territories, where the
yeare before they had slain an hundred; he signified their crownes
were shaven, long haire in the necke, tied on a knot, Swords like
Pollaxes.133
Beyond them he described people with short Coates, and Sleeves
to the Elbowes, that passed that way in Shippes like ours. Many
Kingdomes hee described mee to the heade of the Bay, which seemed
to bee a mightie River, issuing from mightie Mountaines betwixt the
two Seas. The people cloathed at Ocanahonan he also confirmed,
and the Southerly Countries also, as the rest, that reported us to be
within a day and a halfe of Mangoge, two dayes of Chawwonock,
6. from Roanoke, to the south part of the backe sea: he described a
countrie called Anone, where they have abundance of Brasse, and
houses walled as ours. I requited his discourse, seeing what pride hee
had in his great and spacious Dominions, seeing that all hee knewe
were under his Territories.134
In describing to him the territories of Europe, which was
to our great King whose subject I was, [and] the innumerable
multitude of his ships, I gave him to understand the noyse of
and terrible manner of fighting were under captain Newport
my father, whom I intituled the Meworames which they call King
of all the waters.135
feared: hee desired mee to forsake Paspahegh, and to live with him
upon his River, a Countrie called Capahowasicke: hee promised to
give me Corne, Venison, or what I wanted to feede us, Hatchets and
Copper wee should make him, and none should disturbe us. This
request I promised to performe: and thus having with all the kindnes
hee could devise, sought to content me: hee sent me home with 4.
men, one that usually carried my Gowne and Knapsacke after me,
two other loded with bread, and one to accompanie me.136
[C2 v]
This River of Pamaunke is not past twelve mile137
dwell on, his course northwest and westerly, as the other.
is upon salt water, in bredth two myles, and so keepeth his
course without any tarrying some twenty miles, where at the parting
of the fresh water and the salt, it divideth it selfe into two partes, the
one part to Goughland, as broad as Thames, and navigable, with a
Boate threescore or fourescore miles, and with a Shippe fiftie,
crooked, and manie low grounds and marishes, but inhabited
with aboundance of warlike and tall people. The Countrey of
Youghtanand, of no lesse worth, onely it is lower, but all the soyle,
a fatte, fertill, sandie ground. Above Menapacunt, many high sandie
Mountaines. By the River is many Rockes, seeming if not of severall
Mines: The other branch a little lesse in breadth, yet extendeth not
neare so farre, nor so well inhabited; somewhat lower, and a white
sandie, and a white clay soyle: here is their best Terra Sigillata:138
The mouth of the River, as I see in the discoverie therof with captain
Newport, is halfe a mile broad, and within foure miles not above a
Masket shot:139
straight to the devisions. Kiskirk140
entrances.
kk. [l. 35]. After "ours" an "x" calls attention to a marginal annotation (1. 27 to
bottom of page): "This Author I fy[nde] in many errors w[hich?] they doe impute to
h[is?] not well understa[n]dinge the language[,] for they doe Ackno[w]ledge both
God [&] the Devill and that af[ter] thei are out of this world they shall r[ise?] againe in
anothe[r] world where the[y?] shall live at ea[se] and have great[e] store of bread a[nd]
venison and other [???]." While Strachey supports the annotator (Historie, 100), it is
doubtful that the English were capable, linguistically or philosophically, of
the Indians' religion (see John Rolfe, in Samuel Purchas, Purchas his Pilgrimage. Or
Relations Of The World ..., 3d ed. [London, 1617], 952).
Their religion and Ceremonie I observed was thus:141
foure dayes after my taking seven of them in the house where I lay,
each with a rattle began at ten a clocke in the morning to sing about
the fire, which they invironed with a Circle of meale, and after, a
foote or two from that, at the end of each song, layde downe two or
three graines of wheate, continuing this order till they have included
sixe or seven hundred in a halfe Circle, and after that two or three
more Circles in like maner, a hand bredth from other: That done,
at each song, they put betwixt everie three, two or five graines, a
little sticke, so counting as an old woman her Pater noster. [C3 r]
One disguised with a great Skinne, his head hung round with
little Skinnes of Weasels, and other vermine, with a Crownet of
feathers on his head, painted as ugly as the divell, at the end of each
song will make many signes and demonstrations, with strange and
vehement actions; great cakes of Deere suet, Deare, and Tobacco he
casteth in the fire. Till sixe a clocke in the Evening, their howling
would continue ere they would depart. Each morning in the coldest
frost, the principall to the number of twentie or thirtie, assembled
themselves in a round circle, a good distance from the towne, where
they told me they there consulted where to hunt the next day: so fat
they fed mee, that I much doubted they intended to have sacrificed
mee to the Quiyoughquosicke, which is a superiour power they
a more uglier thing cannot be described: one they have for
chief sacrifices, which also they call Quiyoughquosick:142
sick, a man with a Rattle and extreame howling, showting, singing,
and such violent gestures, and Anticke actions over the patient will
sucke out blood and flegme from the patient out of their unable143
stomacke, or any diseased place, as no labour will more tire them.
Tobacco they offer [to] the water in passing in fowle weather. The
death of any they lament with great sorrow and weeping: their Kings
they burie betwixt two mattes within their houses, with all his beads,
jewels, hatchets, and copper: the other in graves like ours. They
acknowledge no resurrection.144
Powhatan hath three brethren, and two sisters, each of his bre-
but the first heyres of the Sisters, and so successively the weomens
heires: For the Kings have as many weomen as they will, his Subjects
two, and most but one. [C3 v]
From Weramocomoco is but 12. miles, yet the Indians trifled
away that day, and would not goe to our Forte by any perswasions:
but in certaine olde hunting houses of Paspahegh we lodged all
night.145
Fort, where we arrived within an houre, where each man with the
truest signes of joy they could expresse welcommed mee, except
Master Archer and some 2. or 3. of his, who was then, in my absence,
sworne Counsellour, though not with the consent of Captaine
Martin:146
for the losse of our two men which the Indians slew, insomuch that
they purposed to depose me;147
pleased God to send Captaine Nuport, who arriving there the same
night,148
deferred, though with much malice against me, which captain
in short time did plainly see. Now was maister Scrivener,149
captaine Martin, and my selfe, called Counsellers.
Within five or sixe dayes after the arrivall of the Ship, by a
our Fort was burned,150
and private provision, many of our old men diseased,151
our new for want of lodging perished. The Emperour Powhatan
each weeke once or twice sent me many presents of Deare, bread,
Raugroughcuns,152
to see, and halfe for me: and so continually importuned by
and presents, that I would come to fetch the corne, and take
the Countrie their King had given me, as at last Captaine Newport
resolved to go see him.153
Indians, and such confidence they had in me, as neare the Fort they
would not come till I came to them, every of them calling me by my
name, would not sell any thing till I had first received their presents,
and what
they usually came into the Fort at their pleasure: The
President, and the rest of the Councell, they knewe not, but Captaine
Newports greatnesse I had so described, as they conceyved him the
chiefe, the rest his children, Officers, and servants. We had agreed
with the king of Paspahegh to conduct two of our men to a place
called Panawicke,154
to be apparelled. [...] Wee landed him at Warraskoyack, where
playing the villaine, and deluding us for rewards, [he] returned
within three or foure dayes after without going further. [C4 r]
Captaine Newport, maister Scrivener, and my selfe, found the
mouth of Pamuncks river, some 25. or 30. miles northward from
Cape Henrie,155
Arriving at Weramocomoca, being jealous156
this politick157
shot armed in Jacks158
in it 3. cricks, and a mile and a halfe from the chanel all os.159
conducted to the towne, I found my selfe mistaken in the creeke, for
they al there were within lesse then a mile; the Emperors sonne called
Naukaquawis,160
his chiefe men, conducted me to their kings habitation, but in the
mid way I was intercepted by a great creek over which they had
made a bridge of grained stakes161
and Namontack, who all the journey the king had sent to guide us,
had conducted us this passage, which caused me to suspect some
the barge I had sent to meet me at the right landing, when I
found my selfe first deceyved, and knowing by experience the most
of their courages to proceede from others feare, though fewe lyked
the passage, I intermingled the Kings sonne, our conductors, and his
chiefe men amongst ours, and led forward, leaving halfe at the one
ende to make a guard for the passage of the Front.162
seeing the weaknesse of the Bridge, came with a Canow, and tooke
me in of the middest with foure or five more, being landed wee made
a guard for the rest till all were passed. Two in
ll. [ll. 12-13]. "Nobles, if there be any amongst Salvages, kindly"; the commas are
inked over by parentheses, perhaps for greater emphasis as was then a common practice.
After that, he commaunded the Queene of Appomattoc, a
comely yong Salvage, to give me water, a Turkie-cocke, and breade
to eate: being thus feasted, hee began his discourse to this purpose.163
Your kinde visitation doth much content mee, but where is your
father whom I much desire to see, is he not with you.
I told him he remained aboord, but the next day he would come unto
him; with a merrie countenance he asked me for certaine peeces
which I promised him, when I went to Paspahegh. I told [him]
according to my promise, that I proffered the man that went with
me foure Demy Culverings,164
but they refused to take them; whereat with a lowde laughter, he
desired [me] to give him some of lesse burthen, as for the other I gave
him them, being sure that none could carrie them: [...]165
But where are these men you promised to come with you.
I told him without, who166
in, two after two, ever maintaining the guard without. And as they
presented themselves ever with thankes, he would salute me, and
caused each of them to have foure or five pound of bread given them.
This done, I asked him for the corne and ground he promised me.
He told me I should have it, but he expected to have all these men
lay their armes at his feet, as did his subjects. I tolde him that was a
ceremonie our ene-
him, yet that he should not doubt of our friendship: the next day my
Father would give him a child of his, in full assurance of our loves,
and not only that, but when he should thinke it convenient, wee
would deliver under his subjection the Country of Manacam and
Pocoughtaonack his enemies.167
[D1 r]
This so contented him, as immediatly with attentive silence, with
a lowd oration he proclaimed me a werowanes of Powhatan, and that
all his subjects should so esteeme us, and no man account us strangers
nor Paspaheghans, but Powhatans, and that the Corne, weomen
and Country, should be to us as to his owne people: this proffered
kindnes for many reasons we contemned not, but with the best
and signes of thankes I could expresse, I tooke my leave.
The King, rising from his seat, conducted me foorth, and caused
each of my men to have as much more bread as hee could beare,
giving me some in a basket, and as much he sent a board for a present
to my Father: victuals you must know is all there wealth, and the
greatest kindnes they could shew us: arriving at the River, the Barge
was fallen so low with the ebbe, [...]168
and oft sent to prevent the same, yet the messengers deceived mee.
The Skies being very thicke and rainie, [...]169
this mischance, sent his Sonne and Namontack, to conduct mee
to a great house sufficient to lodge mee, where entring I saw it hung
round with bowes and arrowes.
The Indians used all diligence to make us fires, and give us
the kings Orators presently entertained us with a kinde oration,
with expresse charge that not any should steale, or take out bowes
or arrowes, or offer any injury. [...]170
Presently after he sent me a quarter of Venizon to stay my
stomacke: in the evening hee sent for mee to come onely
guard, and to maintaine two sentries at the ports171
supper he set before me meate for twenty men, and seeing I could not
eate, hee caused it to be given to my men: for this is a generall
custome, that what they give, not to take againe, but you must either
eate it, give it away, or carry it with you: two or three houres we spent
in our auncient172
lighted to my lodging. [D1 v]
The next day the King, conducting mee to the River, shewed
me his Canowes, and described unto me how hee sent them over the
Baye, for tribute Beades, and also what Countries paide him Beads,
Copper or Skins. But seeing Captaine Nuport, and Maister Scrivener,
comming a shore, the King returned to his house, and I went to
meete him.173174
King: who after his old manner kindly received him, especially a
Boy of thirteen yeares old, called Thomas Salvage, whom he gave
him as his Sonne: he requited this kindnes with each of us a great
basket of Beanes, and entertaining him with the former discourse,
we passed away that day, and agreed to bargaine the next day, and
so returned to our Pinnis: the next day comming a shore in like order,
the King having kindly entertained us with a breakfast, questioned
with us in this manner.
Why we came armed in that sort, seeing hee was our friend, and
had neither bowes nor arrowes, what did wee doubt? I told him it
was the custome of our Country, not doubting of his kindnes any
waies. Wherewith, though hee seemed satisfied, yet Captaine Nuport
caused all our men to retire to the water side, which was some thirtie
score175
I were either the one or other by the Barge. Experience had well
taught me to beleeve his friendship, till convenient opportunity
suffred him to betray us; but quickly this politi-
mm. [bottom of page]. The words "Virginia Barmudas" are inscribed below the
signature in a bold secretary hand, without apparent pertinence.
Captaine Nuport would not with lesse then twelve great 178
try his kindnes, which he liberally requited with as much
corne as at Chickahamania, I had for one of lesse proportion: our
Hatchets hee would also have at his owne rate, for which kindnes hee
much seemed to affect Captaine Nuport. Some few bunches of blew
Beades I had, which he much desired, and seeing so few, he offred
me a basket of two pecks, and that which I drew to be three pecks at
the least,179
agreed with him the next day for two bushells, for the ebbe now
us to returne to our Boate, although he earnestly desired us
to stay [for] dinner which was a providing, and being ready he sent
aboard after us, which was bread and venizon, sufficient for fiftie or
sixtie persons.180
The next day hee sent his Sonne in the morning not to bring a
shore with us any pieces, least his weomen and children should feare.
Captaine Nuports good beliefe would have satisfied that request, yet
twentie or twentie five shot we got a shore: the King importuning
mee to leave my armes a board, much misliking my sword, pistol and
target, I told him the men that slew my Brother with the like tearmes
had perswaded me, and being unarmed shot at us, and so betraide
us.
He oft entreated Captaine Nuport that his men might
[...]181
neare fraighted our Barge. [...]182
[D2 v]
Captaine Nuport returned with them that came abord, leaving
me and Maister Scrivener a shore, to follow in Canowes; into one I
got with sixe of our men, which beeing lanched a stones cast from the
shore stuck fast in the Ose: Maister Scrivener seeing this example,
with seven or eight more passed the dreadfull bridge, thinking to
have found deeper water on the other creeke, but they were inforced
to stay with such entertainment183
with wind and raine, having in his Canow, as commonly they have,
his house and houshold, instantly set up a house of mats which
them from the storme.
The Indians seeing me pestred in the Ose, called to me; sixe or
seven of the Kings chiefe men threw off their skins, and to the middle
in Ose, came to bear me out on their heads. Their importunacie
caused me better to like the Canow then their curtesie, excusing my
deniall for feare to fall into the Ose, desiring them to bring me some
wood, fire, and mats, to cover me, and I would content them: each
presently gave his helpe to satisfie my request, which paines a horse
would scarce have indured, yet a couple of bells richly contented
them.
The Emperor sent his Seaman Mantiuas184
bread and victuall for me and my men; he no more scripulous185
then the rest seemed to take a pride in shewing how litle he regarded
that miserable cold and durty passage, though a dogge would scarce
have indured it. This kindnes I found, when I litle expected lesse
then a mischiefe, but the blacke night parting our companies, ere
midnight the flood [tide] served to carry us aboard: the next day we
came ashore, the King with a solemne discourse, causing all to
but his principall men, [...] and this was the effect when as
hee perceived that we had a desire to invade Monacum, a-
would assist us in this enterprise: First hee would send his spies,
to understand their strength and ability to fight, with which
he would acquaint us himselfe.186
[D3 r]
Captaine Nuport would not be seene in it himselfe, being great
Werowances, they would stay at home, but I, Maister Scrivener,
and two of his Sonnes, and Opechankanough, the King of Pamaunke,
should have 100. of his men to goe before as though they were
they giving us notise where was the advantage we should kill
them. The weomen and young children he wished we should spare,
and bring them to him. Only 100. or 150. of our men he held
for this exploit: our boats should stay at the falls, where we
might hew timber, which we might convey each man a piece till we
were past the stones, and there joyne them, to passe our men by
water; if any were shot, his men should bring them backe to our
boats. This faire tale had almost made Captaine Nuport undertake,
by this meanes to discover the South sea, which will not be without
trecherie, if wee ground our intent upon his constancie.
This day we spent in trading, dancing, and much mirth. The
King of Pamaunke sent his messenger, as yet not knowing Captaine
Nuport, to come unto him, who had long expected mee, desiring
also my Father to visite him: the messenger stayed to conduct us, but
Powhatan understanding that we had Hatchets lately come from
Paspahegh, desired the next day to trade with us, and [for us] not to
go further.187
This new tricke he cunningly put upon him, but onely to have
what hee listed, and to try whether we would go or stay.
messenger returned [saying] that wee would not come: the
next day his Daughter came to entreate me, shewing her Father had
hurt his legge, and much sorrowed he could not see me.
nn. [l.7]. "Opitchapam"; in margin, "[O]pochoppam," and just below,
These were two names for the same brother (see the Generall Historie, 153 [on
Opitchapam] and 125 [on Itopatin, or Itoyatin]).
oo. [l. 11]. "Opechankanough"; in margin, "[A]pachanckano" (see n. u, above).
pp. [ll. 24-25]. "Pansarowmana," corrected to read, "Pansaromanans"; in margin,
"Pansaromanans [are?] accounted a very [da]ynty dish amongst [the]m, beeing made
of the [cor]ne when it is greene [boy?]led and so mingled [am]ongst beanes and so [kep]t
all the yeare, which is [wh]en it is boyled very [swe?]ete and wholesom [me?]ate."
Captaine Nuport being not to bee perswaded to goe, in that
Powhatan had desired us to stay, sent her away with the like answer.
Yet the next day upon better consideration intreatie prevailed, and
wee anchored at Cinquoateck, the first towne above the parting of
the river, where dwelled two Kings of Pamaunke, Brothers to
the one called Opitchapam, the other Katatough.188
I went a shore, who kindly intreated mee and Maister Scrivener,
sending some presents aboard to Captaine Nuport, whilst we were
trucking with these Kings. [D3 v]
Opechankanough his wife, weomen, and children189
meete me with a naturall kind affection, hee seemed to rejoyce to see
me.
Captaine Nuport came a shore. With many kind discourses wee
passed that forenoone: and after dinner, Captaine Nuport went
about with the Pinnis to Menapacant which is twenty miles by water,
and not one by land:190
Scrivener by land, where having built a feasting house a purpose to
entertaine us with a kind Oration, after their manner and his best
provision, kindly welcomed us. That day he would not trucke, but
did his best to delight us with content: Captaine Nuport arrived
evening, whom the King presented with sixe great platters of
fine bread, and Pansarowmana.191
the King feasted all the company, and the afternoone was spent in
playing, dauncing, and delight; by no meanes hee would have us
depart till the next day, he had feasted us with venizon, for which he
had sent, having spent his first and second provision in expecting our
comming: the next day he performed his promise, giving more to us
three, then would have sufficed 30. and in that we carried not away
what we left, hee sent it after us to the Pinnis. With what words or
signes of love he could expresse, we departed.
Captaine Nuport in the Pinnis, leaving mee in the
192
[...] which done, ere midnight I arrived at Weracomoco,
where our Pinnis anchored, being 20. miles193
The next day we tooke leave of Powhatan, who in regard of his
kindnes gave him an Indian, he well affected194
England in steed of his Sonne, the cause I assure me was to know
our strength and countries condition: the next day we arrived at
Kiskiack, the people so scornefully entertained us, as with what
signes of scorne and discontent we could, we departed and returned
to our Fort with 250. bushells of Corne. Our president being not
wholy recovered of his sicknes, in discharging his Piece brake and
split his hand, of which he is not yet well recovered.195
[D4 r]
At Captaine Nuports arrivall, wee were victualled for twelve
weekes, and having furnished him of what hee thought good, hee set
saile for England the tenth of Aprill:196
selfe with our shallop, accompanied him to Cape Henrie.
Powhatan having for a farrewell, sent him five or sixe mens
loadings, with Turkeyes for swords, which hee sent him in our return
to the fort:197
[...] we discovered the river of Nansemond,198
Nation, as well we may testified,199
but that injury Captaine Nuport well revenged at his returne,200
where some of them intising him to their Ambuscadoes by a daunce,
hee perceiving their intent, with a volley of musket shot, slew one,
and shot one or two more, as themselves confesse. The King at our
arivall sent for me to come unto him: I sent him word what
I had to exchange for wheat, and if he would, as had the
rest of his Neighbours, conclude a Peace, we were contented. At last
he came downe before the Boate which rid at anchor some fortie
yards from the shore; he signified to me to come a shore, and sent a
Canow with foure or five of his men, two whereof I desired to come a-
shore. To this hee agreed: the King wee presented with a piece of
Copper, which he kindly accepted, and sent for victualls to
the messengers. [D4 v]
Maister Scrivener and my selfe also, after that, went a shore:
the King kindly feasted us, requesting us to stay to trade till the next
day, which having done, we returned to the Fort. This river is a
musket shot broad, each side being should bayes,201
but three fadom, his course for eighteene miles, almost directly
South, and by West, where beginneth the first inhabitants; for a mile
it turneth directly East, towards the West, a great bay and a white
chaukie Iland, convenient for a Fort: his next course South, where
within a quarter of a mile, the river divideth in two, the neck a plaine
high Corne field, the wester bought a high plaine likewise, the
answerable in all respects: in these plaines are planted
of houses and people. They may containe 1000. Acres of most
excellent fertill ground, so sweete, so pleasant, so beautifull, and so
strong a prospect, for an invincible strong Citty, with so many
that I know as yet I have not seene: This is within one daies
journey of Chawwonocke.202
within twelve miles of Cape Henrie.
At our Fort, the tooles we had were so ordinarily stolen by the
Indians, as necessity inforced us to correct their braving theeverie:
for he that stole to day, durst come againe the next day. One amongst
the rest, having stolen two swords, I got the Counsels consent to set
in the bilboes:203
woodden swords in the midst of our men to steale, their custome is to
take any thing they can ceaze off,204
wee have not found stealing: but what others can steale, their King
receiveth.
I bad them depart, but flourishing their swords, they
qq. [l. 10]. "Paspahegh"; in margin, "the Paspaheghs w[ere?] alwayes treacher[ous]
villaynes and ever s[hall?] bee till thei are capt[ived?]."
The twenty of Aprill, being at worke, in hewing downe Trees,
and setting Corne, an alarum caused us with all speede to take our
armes, each expecting a new assault of the Salvages: but
it a Boate under saile, our doubts were presently satisfied, with
the happy sight of Maister Nelson, his many perrills of extreame
stormes and tempests [passed]. His ship well, as his company could
testifie, his care in sparing our provision, was well: but the
thereof, as also of our stones, Hatchets, and other tooles, onely
ours excepted, which of all the rest was most necessary, which might
inforce us, to think either a seditious traitor to our action, or a most
unconscionable deceiver of our treasures.[...]207
of Maister Nelson in the Phenix, having beene then about three
monethes missing, after Captaine Nuports arrivall, being to all our
ex-
with tempestuous weather, and contrary winds, his so unexpected
comming, did so ravish us with exceeding joy, that now we thought
our selves as well fitted, as our harts could wish, both with a
number of men, as also for all other needfull provisions, till a
further supply should come unto us: whereupon the first thing that
was concluded, was that my selfe and Maister Scrivener should with
70. men goe with the best meanes we could provide, to discover
beyond the Falls, as in our judgements conveniently we might: sixe
or seaven daies we spent only in trayning our men to march, fight,
and scirmish in the woods. These208
quickned their understanding in this exercise, as in all judgements
wee were better able to fight with Powhatans whole force in our
order of battle amongst the Trees, (for Thicks209
the Fort was to repulse 400. at the first assault, with some tenne or
twenty shot, not knowing what to doe, nor how to use a Piece: our
warrant being sealed, Maister Nelson refused to assiste us with the
voluntary Marriners, and himselfe, as he promised, unlesse we would
stand bound to pay the hire for shippe and Marriners for the time
they stayed: and further there was some contraversie, through the
diversitie of Contrary opinions, some alleadging that, how
and to what good purpose soever our journey should portend,
yet our commission, commanding no certaine designe, we should be
taxed for the most indiscreete men in the world, besides the wrong
we should doe to Captaine Nuport, to whom only all discoveries did
belong, and to no other:210
[E1 v]
The meanes for guides,211
river, from which we could not erre much, each night would fortifie
us in two houres, better then that they first called the Fort. Their
Townes upon the river, each within one dayes journey of other,
besides our ordinary provision, might well be supposed to adde
reliefe, for truck
rr. [ll. 6-7]. In margin, "Hee that knowes n[othing?] feares nothing"; obviously
referring to Captain Martin.
The next day came first an Indian, then another, as
for their men; they desired to speake with me. Our discourse
was, that what Spades, Shovells, swords, or tooles they had stolne,
to bring home (if not the next day, they should hang). The next
newes was, they had taken two of our men, ranging in the woods,
which mischiefe no punishment will prevent but hanging, and these
they would should redeeme their owne 16. or 18. thus braving us to
our doores. We desired the president, and Captaine Martin, that
afternoone to sally upon them, that they might but know, what we
durst to doe, and at night mand220
Townes, and spoiled, and destroyed, what we could, but they
brought our men, and freely delivered them: the president released
one, the rest we brought well guarded, to Morning and Evening
prayers. Our men all in armes, their trembling feare, then caused
them to much sorrow,221
we durst doe. The Counsell concluded that I should terrific them
with some torture, to know if I could know their intent. The next
day I bound one in hold222
Muskets with match in the cockes,223
answere my demaunds he could not, but one of his Comouodos224
was of the counsell of Paspahegh, that could satisfie me: I, releasing
him out of sight, I affrighted the other, first with the rack, then with
Muskets, which seeing, he desired me to stay, and hee would
to this execution:225226
was to
Pamunka, Mattapanient, and Kiskiack, these Nations were
a hunting that tooke me; Paspahegh, and Chicahamanya,
had entended to surprise us at worke, to have had our tools:
and al his would seeme friends till Captaine Nuports returne,
that he had againe his man, which he called Namontack, where with
a great feast hee would so enamor227
as they should ceaze on him, and the like traps would be laied for
the rest. [E3 r]
This trap for our tooles, we suspected228
foure daies before Powhatan had sent the boy he had to us, with
many Turkies to Maister Scrivener, and mee, understanding I
would go up into his Countries to destroy them, and he doubted229
it the more, in that I so oft practised my men, whose shooting he
heard to his owne lodging, that much feared his wives, and children;
we sent him word, we entended no such thing, but only to goe to
Powhatan to seeke stones to make Hatchets, except his men shoot at
us, as Paspahegh had told us they would, which if they did shoote
but one arrowe, we would destroy them, and least this mischiefe
might happen, sent the boy to acquaint him thus much, and request
him to send us Weanock,230
he returned backe with his Chest, and apparell, which then we had
given him, desiring another for him, the cause was, he was practising
with the Chikahamanias, as the boy suspected some villanie, by their
extraordinary resort,231
would send him. The boy we keepe, now we would send him many
messengers, and presents. The guide we desired he sent us, and
withall requested us to returne him either the boy, or some other, but
none he could have, and that day these Indians were apprehended,
his sonne with others that had loaded232
being out of the Fort, rayled on233
enemies to him, and to the Chikamanias. Not long after Weanock
that had bin with us for our guide, whom wee kept to have conducted
us in another journy, with a false excuse
ss. [l. 19]. "Daughter"; in margin, "[Po]kahuntas," and just below, "Mator/."
While the final r is clear, "Matoa" or "Matoaka" is found elsewhere (see Hamor's True
Discourse, 59; Samuel Purchas, Hakluytus Posthumus, or Purchas His Pilgrimes ... [London,
1625], IV, 1769, marg.).
The confession of Macanoe, which was the counseller of
[...]236
examinations, found by them all confirmed, that Paspahegh, and
Chickahammania did hate us, and intended some mischiefe, and
who they were that tooke me, the names of them that stole our
tooles, and swords, and that Powhatan received them, they all
agreed: certaine vollies of shot we caused to be discharged, which
caused each other to thinke that their fellowes had beene slaine.
Powhatan, understanding we detained certaine Salvages, sent
his Daughter, a child of tenne yeares old, which not only for feature,
countenance, and proportion, much exceedeth any of the rest of his
people, but for wit, and spirit, the only Nonpariel of his Country:237
this hee sent by his most trustie messenger, called Rawhunt, as much
exceeding in deformitie of person, but of a subtill wit and crafty
understanding. He with a long circumstance told mee how well
Powhatan loved and respected mee, and in that I should not doubt
any way of his kindnesse, he had sent his child, which he most
esteemed, to see me, a Deere and bread besides for a present: desiring
me that the Boy might come againe, which he loved exceedingly,
his litle Daughter hee had taught this lesson also: not taking notice
at all of the Indeans that had beene prisoners three daies, till that
morning that she saw their fathers and friends come quietly, and in
good tearmes to entreate their libertie.
Opechaukanough sent also unto us, that for his sake, we
shooting Glove and Bracer,238
upon, separating himselfe from the rest a long time, intreated to
speake with me, where in token of peace, he had preferred239
same: now all of them having found their peremptorie conditions,
but to increase our malice, which they seeing us begin to threaten to
destroy them, as familiarly as before, without suspition or feare, came
amongst us to begge libertie for their men: In the afternoone, they
being gone, we guarded them as before to the Church, and after
prayer, gave them to Pocahuntas, the Kings Daughter, in regard of
her fathers kindnesse in sending her: after having well fed them, as
all the time of their imprisonment, we gave them their bowes,
arrowes, or what else they had, and with much content, sent them
packing: Pocahuntas also we requited, with such trifles as contented
her, to tel that we had used the Paspaheyans very kindly in so
them. The next day we had suspition of some other practise for
an Ambuscado, but perfectly wee could not discover it; two daies
after, a Paspaheyan came to shew us a glistering Minerall stone 240
and with signes demonstrating it to be in great aboundance, like unto
Rockes. With some dozen more, I was sent to seeke to digge some
quantitie, and the Indean to conduct me: but suspecting this some
tricke to delude us for to get some Copper of us, or with some
to betray us, seeing him falter in his tale, being two miles on
our way, led him ashore, where abusing us from place to place, and
so seeking either to have drawne us with him into the woods, or to
have given us the slippe: I shewed him Copper, which I promised to
have given him if he had performed his promise, but for his scoffing
and abusing us, I gave him twentie lashes with a Rope, and his bowes
and arrowes, bidding him shoote if he durst, and so let him goe.241
[E4 r]
In all this time, our men being all or the most part well
enforced us unto, we thought good for the better content of the
adventurers in some reasonable sort to fraight home Maister Nelson
with Cedar wood, about which, our men going with willing minds,
was in very good time effected, and the ship sent for England; wee
now remaining being in good health, all our men wel contented, free
from mutinies, in love one with another, and as we hope in a
peace with the Indians, where we doubt not but by Gods
gracious assistance, and the adventurers willing minds and speedie
furtherance to so honorable an action in after times, to see our Nation
to enjoy a Country, not onely exceeding pleasant for habitation, but
also very profitable for comerce in generall, no doubt pleasing to
almightie God, honourable to our gracious Soveraigne, and
generally to the whole Kingdome.242
[E4 v]
1. Inserted as sig. ¶ 1-2, a single leaf, between sig. A2v and A3r, apparently after the
book was in print. What follows bears out the haste and confusion attending the
of Smith's account.
2. Fair, unbiased.
3. I.e., "having inadvertently spoken another player's lines"; a hint that "I. H."
had connections in the theatre.
4. Dreading, fearing.
5. Authors not uncommonly went to the printing houses to read proof.
6. Region.
7. Consensus.
8. Often merely "with."
9. Councillors, counselors.
10. Opinions, private designs.
11. Very likely John Healey (see the Biographical Directory). Charles Deane
the importance of "I. H." and his address somewhat briefly, without attempting
to identify him (Charles Deane, ed., A True Relation of Virginia, by Captain John Smith
[Boston, 1866]). Worthington Chauncey Ford, however, suggested Healey as the author
(Massachusetts Historical Society, Proceedings, LVIII [1924-1925], 245-247). More
recently Mr. Giles de la Mare, a London editor, independently reached the same
(Barbour, Jamestown Voyages, I, 168n; and further personal communications,
1974-1975).
12. Modern Virginia.
13. Wording possibly supplied by "I. H."
14. The Downs was a protected rendezvous for ships off the east coast of Kent near
Deal, where the fleet anchored Jan. 5, 1607, and suffered "great storms" (George Percy's
"Discourse," in Barbour, Jamestown Voyages, I, 129).
15. Gran Canaria Island is probably meant. Capt. Christopher Newport, admiral
in command, had watered there Apr. 6-9, 1590, on his first West Indian voyage (David
Beers Quinn, ed., The Roanoke Voyages, 1584-1590 [Hakluyt Society, 2d Ser., CIV-CV
(London, 1955)], II, 600), and Smith himself had probably visited the island (see the
True Travels, 39). A sentence or more has been cut here (see n. 16).
16. More cutting is obvious. Purchas states in a marginal note to his extract from
Percy's "Discourse" that "the next day [after leaving the Canaries?] Capt. Smith was
suspected for a supposed Mutinie, though never no such matter" (Barbour, Jamestown
Voyages, I, 129).
17. See the Proceedings, 3; and the Generall Historie, 42. Percy supplies further detail
(Barbour, Jamestown Voyages, I, 135).
18. Deane attempted to clarify the passage but misconstrued Percy's "Discourse"
(Smith's Relation, 2n; see n. 16, above). For the name, see Quinn, Roanoke Voyages, I,
461n, II, 847-848; and Barbour, "Earliest Reconnaissance," Pt. I, 287.
19. I.e., Christopher Newport; see the Biographical Directory.
20. Cf. Percy's "Discourse" (Barbour, Jamestown Voyages, I, 133-134). Deane
a guess as to the identity of the Indians (Smith's Relation, 3n). Arber mistakenly
explained "aboard" (on board the ship) as "on land" (Edward Arber, ed., Captain John
Smith ... Works, 1608-1631, The English Scholar's Library Edition, No. 16
1884], 5).
21. For Gabriel Archer, see the Biographical Directory. According to Smith,
Morton was an "expert Sea-man" with Sir Thomas Roe in South America (1610-1611)
and later on "with command in the East Indies" (True Travels, 49). He is otherwise
obscure.
22. A large cut, ignored by Deane, seems to have been made here, relating to
Smith's exclusion from the council and the events between Sun. night, Apr. 26, and
Wed., May 13, 1607. See Percy's "Discourse" for details (Barbour, Jamestown Voyages,
I, 134-138).
23. "Edm." in the original.
24. See Percy's "Discourse" (Barbour, Jamestown Voyages, I, 138); and Charles E.
Hatch, Jr., "Archer's Hope and the Glebe," VMHB, LXV (1957), 467-484. Deane
Percy's "Discourse" in his notes (Smith's Relation, 4n).
25. "Thursday the xxith of May [1606]," according to Archer (Barbour, James-
town Voyages, I, 81). Deane calls attention to Smith's slip (Smith's Relation, 5n). For the
details of this exploration, see Barbour, Jamestown Voyages, I, 80-98.
26. I.e., "treating, dealing with"; common in Smith.
27. Gewgaws made of glass.
28. "Arsatecke" was a persistent alternative to "Arrohattoc." Smith's account here
seems to be based on early, uncorrected notes; the "Relatyon" commonly attributed to
Archer and sent to England in 1607 is better (Barbour, Jamestown Voyages, I, 84-89).
The facts are that the werowance of Arrohattoc entertained Newport's party. Then the
werowance of Powhatan village came downstream to see who they were. The latter
werowance was the son of Great Powhatan, the "emperor," whom Smith first saw seven
months later (see sig. C1v, below).
29. Misread and printed as "within an ile"; not noted at the time. As in many cases,
the misprint was ignored by Deane (Smith's Relation, 7). From the foot of the falls today
it is o. 75 mi. to the mouth of Gillie Creek, just inside the southern city limits of Richmond.
Powhatan village was probably on the high ground just N or S of this creek (see Barbour,
"Earliest Reconnaissance," Pt. I, 297; and Barbour, Jamestown Voyages, II, 468, 474-
475).
30. "Freshets."
31. May 24, 1607.
32. The "Relatyon" attributed to Archer specifies that Captain Newport "sett up
a Crosse with this inscriptyon Jacobus Rex. 1607. and his owne name belowe" (Barbour,
Jamestown Voyages, I, 88). Deane's notes are similar to these.
33. I.e., "acknowledged his pleasure or satisfaction (at)."
34. I.e., "latitude." Below, the colonists' visit to the queen of Appamatuck is
in Archer's "Relatyon" (Barbour, Jamestown Voyages, I, 91-92), also referred to
by Deane. "Agamatock" was probably a misreading of the handwritten "Appamatuck";
the "p" could easily have been confused with a "g." "Appomattoc" is a
spelling.
35. For further details, see ibid., 92. This location was most likely a mile or so
from the E end of Eppes Island (ibid., II, 466). Deane's note on the site was
written a century before serious investigation began.
36. The Weanock tribe occupied both sides of the James River below modern
Hopewell (see Ben C. McCary, Indians in Seventeenth-Century Virginia, Jamestown 350th
Anniversary Historical Booklet No. 18 [Williamsburg, Va., 1957], 7; Barbour, "Earliest
Reconnaissance," Pt. I, 301; and n. f to facsimile).
37. Perhaps modern Weyanoke Point (Barbour, Jamestown Voyages, II, 466), as
intimated in Deane, Smith's Relation, 8n.
38. Animosity.
39. Servant, attendant; his name was Nauiraus, or Navirans (Barbour, Jamestown
Voyages, I, 84-90).
40. I.e., "much ado, many formalities."
41. Archer's "Relatyon" says "above 200. of them" (Barbour, Jamestown Voyages,
I, 95). However, neither he nor Smith was there. The Englishmen could not have
over 120, including the sailors. The werowance of Paspahegh, within whose
grounds the English had unknowingly settled, was always inimical to the colonists
(cf. sig. E1r, below; and n. qq to facsimile). He of Tappahanocke (later more correctly
called Quiyoughcohanock), however, was always friendly (see sig. B1r, below; and n. k
to facsimile).
42. Large guns; cf. the Accidence, 24.
43. Casks or boxes for stacking guns.
44. "Palisadoed," Smith's characteristic use of a Spanish form in preference to
French (cf. modern English "palisade"). Wingfield, and perhaps Newport, had been
reluctant to fortify Jamestown on the basis of the "Instructions" they had (see the
Proceedings, 4; and the Generall Historie, 42; the "Instructions" are in Barbour, James-
town Voyages, I, 34-44).
45. Another Spanish form in place of French.
46. A considerable cut seems to have been made here (cf. the Proceedings, 5-6; and
the Generall Historie, 42-43). "Abroad" means "outside the stockade, the house, the
city."
47. Percy adds that Newport left 104 colonists "verie bare and scantie of victualls,
furthermore in warres [among themselves] and in danger of the Savages," but with a
promise of supplies within 20 weeks (Barbour, Jamestown Voyages, I, 143). Note the
implied disparagement of Newport, carefully omitted in nearly two pages of notes by
Smith's Relations, 10-11).
48. This passage was omitted in both the Proceedings and the Generall Historie.
independently testified that the Indian came from Opechancanough, not
on June 25, not June 21, "with the worde of peace" (Barbour, Jamestown Voyages,
I, 214-215). It is not known which date is correct.
49. Archaic for "conducted, managed"; today we might say "carried out."
50. The sentence seems truncated (cf. Wingfield's "Discourse," in Barbour, James-
town Voyages, 1, 213-218).
51. There may have been further meddling here.
52. Bartholomew Gosnold died on Aug. 22, 1607 (Percy's "Discourse," in Barbour,
Jamestown Voyages, I, 144).
53. Green corn (maize), American "on the cob," was considered unripe by the
English. In the concluding clause, the second "when" is correct if "expected" is taken in
the archaic sense of "waited to see." Cf. n. 1 of facsimile.
54. Cf. the Proceedings, 10; the Generall Historie, 44; Percy's "Discourse" (in Barbour,
Jamestown Voyages, I, 143-145); and Wingfield's "Discourse" (ibid., 215). Deane
comparison with the condition of "the Pilgrims at Plymouth during the first winter
and spring" (Smith's Relation, 13n). See William Bradford, Of Plymouth Plantation, 1620-
1647, ed. Samuel Eliot Morison (New York, 1952), 77: "of 100 and odd persons, scarce
fifty remained."
55. I.e., "in turn." He was the only ship captain present, with Gosnold dead and
Newport away.
56. With their harvest ended, the Indians were probably eager to barter food for
gewgaws. It should be noted, however, that Halley's comet was brilliant in the night sky
from mid-Sept. to mid-Oct. Although no colonist seems to have noticed it, the Indians
may well have, and they may have been influenced by the apparition.
57. Something seems to be missing; see n. 58, below.
58. The entire passage is amplified in the Proceedings, 11; and the Generall Historie,
45.
59. The officer in charge of purchase and sale or barter of goods (see the Sea
Grammar, 34).
60. Although something seems to be missing here, the account that follows is
more ample than that in the Proceedings, 11; and the Generall Historie, 45.
61. The Generall Historie, 44, also contains a detailed account of the manner in
which "God ... altered their conceits," which was credited and reprinted by Samuel
Purchas without comment (Pilgrimes, IV, 1707). Deane found this "a very extravagant
story ... quite inconsistent with this account, and probably with the truth" (Smith's
Relation, 16n). In view of Strachey's sidelights on Powhatan and the Kecoughtan Indians
(Historie, 44, 68), the editor sees no basis for Deane's assertion. "Conceits" often meant
"fanciful notions, whims." Below, "discover" usually meant "make a reconnaissance of."
62. The "little Ile" was surely Cape Comfort, mentioned in the "Relation" of
Francis Magnel, one of Newport's sailors: "This Cape Comfort is an island which is at
the entrance of a big river where the English live" (Barbour, Jamestown Voyages, I, 151-
152, 157n). Percy described the naming of it in his "Discourse" (ibid., 135), but Smith's
first reference to the name is in the Proceedings, 40. Here the account appears to have been
pruned again.
63. Warrascoyack was near the mouth of modern Pagan River, perhaps opposite
Smithfield (Barbour, "Earliest Reconnaissance," Pt. I, 301). The James River is now
4.5 mi. wide here, and Old Point Comfort is about 18 mi. downstream by modern
channels.
64. Cf. the Proceedings, 12; and the Generall Historie, 46. It was probably less a matter
of supplies than an urge to go home, but the sequence of events is less clear in this account
than in the other two, most likely due to cutting.
65. I.e., Powhatan village.
66. "To spoil" here means "plunder, obtain by force." Something again seems to
be missing, but in any case this marks the beginning of Smith's calculated policy of living
by trade (forced if necessary) and not by combat.
67. Smith could not know that Jamestown was built on Paspahegh hunting grounds
(cf. Frank G. Speck, Chapters on the Ethnology of the Powhatan Tribes of Virginia, Heye
Foundation, Indian Notes and Monographs, I, No. 5 [New York, 1928], 320-321; and
John L. Cotter, Archeological Excavations at Jamestown, Virginia, National Park Service,
resented the white squatters.
68. Tried, attempted.
69. "Only" should be added here (cf. Anas Todkill's remarks in the Proceedings, 25,
and the Generall Historie, 54).
70. It was new moon on Nov. 8; since they went along "by moonelight," "9" may
be a misprint for "19."
71. A passage seems to be missing.
72. See n. r to facsimile. For further discussion of the Chickahominy River
see Barbour, "Chickahominy Place-Names," Names, XV (1967), 216-227;
Jamestown Voyages, II, 477-482; "Earliest Reconnaissance," Pt. I, 285-302; and Ben C.
McCary and Norman F. Barka, "The John Smith and Zuniga Maps in the Light of
Recent Archaeological Investigations along the Chickahominy River," Archaeology of
Eastern North America, V (1977), 73-86.
73. Again, something seems to be missing.
74. The site has been established beyond reasonable doubt by McCary and Barka,
"Archaeological Investigations," Archaeology of Eastern North America, V (1977), 82. It
must be one of four late sites within modern Wilcox Neck, across the Chickahominy from
Lanexa.
75. Another cut was apparently made here.
76. Misconduct.
77. Announced, made known.
78. See Philip L. Barbour, "Captain George Kendall, Mutineer or Intelligencer?"
VMHB, LXX (1962), 297-313.
79. See n. s to facsimile.
80. I.e., "in the end, finally."
81. Decision.
82. According to Wingfield, who was no more reliable about dates than Smith, this
was on Thurs., Dec. 10, 1607 (Barbour, Jamestown Voyages, I, 226). It is curious that the
following eight pages of text were condensed to one page in the Proceedings, 13-14, but
reappear in large part in the Generall Historie, 46-49. Deane has a good many notes,
suggesting an explanation (Smith's Relation, 22-43). True, he points out difficulties
with the punctuation and offers a lengthy digression on the "Pocahontas incident"
being constructive, but there is little if anything worth repeating here.
83. "Oozy."
84. See n. t to facsimile. McCary and Barka have found evidence of a site
to the one named by Smith ("Archaeological Investigations," Archaeology of
Eastern North America, V [1977], 82-83).
85. "Chickahominy" seems to mean "cleared place" (Barbour, Jamestown Voyages,
I, 179n; and Barbour, "Earliest Reconnaissance," Pt. I, 287).
86. The apparent meaning is that the neighborhood of Moysonicke was well
and that most of the inhabitants were within sight of the "towne" (or "place").
87. The modern dam at Matahunk Neck, c. 6 mi. downstream, has turned the area
into swamp and marsh.
88. I.e., "riverbed." The significance of the next sentence, from Smith's point of
view, lay in the London Council's instructions: "You must Observe ... Whether the
River on which you Plant Doth Spring ... out of Lakes[;] if it be out of any Lake the
passage to the Other Sea [the Pacific Ocean] will be the more Easy" (Barbour, James-
town Voyages, I, 51).
89. Make the venture, at some hazard.
90. This was a plausible justification for the trip. Three of the colonists were killed.
The remainder apparently took the barge back to Jamestown.
91. "Lacke" was a variant spelling of "lake"; common in the 16th and early 17th
centuries.
92. Performance, execution of duty.
93. "Encumbered."
94. I.e., "bends, curves." Below, John Robbinson ("Jehu Robinson," in Barbour,
Jamestown Voyages, I, 223) was a "gentleman"; Thomas Emry was a carpenter. The
former had accused Wingfield of slander in Sept. and was awarded £100 damages by
the same court that had given Smith £200 for a similar reason. This may have led
Robbinson to volunteer to go with Smith.
95. Another passage was cut here with the antecedent of "him" omitted. The
meaning is, "Supposing that the Indians we had hired had betrayed us, and that my
companions had been surprised, I forthwith seized the one with me, and held him at
gunpoint to prevent any further surprise" (see the Generall Historie, 46).
96. Aimed, leveled.
97. The French were leaders in pistol making (J. F. Hayward, European Firearms
[London, 1955], 10).
98. I.e., "did not try to resist." "Barricado" is another one of Smith's Spanish
preferences over French.
99. See n. u to facsimile. This is Smith's first mention of Opechancanough's name
(the previous mention of "the King of Pamaunke" [sig. A4v] seems rather to refer to
Powhatan, despite Arber [Smith, Works, 8]). Opechancanough was the second in line
for the overlordship after Powhatan and was about 60 years old at the time (see the
Biographical Directory).
100. "He made known that I was a captain." A captain, tribal chief, or werowance
was not put to death if captured (Map of Va., 26; Generall Historie, 33). For "werowance,"
see n. 135, below.
101. For the compass, Smith seems to have taken a leaf from Thomas Harriot, A
briefe and true report of the new found land of Virginia ... (London, 1588), which relates
how such things were used to mystify the Indians in North Carolina (see Richard
Hakluyt, The Principal Navigations, Voyages, Traffiques and Discoveries of the English Nation
[London, 1598-1600], III, 277). Later, Purchas summarized this passage without
to the True Relation but referred to a MS "courteously communicated" to him
by Smith (Pilgrimage [1613], 634). As for Smith's knowledge or understanding of
at best it was probably rudimentary Copernican.
102. Apparently another cut was made here.
103. The rest of the sentence is missing; the meaning is perhaps, "that
and his men were on a deer hunt" (cf. top of sig. E3r).
104. This was the hunting camp "Rasaweack" named below (sig. C1r). Deane,
lacking the Smith/Zúñiga map (see n. 122, below), mistakenly imagined that Smith was
referring to Orapaks (later Powhatan's residence), regardless of Smith's clear statement
that the town was "Rasawrack" (Smith's Relation, 27n, 30n).
105. Italian biscione, "great snake" (Generall Historie, 47: "Bissone"). While there is
a reference to a display of this sort called a "bissa" in William Garrard's The Art of
Warre ... (London, 1591), 133-136, Smith must have picked up his form of the name
during his European soldiering, 1597?-1602.
106. After dining with the Indian captain, Smith was apparently lodged elsewhere.
107. The gown was a cape-like upper garment; the points were strips of leather (or
yarn or silk) used in place of buttons; garters kept the long stockings from falling down.
108. See n. v to facsimile; and n. 113, below. A passage about the king's activities
may have been cut.
109. I.e., Opechancanough, not Wowinchopunck.
110. Powhatan's "empire."
111. Ocanahonan (Ocanahowan) seems to have been a Mangoak (non-Powhatan)
town near the modern Virginia-North Carolina boundary, west of the Chowan River
(see Barbour, "Ocanahowan and Recently Discovered Linguistic Fragments," in
Cowan, ed., Papers of the Seventh Algonquian Conference, 1975, 3-17).
112. The "King's" phrase undoubtedly had reference to the salt springs in the
mountains west of the falls, but was misunderstood.
113. Smith used the Indian name for the district where Jamestown was.
114. Apparently a misprint for "incensed," meaning "informed" (cf. Shakespeare's
Henry VIII, V, i, 42-45: "I think I have Incensed the lords ... that he is ... a most arch
heretic"). The punctuation here makes one suspect cutting (cf. Deane, Smith's Relation,
29n).
115. Hardly the true reason (cf. Barbour, Jamestown Voyages, II, 482).
116. Smith's confusion about the relative locations of Powhatan village, Powhatan's
residence, and Paspahegh/Jamestown must have puzzled Opechancanough.
117. Printed "Rasawrack" (see n. aa to facsimile); perhaps better spelled
the probable meaning is "in-between place" (see Barbour, "Earliest
Pt. I, 298, where another place with the same name is mentioned, thereby
invalidating Deane's surmise in Smith's Relation, 30n).
118. Presumably six score paces, or 600 feet; dueling pistols were only "reliable" at
100 feet, but so were Indian arrows: "Forty yards will they shoot levell [with direct
aim]" (Map of Va., 24). Smith did not want the Indians to realize the limitations of his
weapons.
119. "Supposed" is used in the obsolete sense of "pretended": e.g., "though I
pretended it was an accident."
120. "Discovered" here means "explored." This visit by some European ship about
1605-1606 has been the subject of study and speculation (Philip L. Barbour, Pocahontas
and Her World [Boston, 1970], 6, and David Beers Quinn, England and the Discovery of
America, 1481-1620 [New York, 1974], 452-454). In any event, the local exoneration of
Smith seems to have paved the way for the "Pocahontas episode" that followed in short
order at Powhatan's residence (cf. n. 123, below).
121. For the first five names, see Barbour, "Earliest Reconnaissance," Pt. I, s.vv.
"Cuttatawomen," "Moraughtacund," "Toppahanock," "Appomattoc," and
"Topmanahocks" appears to be an error, perhaps due to cutting. The
Smith/Hole map shows the country of the Mannahoacks at the top (head) of the
River, in the midst of mountains. Deane remarks on the "sad work" of the printer
here, as elsewhere, but nowhere does he stress the cutting admitted by "I. H." (Smith's
Relation, 32n).
122. Smith's route is shown by a dotted line on the map of Virginia sent from
London to Spain by Don Pedro de Zúñiga, Sept. 5/15, 1608, referred to as the Smith/
Zúñiga map (see the Generall Historie, 48; and Barbour, Jamestown Voyages, I, 238-240).
At this point, a passage that comprises all of sig. C3r and the first several lines of sig. C3v
seems to have been shifted from here (see n. 141, below), as indicated by "[...]."
123. Here begins the now famous episode involving Pocahontas (who is not yet
mentioned), which runs on to the middle of sig. C2v and was greatly modified and
in the Generall Historie, 48-49, 121-122. Deane found the two accounts
and on the basis of this became "responsible for the attack on Smith's veracity"
(Arber, Smith, Works, cxviii), which has since spread far and wide, despite rebuttals that
began in 1882 (see Deane's notes in Smith's Relation, 33-40). See the recension in the
introduction to this book.
124. "Raccoon skins"; see Barbour, "Earliest Reconnaissance," Pt. II, 32, s.v.
"aroughcun." Below, Charles M. Andrews's note on two passages in Hakluyt and Purchas
is pertinent: "It must be remembered that language of this sort was due in part to the
inflated style of the day and in part to a desire to make an impression for propagandist
purposes" (The Colonial Period of American History [New Haven, Conn., 1934], I, 58n).
There is less inflated style in Smith than in most of his propagandist contemporaries.
125. This is the first appearance of the word "savage" for "Indian" in Smith's
works. The epithet was common in England before the first Jamestown fleet sailed in
1606. The jerky style of writing here suggests cutting.
126. These statements read as if they were introduced by "I. H." to reassure
backers of the Virginia venture. The promise of "libertie within foure dayes" more
likely came at the end of Powhatan's cross-examination, while the reference to Smith's
interview with Opechancanough seems out of place.
127. "Leaky"; a common variant spelling (see the Accidence, 13).
128. During the expedition of May 21-27, Smith had learned that the Monacans
were enemies of Powhatan's (see n. 28, above; and Barbour, Jamestown Voyages, I, 87-
88). On the Monacans, see, inter alia, David I. Bushnell, Jr., The Five Monacan Towns in
Virginia, 1607, Smithsonian Institution, Miscellaneous Collections, LXXXII, No. 12
D.C., 1930); and R. Westwood Winfree, "Monacan Farm, Powhatan County,
Virginia," Archeological Society of Virginia, Quarterly Bulletin, XXVII (1972), 65-93.
On the reference to the "backe Sea," see sig. B4v, above. The "childe slaine" was
John Robbinson, gentleman (see sig. B4r, above).
129. The phrase, "where the sayde water dashed amongest many stones and
rockes," seems to be the basis for the annotation at the top of the Smith/Zúñiga map
(see Barbour, Jamestown Voyages, I, 240).
130. The only instance of the name; probably an error for "Atquanachuke" (see
the Map of Va., 10; the Proceedings, 39, 45; and the Generall Historie, 25, 61, 68).
131. See the notation at the top right of the Smith/Zúñiga map (n. 129, above);
and the references to the Bocootawwonaugh tribe in Strachey, Historie, 35-36, 57, 132.
132. "Moyaoncer" is clearly a mistake for "Moyaonce," while "Pataromerke" is a
problem is with the former. There were two villages, on opposite sides of the Potomac,
usually then spelled "Moyomps" and "Moyaones" (quite possibly the same name), the
former of which was under Powhatan's control (at least allied to him), and the latter
independent and even inimical (see Barbour, "Earliest Reconnaissance," Pt. I, 292).
Smith appears to have meant "Moyomps" here, not "Moyaones."
133. Battle axes; i.e., tomahawks.
134. Although Smith can have understood little, his summary makes sense (see
Strachey, Historie, 56-57, for a parallel, with "Anoeg" for Smith's "Anone").
135. See n. 100, above. A "werowance" (here misprinted "Meworames") was a
chief, captain, or head of a village, often called a king by the colonists. The name was
already familiar, in nine variegated spellings, from Hakluyt's Principal Navigations, III,
255. See Barbour, "Earliest Reconnaissance," Pt. II, 46-47.
136. The account is expanded in the Generall Historie, 49, and the squad enlarged
to 12. ("Knapsack" was apparently soldier's slang then, imported from the Netherlands.)
137. According to Strachey, it was 15-16 mi. from Werowocomoco on the
River to Jamestown (Historie, 57); the "other" river was the James. The sense of the
passage that follows is that the Pamunkey (modern York) River extends 20 mi. above
Werowocomoco, where it splits into two branches. One branch, the Youghtanund
(modern Pamunkey) River, leads through "Goughland" (perhaps the same word,
which is well populated, but above Menapacunt (above modern West Point) it
flows between hills and riverine rocks that may contain minerals. The other branch, the
Mattapanient (modern Mattaponi) River, is smaller and runs through less hilly, less
populated terrain. Note that Smith had seen much of the Youghtanund but had barely
glimpsed the Mattapanient.
138. An unctuous, astringent clay from the island of Lemnos, often mentioned by
Smith, that was called "sigillata" because it was exported in tablets imprinted with the
Ottoman sultan's seal. It was esteemed as a medicine and an antidote.
139. At modern Yorktown the mouth of the river is under 900 yards wide and, due
to the terrain, must have been about the same in 1608. Smith's estimate of "halfe a
mile" (880 yards) is very close. From that point for 4 mi. upstream, Smith estimated the
breadth at "not above a musket shot," which has been sized up today as "the space ... at
which a good [musket] marksman can hit a man, which is between 600 and 800 feet"
(A. R. Hall, Ballistics in the Seventeenth Century: A Study in the Relations of Science and War
with Reference Principally to England [Cambridge, 1952], 53). While it is true that the
modern channel is only about 1,100 yards wide, and there are islands and marshes
particularly along the left bank that may have been dry land then, Smith's "musket
shot" still remains to be explained. Perhaps the range of some small ordnance (2,500 to
3,000 yards) was originally used, which would clarify the apparent discrepancy. Deane
has possibly erred more than Smith in his note on the subject (Smith's Relation, 41n).
140. Kiskiack, here misprinted "Kiskirk," has been tentatively identified in an
archaeological excavation near Yorktown (Barbour, "Earliest Reconnaissance," Pt. I,
288).
141. All of sig. C3r and the first five lines of C3v appear to belong after the
ending "... in each valley a cristall spring" (sig. C1v and n. 122, above). The
was reprinted with minor alterations in Purchas, Pilgrimage, 638 (see Fragments,
in Volume III of this edition).
142. Quiyoughcosucks (variously spelled) were petty gods and their priests. The name
appears to mean "the just, or upright, ones," though it is impossible to know whether it
was extended from the gods to include the priests, or vice versa (see Barbour, "Earliest
Reconnaissance," Pt. II, 42; and Percy's "Discourse" in Barbour, Jamestown Voyages, I,
149-150).
143. Probably a misprint for "navle" (navel), as in the Map of Va., 29, and the
Generall Historie, 34, where there are further memoranda on curing the sick.
144. See n. kk to facsimile.
145. The apparently senseless delay is difficult to rationalize. One reason could be
that Powhatan had "assured" Smith's liberty "within foure dayes" (editor's italics, see
sig. C1v, above). Another could be that Powhatan's spies on the Eastern Shore had
already sighted Newport's ship (see below), and for some reason he did not want Smith
to reach Jamestown until he was sure that Jamestown was the ship's destination (see
Barbour, Pocahontas, 27, which should read "Paspahegh's houses," not "Powhatan's
houses").
146. After the execution of Kendall and before Newport's return on Jan. 2, 1608,
the local council was composed of President Ratcliffe (with two votes), Martin (with
one), and Smith (also with one, but then "in durance vile"). Councillors could be
appointed by a majority. With Wingfield deposed, Ratcliffe could appoint Archer by
two votes over Martin's opposition.
147. Sc., "from the council"; for fuller accounts, see the Generall Historie, 49, and
Wingfield's "Discourse," in Barbour, Jamestown Voyages, I, 227.
148. Newport (here spelled "Nuport") arrived Jan. 2, 1608 (see Francis Perkins's
letter in Barbour, Jamestown Voyages, I, 159; and Wingfield, ibid., 227).
149. See the Biographical Directory.
150. Both Perkins and Wingfield give Thurs., Jan. 7, as the date of the fire (see
Barbour, Jamestown Voyages, I, 160, 228).
151. The old planters had been deprived of what little ease they had.
152. See n. 124, above.
153. The disjointed sentence hints at a cut.
154. Panawick ("Panawaioc," etc.) appears on Theodore de Bry's map of North
Carolina (based on John White's map), but its location is uncertain (Quinn, Roanoke
Voyages, II, 849, 872). The incident is not mentioned in the Proceedings or the Generall
Historie, though there is reference to it in the Smith/Zúñiga map (Barbour, Jamestown
Voyages, I, 240). Strachey gives further information (Historie, 34). Note that some such
phrase as "like me" is missing at the end of the sentence.
155. The mouth of the York ("Pamuncks") River is actually just under 30 mi. NW
of Cape Henry; Smith's magnetic compass, however, would have shown a 4° variation
west.
156. Suspicious.
157. Crafty.
158. Leather quilted jackets, often plated with iron.
159. As usual, "ooze" (here misprinted "os"). This spelling is the result of an
obvious attempt, made in some copies only, to correct a mistaken "ost" for "ose" (see the
latter on sig. D2v). Modern Purtan Bay has three creeks, or inlets: Bland, Leigh, and
Purtan. Smith apparently mistook the first for the second and had to cross a "dreadful
bridge" (sig. D2v, below). Despite the confused text, both the honesty of the guides and
the cause of the colonists' anxiety are clear.
160. Transcribed as "Nantaquoud" and "Nantaquaus" in the Generall Historie, 49,
121.
161. I.e., "forked posts." Ottahotin was werowance of Kiskiack (Strachey, Historie,
69).
162. "The Rankes are called Frunts, because they stand foremost" (Gervase
The Soldiers Accidence [London, 1625], 6). Below, "the bridge" was built for
Indians, not for maladroit Englishmen in armor.
163. The exchanges of oratory between Powhatan and Smith are after the Classical
pattern.
164. Cf. Generall Historie, 49, which mentions "two great gunnes, and a gryndstone."
Demiculverins were cannons of about 4.5 in. bore, weighing 4,500 lbs. (Accidence, 34),
or 3,400 lbs. (Sea Grammar, 70). This passage is not repeated in the Generall Historie, and
the exact meaning of what follows is not clear.
165. A bridge is missing here; perhaps, "He then said (or asked): But where. ..."
166. The sense requires "and I" instead of "who."
167. Despite the colonists' offers to conquer his enemies, Powhatan preferred first
to conquer the colonists.
168. Some such phrase as "that it was aground" has been left out here.
169. Again, something seems to be missing.
170. Once more, something seems to be missing; perhaps also at the beginning of
the paragraph. Note that Arber wrongly printed "our" for "out" in "take out bowes"
(Smith, Works, 26; see also Barbour, Jamestown Voyages, I, 193n).
171. An absurd word for the doors to an Indian house, big as they may have been;
literally, "gates."
172. "Auncient" means simply "former, earlier." Cf. the Proceedings, 18; and the
Generall Historie, 51-52: "With many pretty Discourses to renew their old acquaintance."
173. Both the Proceedings and the Generall Historie dismiss the evening's events with
a few words. The final "him" obviously refers to Newport, whose name is consistently
174. "Trumpeter." The military trumpet of Smith's day was a "natural" one, of
limited range, but surely more strident than any sound the most stout-lunged Indian
warrior could make. Below, the "basket of Beanes" is omitted in the Proceedings, 19, and
the Generall Historie, 52, but Powhatan's return gift of Namontack is added (see the
Biographical Directory).
175. Probably referring to paces: 3,000 ft., or more than half a mile.
176. Cf. "politic," sig. C4r and n. 157, above.
177. Something about Powhatan seems to be missing here.
178. Large copper cooking pots used on shipboard; already in use as valuable trade
goods in fur-trading coastal areas farther north.
179. Smith "drew him on" to give 3 pecks at least; cf. the Proceedings, 20; and the
Generall Historie, 52.
180. There were 30 to 40 men in the party; see the Proceedings, 17-18; and the
Generall Historie, 51. Despite some possible exaggeration, this account of the "blew
Beades" is plausible.
181. Again, something seems to be missing. The sense is that Newport, seeking a
compromise, allowed his men to carry arms, against Powhatan's wishes, but made them
stay at the waterside, against Smith's better judgment.
182. The sentence has been truncated, but there is no parallel account elsewhere
to hint at what is missing.
183. This mangled sentence merely means that Scrivener and his men made the
best of it, "as a savage [would]."
184. Possibly "I. H."'s misreading of "sonne Nantaquaus"; Powhatan had no
and "Mantiuas" does not occur elsewhere.
185. Variant of "scrupulous"; here "fastidious, finicky."
186. Something seems to be missing from the middle of this passage in two places;
but it is evident that Powhatan was not eager to fight the Monacans, although he was
willing to offer token aid to the English if they did.
187. Newport had apparently sent overland for more hatchets for trading. Since
Powhatan did not want Opechancanough to get any, he resorted to trickery.
188. See n. nn to facsimile.
189. Although an emendation to read "Opechancanough, his wife, ..." seems in
order, it is possible that the meaning is "Opechancanough's wife ...," despite the later
statement that "he seemed. ..." The brevity and isolation of the paragraph lead the
editor not to emend it, but to suggest that some pruning was done.
190. Judging by modern charts, the distance by water was probably half that.
191. See n. pp to facsimile; and Barbour, "Earliest Reconnaissance," Pt. II, 40.
The dish was the Powhatan counterpart of New England "succotash."
192. This passage seems incomplete, and the incident is not mentioned in the Pro-
ceedings, 20, or in the Generall Historie, 52. The "Instructions" of the London Council,
however, required that exploring parties should "try if they Can find any mineral"
(Barbour, Jamestown Voyages, I, 51).
193. While the site of Werowocomoco (misspelled in text) has not yet been
archaeologically, the editor subscribes to the suggested location at Purtan Bay,
on the north (left) bank of modern York River, 11-12 mi. downstream from West Point
(cf. McCary, Indians in Seventeenth-Century Virginia, 7). On that basis, it would have been
about 15 mi. from Cinquaotecke, a distance roughly confirmed by the Smith/Hole map.
Deane has disregarded other factors in arguing for 20-plus mi. (Smith's Relation, 59).
194. Namontack; see n. 174, above.
195. According to Wingfield, Newport and party returned to Jamestown Mar. 9
(Barbour, Jamestown Voyages, I, 228). This passage raises the question of how soon after
their return Smith made the note on which this passage was based.
196. Wingfield and Archer went with him (Proceedings, 22; Generall Historie, 53).
Deane suggests that the first sentence of the next paragraph should come here (Smith's
Relation, 61) and the present editor concurs.
197. For the sequel, see the Proceedings, 23, and the Generall Historie, 54.
198. Something seems to have been cut at the beginning. "Nausamd" in the original
is clearly an error for "Nawsamond" (sig. E1r), itself a variant of the usual
199. "We may testified" is most likely a misprint of "we many testified" (cf. "we
two, we three, etc.").
200. There is no explanation of why this first revenge raid on the Indians took place
(Smith disapproved of the idea; see the Proceedings, 95-96, and the Generall Historie, 91).
The Nansemond River and the tribe of that name were 12 to 16 mi. (20 to 25 km.) W of
the site of the encounter of nearly a year before (probably with the Chesapeake Indians;
but see Quinn, England and the Discovery of America, 454-456). As a matter of fact,
the whole area was virtually unknown. Robert Tindall had noted "Nattamonge"
on his "Draughte" (Barbour, Jamestown Voyages, I, 105), but John Smith did not explore
the region until after June 2, 1608. The present editor wonders if the editor of 1608 did
not tamper with the account to vindicate Newport's actions (cf. Smith's letter to the
Virginia Company, in the Generall Historie, 70-72).
201. Shallow bays.
202. Smith's guess at the location of Chawwonocke is reasonable (see the pocket
map at the end of Quinn, Roanoke Voyages, II).
203. Long iron bars with sliding shackles to lock prisoners' ankles to the floor.
204. Now usually "seize on."
205. Garbled as this paragraph is, it is clear from it that the colonists generally
were less determined than Smith. As to details, the end of the first sentence means, "they
seemed to fight to keep anything they could snatch up, but for what we held in our
hands." Then a cut was made, eliminating the antecedent of the masculine third-person
pronoun, so that we do not know whose pride or who "offered" to strike Smith.
206. Cf. n. 198, above.
207. To understand this exceptionally bad passage, see the Generall Historie, 53.
Briefly put, Nelson had wintered in the West Indies after being driven before a storm,
and there had stocked up with food for himself and his men, and for Jamestown. Hatchets,
tools, traitors, and deceivers are not mentioned. The trouble is much more than a mere
matter of punctuation, as suggested in Deane, Smith's Relation, 64.
208. "These" has curiously been misread as "their" by both Deane (Smith's Relation,
65) and Arber (Smith, Works, 34).
209. "Thickets," dense undergrowth.
210. An overstated version of the London Council's "Instructions"; see Barbour,
Jamestown Voyages, I, 50-51.
211. Smith's rebuttal, which follows and combines the opinions of others with his
own, is badly worded (or edited).
212. "Rendezvous," here meaning "store of provisions"; an unusual use of the
word.
213. I.e., "only with the prospect of our own discomfiture."
214. "I keepe private" sounds very much like "I. H." (see sig. ¶1v). Two of the
"certain matters" may have been the gold fever (Proceedings, 25, 28; Generall Historie, 54)
and Ratcliffe's "palace" (Proceedings, 28, 41; Generall Historie, 55, 66).
215. More time was needed to load and fire a gun than to nock and shoot an arrow.
216. The spy was Amocis (sig. E3r, below); no reason is given for the beating, and
the passage has no exact parallel in the Proceedings, 24, or the Generall Historie, 54.
217. Here, "gates"; cf. sig. D1v and n. 171, above.
218. Await the outcome.
219. The meaning is, "Their mistrust and fear betrayed their evil designs, as did
their apprehensive departure."
220. "Manned"; purely for the printer's convenience.
221. I.e., "made them grieve or mourn (loudly)." The daily prayers, with the
minister in vestments and the colonists in armor, probably terrified the Indians.
222. I.e., "custody." The problems with the Indians were minimized in the Pro-
ceedings, 21-24, and the Generall Historie, 54.
223. I.e., the muskets were ready to fire.
224. Macanoe (see sig. E3v, below). "Comouodos" was likely a misreading of
Smith's Spanish form "camaradas" -- modern "comrade" had not yet taken definite
shape in English.
225. "The action of carrying [a plan] into effect" (OED).
226. "Came" in some copies. The meaning is, "when Maister Scrivener had come,
the Indian explained that. ..."
227. Charm.
228. Arber suggests interpolating "[to be]" after "suspected" (Smith, Works, 37).
229. Suspected, feared.
230. Strachey confirms that "Weionock" was a "servant" of Powhatan's (Historie,
56).
231. Frequent or habitual meetings.
232. A misprint or misreading of "loged" or "lodged."
233. Now usually "railed against."
234. Deane reads "beare" (Smith's Relation, 71); the type is damaged, but an
shows "beate."
235. Martin at that time apparently pleaded that Powhatan was "true" -- not false
or inimical.
236. Though the text is again mangled, it is clear that Smith and Scrivener
Macanoe's confession to other Indians and found that he told the truth.
237. See n. ss to facsimile. This is the first mention of Pocahontas in the True Relation
as it was printed, but the casual way in which her name appears on the next page
that Smith's original letter had mentioned her before. On Pocahontas, see the
Biographical Directory; Barbour, Pocahontas; and the editor's entry in Edward T. James
et al., eds., Notable American Women: A Biographical Dictionary (Cambridge, Mass., 1971),
III, 78-81.
238. A guard for the wrist. The meaning of what follows seems to be that on the
day of the affray (three days before), when some Englishmen were taken,
had promised to send the articles to Smith as a gesture of peace.
239. Obsolete spelling of "proffered."
240. The English interest in such stones must have puzzled the Indians, whose sole
"gems" were pearls and copper.
241. A passage seems to have been cut at the end of this paragraph. Despite
pruning of one sort or another, the printer (and "I. H."?) found a single blank
page remaining in the last gathering to accommodate both the end of the narrative and
Smith's peroration. The former seems to have suffered.
242. This final paragraph seems to form a curious conclusion for a letter to a
personal friend. Smith may well have written a few encouraging remarks as a close, but
it seems entirely possible that "I. H." was primarily responsible for its propagandistic
tone. In any event, Smith himself seldom if ever followed the text of the True Relation in
his later works.
The page numbers below refer to the boldface numerals in the margins of the present
text, which record the pagination of the original edition used as copy text. The word
or words before the bracket show the text as emended by the editor; the word or
words after the bracket reproduce the copy text. The wavy dash symbol used after
the bracket stands for a word that has not itself been changed but that adjoins a
changed word or punctuation mark. The inferior caret, also used only after the
bracket, signifies the location of missing punctuation in the copy text.
The following list has been inserted at the request of the editorial staff of the Institute
of Early American History and Culture. It records possible compound words that
were hyphenated at the end of the line in the copy text. In each case the editor had
to decide for the present edition whether to print the word as a single word or as a
hyphenated compound. The material before the bracket indicates how the word is
printed in the present edition; the material after the bracket indicates how the word
was broken in the original. The wavy dash symbol indicates that the form of the
word has been unchanged from the copy text. Numerals refer to the page number
of the copy text (the boldface numerals in the margin in this edition) and to the line
number (counting down from the boldface number) in the present edition.
13 Augusti [1608]
William Welby.
John Tappe/
Entred for their copie under the handes
of. master. Wilson and Th[e]warden
Master Lownes/A booke called A true
relation of suche occurrences and accidentes of
note as have happened in Virginia synce the
first plantinge of that Colonye which is nowe
resident in the south parte of Virginia till
master Nelsons comminge away from them
etc. ..... vid
(Edward Arber, ed., A Transcript of
the Registers of the Company of
Stationers of London, 1554-1640
A.D.... [London, 1875-1877],
III, 388).
A || TRUE RE- || lation of such occur- || rences and accidents of noate as || hath
hapned in Virginia since the first || planting of that Collony, which is now || resident
in the South part thereof, till || the last returne from || thence. || Written by Captaine
Smith one of the said Collony, to a || worshipfull friend of his in England. || [Woodcut of
a ship.] || LONDON || Printed for John Tappe, and are to bee solde at the
hound in Paules-Church-yard, by. W.W. || 1608 ||
Quarto, pp. [44], unpaged. A-E in fours, the first blank; and ¶ in two, inserted
after the title (STC 22795.7).
[Note: There was but one edition, with one setting of type, but there were three
previous issues, affecting lines 10 and 11 of the title:
Written by a Gentleman of the said Collony to a worshipfull || friend of his in England
(STC 22795).
Written by Th. Watson, Gent. one of the said Collony, to a || worshipfull friend of his
in England (STC 22795.3).
Written by Captaine Smith, Coronell of the said Collony, to a || worshipfull friend of
his in England (STC 22795.5).
While it is uncertain whether (a) or (b) was the first issue (Worthington Chauncey
Ford makes a good case for the latter in Massachusetts Historical Society, Proceed-
ings, LVIII [1924-1925], 246), issue (c) was evidently someone's error. Most if not
all surviving copies of this issue show attempts to blot out the first three and the last
two letters of the word "Coronell," leaving the word "one." The reason for the
several issues is clearly stated on sig. ¶Iv. Note that the blank leaf before the title
page bears sig. A, missing in B.M. copies.]
Southern Literary Messenger, XI, ed. Benjamin Blake Minor (Richmond, Va.).
A True Relation of Virginia, by Captain John Smith, ed. Charles Deane, with
introduction and notes (Boston).
Smith... Works, ed. Edward Arber (Birmingham). See the list of issues
of the Arber text in the General Introduction at the beginning of this volume.
American History Leaflets: Colonial and Constitutional, No. 27, ed. Albert Bushnell
Hart and Edward Channing (New York), repr. 1912.
Narratives of Early Virginia, 1606-1625, ed. Lyon Gardiner Tyler (New York),
repr. 1930, 1959.
Readings in American History ... , ed. Edgar W. Ames, with biographies and
notes (New York).
The Jamestown Voyages under the First Charter, 1606-1609, ed. Philip L. Barbour
(Cambridge).
1612
Whereas the True Relation (1608) suffered from injudicious editing even
before it was printed, Smith's 1612 publication has been subjected only to
modern criticism, often in the form of myopic inspection. It is therefore wise
that a fresh start be made here.
The original long title, pruned and modernized here for readier A Map of Virginia, With The Proceedings of Those Colonies, Printed at Oxford by Joseph Barnes
outlines the contents of both parts:
a Description of the Country, by
Captain Smith: and
Taken Out of the Writings of Doctor
Russell and others, by W[illiam]
S[ymonds].
[manager of the press for the
1586-1617].
The first part, ordinarily though loosely referred to by the title Map of
Virginia, consists of an engraved map and a descriptive text with information
on the location of Virginia, and its geography, resources, and inhabitants.
A quarto volume of only thirty-nine pages, it is virtually the fountainhead of
what is known today of the Indians who inhabited the Chesapeake Bay area
at the beginning of the seventeenth century.
Edward Arber was the first to point out that the printing of Smith's
"book of travels" at the Oxford University Press was a "most singular fact,"
since that press usually "produced sermons, theological and learned Works,
etc."1
Robert Burton's Anatomy of Melancholy (Oxford, 1621) were two of "the most
important works produced at Oxford between 1585 and 1640."2
in Burton's case the place of publication is not surprising since he lived and
died in Oxford, Smith had no ties there and may never have visited the city
(unless it was to revise proofs at Joseph Barnes's printing house). Yet when
not be so out of the way as it seemed to him. Although the evidence is purely
circumstantial, it seems worth presenting.
Smith, disabled by a severe burn, returned to England late in 1609
without yet knowing that the Virginia Company had shown considerable
appreciation of his work in Jamestown, and without having yet seen a copy
of the new charter, signed only some six months before. He arrived in
however, at a most inauspicious juncture. The reorganized company,
now privately operated by royal license, had suffered a grave mishap at its
very inception. For the same ships that took Smith home brought the news
that the new governor, Sir Thomas Gates, the admiral, Sir George Somers,
and the vice-admiral, Capt. Christopher Newport, were lost at sea on their
way to take up their posts in Virginia, with all their letters of authority and
other documents. Fortunately, the Council for Virginia had already planned
to put a "lord governor and captain-general" over Gates, and thus a relief
expedition could be organized with extraordinary speed. Sir Thomas West,
third (or twelfth) Baron De La Warr, was appointed to take command, and
on April 1, 1610, another fleet was on its way to Virginia.
Clearly, the councillors in London were too busy, and too troubled, to
pay much attention to Capt. John Smith. He may have been put off politely,
or he may have been merely brushed aside. The result was the same. The
months dragged along, and by September 1610, London learned that the
colony had been saved; Gates and De La Warr had joined forces in
and Gates himself conveyed the tidings. An old friend or two of
Smith's came back with Gates, and about the same time Smith found a new
"best friend" in the elderly earl of Hertford, Sir Edward Seymour. Finding
a "harbour" in his lordship's favor, and encouragement from his Virginia
friends, Smith gathered together his notes, sketches, and keepsakes and set
about writing a book.
A year passed. With a basic sketch map already in hand, Smith himself
pulled together the text for the description of Virginia to go with the map,
and with the aid of Richard Pots, clerk of the council in Virginia when Smith
was president, he assembled various narratives from which the Proceedings
was to be formed. Probably through Rawley Crashaw, a companion who
had remained in Virginia, Smith got hold of the Reverend William Crashaw
-- for what immediate, specific purpose is not clear -- and the Reverend
William Whitaker. One or both of these put Smith in touch with a third
preacher, William Symonds, an Oxford man then often to be found in the
pulpit at St. Saviour's in Southwark, just across London Bridge from the
Royal Exchange and other centers for news gathering. The rough copy for
the Proceedings needed editorial advice, and Symonds gladly lent a hand. In
this way, Smith's work came to be published in Oxford, and in two parts.
The map was engraved by William Hole, a well-known artist whom
Smith apparently engaged sometime in 1611. Since Hole was not a
Smith supplied him with his own basic sketch map dating back to
late 1608 and probably also with "regional" sketch maps of the rivers and
other geographical details. In terms of the Latin then current, it can possibly
best be said that Smith collegit (brought together, assembled) cards or
sketches for Hole to use. To these he apparently added the Indians' verbal
or manual descriptions (e.g., drawn with a stick in the sand) of unvisited or
insufficiently explored regions. How much, or how little, of this Smith
drafted is of small importance, especially since he seems never to have
laid claim to any special ability in that field. What is significant is that he
had the vision to get the map prepared and engraved.
Be that as it may, one chronological detail is important here. On
March 12, 1611, Spain's ambassador to James I, Don Alonso de Velasco,
sent a large manuscript map of northeast North America to Spain, which,
as in the case of the Smith/Zúñiga map, no doubt is that stored in the
Archivo General de Simancas, Valladolid, Spain, today. Careful inspection
of the Velasco map points to a basic sketch of the Chesapeake Bay area, now
lost, from which both the Velasco map and the more detailed one engraved
by Hole were derived. Whether or not Smith did any or all of the drafting
is not at issue here. Nor are the discrepant details an important matter, since
there are valid explanations for these, such as the greatly reduced scale of
the Velasco map as against Hole's. The important point is that the Velasco
map establishes that the source of the Hole engraving was in existence early
in 1611.
Smith's textual "Description of the Country," as distinct from the map,
appears to have been inspired basically by Richard Hakluyt's Principal Navigations,
Voyages, Traffiques and Discoveries of the English Nation, which had been
completed in 1600 with the publication of Volume III, dealing with America.
Hakluyt himself was one of the four patentees for the "Jamestown voyages,"
as the enterprise may succinctly be termed. His surrogate, the Reverend
Robert Hunt, accompanied the original colonists as spiritual adviser. Most
important of all, one or more copies of Hakluyt's book were taken along, too.
Smith can hardly have failed to have had one handy.3
Thomas Harriot, however, who was "specially imploied" by Ralegh,
was even more directly useful to Smith. His book A briefe and true report of the
new found land of Virginia (London, 1588) had been available to Smith in
4
same work proved of great worth: that of the Flemish engraver and publisher
Theodore de Bry, illustrated with de Bry's engravings based on John White's
original drawings from life (Frankfurt am Main, 1590). Under Smith's
guidance, both Hole and, later, Robert Vaughan5
Indians Smith saw around Chesapeake Bay in the likeness of the Indians
White saw off Pamlico Sound. But it was Harriot's trained mind that
accounted for de Bry, and de Bry inspired Smith's engravers.
As for the general organization of Smith's text, there is some slight
reason to believe that he may have read José de Acosta's Naturall and Morall
Historie of the East and West Indies (Seville, 1590), which had been translated
by Edward Grimston (or Grimestone) and published in London in 1604. At
least Smith's plan is broadly similar to Acosta's, even if there seems to be no
evidence of direct borrowing, and it may be that the Reverend Samuel
Purchas, when he got interested in Smith, made his copy available. Hakluyt's
Principal Navigations, as we have noted, also gave Smith ideas. But for the rest,
it was Smith's Map of Virginia that gave ideas to others.
William Strachey, the ex-secretary of the Jamestown colony, who
to London late in 1611, was the first to follow in Smith's wake.
Although it is remotely possible that Strachey had access to a manuscript
copy of the Map of Virginia while in the colony early in that same year, it is
certain that he had one soon after he got back home. Careful study of his
The Historie of Travell into Virginia Britania shows that he incorporated about
four-fifths of Smith's work bodily into his own. To this he added about twice
as much more that he had collected himself during his fifteen to sixteen
months' stay, beginning the year after Smith left Virginia. Strachey's
reinforcement of the Map of Virginia should be neither
nor overlooked.6
Meanwhile, Samuel Purchas, B.D., vicar of Eastwood, near
at the mouth of the Thames, surrounded as he was by seafaring folk,
had begun work on a large volume to be called Purchas his Pilgrimage, in
which he planned to combine his religious calling with firsthand tales of
foreign lands: "Relations," as he put it, "of the world and the religions
observed in all ages and places discovered from the creation unto this
present."7
and through his colleagues in divinity in London, such as Crashaw
and his associates, he must have heard about Smith and his book, full of the
sauvages, usually translated in those days as "wild-men"). If, then, Purchas
had not already got in touch with Smith, he certainly did when Strachey
came back with his harrowing tales.8
So it was that about the time Strachey returned, Purchas and Smith
became or had become friends, and the former was able to publish a few
extracts from the latter's manuscripts in the Pilgrimage, in 1613, including a
fragment or two never printed by Smith himself.9
Purchas noted in the second edition of the Pilgrimage (1614) that Smith's
manuscript had been "since printed at Oxford" (p. 760), and this same
notation was repeated in the third edition (1617), and in the 1626 reprint of
the last mentioned.
Meanwhile, between 1617 and 1621, Purchas had started work on a
new project, the enormous four-volume folio Hakluytus Posthumus, or Purchas
His Pilgrimes, which appeared in 1625 (with an engraved title page dated
1624 in at least one copy). In this magnum opus Purchas found room to
reprint the entire text of Smith's Map of Virginia as published in Oxford, with
a few minor changes. But before the Pilgrimes appeared on the market, Smith
himself had published the Generall Historie of Virginia (1624). In that work he
included a reprint of the Map of Virginia as Book II, with minor changes of
his own, but he almost rewrote the Proceedings for Book III. In short, inspired
by Harriot but working according to his own understanding of what ought
to be done, Smith produced a description of Virginia and its inhabitants that
has been utilized ever since, with only the most trivial alterations, and to
which Strachey's slightly later observations serve as a confirmation and
handy complement.
In conclusion, it is worth noting here that the chance survival of a
bill or invoice dated March 30, 1623, shows the importance that the
Virginia Company then attached to Smith's work. Among the 115 titles of
books sold to the company "at severall times" were:
The student of Smith's writings may find helpful the following table of broad 10
correspondences between the Map of Virginia, Strachey's Historie, Smith's
Generall Historie, and Purchas's Pilgrimes, vol. IV; and between the Map and
the various editions of Purchas's Pilgrimage.
[See the "Note on the Authors" following the Introduction to the
Proceedings for comments on the
"diligent observers."
"W. S." refers to William Symonds, D.D., who acted as editor for
the Proceedings (see the Biographical
Directory; and the Proceedings, 110).
The editor is grateful to the British Library for permission to reproduce this title page.]
* This work was printed in two parts, with twin title pages. The present Introduction deals
with the first part only.
1. Edward Arber, ed., Captain John Smith ... Works, 1608-1631, The English Scholar's
Library Edition, No. 16 (Birmingham, 1884), I, 42.
2. Falconer Madan, Oxford Books: A Bibliography (Oxford, 1895),
I, v, 83-85.
3. See the Proceedings, 28-36, with its reference to Ralph Lane's account of 1585-1586, from
Richard Hakluyt's The Principal Navigations, Voyages, Traffiques and Discoveries of the English Nation
(London, 1598-1600), III, 255-260. Smith appropriated two Indian words recorded by Lane:
"werowances" ("kings," as defined by Lane); and "crenepos" ("their women," as explained by
Hakluyt in a marginal note).
4. Hakluyt, Principal Navigations, III, 266-280.
5. See caption to the "Map of Ould Virginia," following the first book of the Generall Historie,
in Vol. II.
6. For Strachey's debt to Smith, see S. G. Culliford, William Strachey, 1572-1621
Va., 1965).
7. Purchas, Purchas his Pilgrimage. Or Relations Of The World ... (London, 1613), title page.
8. Strachey's letter about the shipwreck on the reefs of Bermuda, "the Ile of Divels," was
already known to Hakluyt, from whose estate Purchas finally retrieved it years later.
9. See the Fragments, in Vol. III.
10. Invoice, dated Mar. 30, 1623, found by the editor among the Ferrar Papers, Magdalene
College, Cambridge. See David B. Quinn's published version, "A List of Books Purchased for the
Virginia Company," Virginia Magazine of History and Biography, LXXVII (1969), 347-360.
* The Julian calendar, ten days behind the Gregorian, is retained throughout.
[1 r]
Sir Edward Semer Knight,
Baron Beauchamp, and Earle of Hartford,1
Lieutenant to his most excellent Majestie,
in the Countries of Somerset and
Wiltshire, my Honourable good
Lord and Maister.2
My Honourable Lord:
If Vertue be the soule of true Nobilitie3
blessed is your Lordship, that is every way noble, as well in vertue,
as birth, and riches. Though riches now, be the chiefest greatnes of
the great: when great and little are born, and dye, there is no
Vertue onely makes men more then men: Vice, worse then
brutes. And those are distinguished by deedes, not words; though
both be good, deedes are best, and of all evils, ingratitude the worst.
Therfore I beseech you, that not to seeme ungratefull, I may present
your Honour with this rude discourse, of a new old subject. It is the
best gift I can give to the best friend I have. It is the best service I
ever did to serve so good a worke: Wherin having beene discouraged
for doing any more, I have writ this little: yet my hands hath been
my lands this fifteene yeares in Europ, Asia, Afric,4
In the harbour of your Lordships favour, I hope I ever shall rest
secure, notwithstanding all weathers; lamenting others, that they
fall into such miseries, as I foreseeing have foretold, but could not
prevent. No more: but dedicating my best abilities to the honour and
service of your renowned Vertues, I ever rest.
1. This printed dedication has been found in two surviving copies of the Map of
Va., one of them the earl's own copy, now in the New York Public Library (Joseph Sabin
et al., eds., A Dictionary of Books Relating to America, XX [New York, 1927-1928], 246-247).
It is the only firm evidence we have that John Smith was befriended by the earl, whose
wife Frances Howard upon the death of the earl married Ludovick Stuart, duke of
and Lennox. John Smith listed the earl as an adventurer for Virginia in the 1620
roll, but this does not seem to be substantiated elsewhere (Generall Historie, 136; and see
the Biographical Directory, s.v. "Seymour, Edward").
2. Dialectal form of "master," meaning "employer."
3. Cf. Juvenal, Satire VIII, line 20: "nobilitas sola est atque unica virtus" -- virtue alone
is true nobility. Smith's immediate source has not been spotted, but the moralizing that
follows is better attributed to the spirit of the times than to any specific printed source.
4. This is the first mention of Smith's travels and adventures between c. 1597 and
c. 1604, which are the subject of two-thirds of his True Travels.
Thomas Watson, And John
Bingley, Esquiers:
P. F. Wisheth all Health
and Happinesse.5
As there is nothing more pretious in Man then vertue, so there
is nothing worse then hatefull ingratitude. Though it be farre beyond
my power, to requite, or deserve, the least of your favours, yet would
I not neglect the opportunitie, to expresse my thankefulnesse. Being
thus constrained both by dutie and affection, I hope you will pardon
me for presenting your Worships with this little Booke; howbeit, it
is not mine by Birth, yet it is by Gift, and purchase from the Presse.
I esteeme of it as the best gift I can give, and I cannot give it to any,
to mee more deare then your selves, and worthie Progenie, Friends,
and Well-willers to this noble action, for whose recreation, and true
satisfaction, I have occasioned the Impression, which if it give you
content, my charge and paines is highly recompenced. So dedicating
my best abilities to the exquisite judgement of your right worthie
vertues;
5. Thomas Watson was one of the tellers of the Exchequer and may be the same
man as the Thomas Watson to whom the authorship of Smith's True Relation had been
ascribed. John Bingley was also employed in the Exchequer. Both had been appointed
members of the Council for Virginia under the third charter, Mar. 12, 1612. While the
revised edition of Pollard and Redgrave's Short-Title Catalogue suggests that this
may possibly have been a joke ("as all copies have dedic[ation] To the Hand by
T. A[bbay]"), a Philip Fote (or Foote) did get a license to sell clay for making tobacco
pipes (see Philip L. Barbour, The Three Worlds of Captain John Smith [Boston, 1964], 291,
300, 468).
[*2 r]
Least I should wrong any in dedicating this Booke to one: I have
concluded it shal be particular to none. I found it only dedicated to
a Hand, and to that hand I addresse it. Now for that this businesse
is common to the world, this booke may best satisfie the world,
because it was penned in the Land it treateth of. If it bee disliked of
men, then I would recommend it to women, for being dearely
bought, and farre sought, it should be good for Ladies. When all
men rejected Christopher Collumbus: that ever renowned Queene
Izabell of Spaine, could pawne her Jewels to supply his wants; whom
all the wise men (as they thought themselves) of that age contemned.
I need not say what was his worthinesse, her noblenesse, and their
ignorance, that so scornefully did spit at his wants, seeing the whole
world is enriched with his golden fortunes. Cannot this successfull
example move the incredulous of this time, to consider, to conceave,
and apprehend Virginia, which might be, or breed us a second
India? hath not England an Izabell, as well as Spaine, nor yet a
Collumbus as well as Genua?6
no lesse then was worthy Collumbus, their certainties more, their
experiences no way wanting, only there wants but an Izabell, so it
were not from Spaine.
[*3 r]
[*3 v]
6. Genua was the Latin name of Genoa (modern Italian, Genova).
7. Evidently the initials of Thomas Abbay, who is listed as a "diligent observer" on
the title page of the Proceedings, appears as author of the address "To the Reader" (Pro-
ceedings, sig. A2r-v), and is mentioned as a gentleman of the second supply that arrived
late in Sept. 1608 (ibid., 52). He is otherwise unidentified.
8. The most complete attempt at analysis of all Smith's Indian words and phrases
and the meanings he assigns to them is in Philip L. Barbour, "The Earliest
of the Chesapeake Bay Area: Captain John Smith's Map and Indian Vocabulary,"
Pt. II, VMHB, LXXX (1972), 21-51. More recently, however, Frank T. Siebert, Jr., has
published studies of nearly half of the total, correcting Barbour's work in a few instances
("Resurrecting Virginia Algonquian from the Dead: The Reconstituted and Historical
Phonology of Powhatan," in James M. Crawford, ed., Studies in Southeastern Indian
Languages [Athens, Ga., 1975], 285-453, hereafter cited as Siebert, "Virginia
Siebert's work, based on William Strachey's "Short Dictionary" (The Historie
of Travell into Virginia Britania, ed. Louis B. Wright and Virginia Freund [Hakluyt
Society, 2d Ser., CIII (London, 1953)], 174-207) rather than on Smith, has the
of supplying linguistic details known only to a specialist, but suffers from
with respect to early modern English handwriting, usage, and colonial history.
For this reason, it raises questions regarding the "phonemic representation of the
form" (Siebert, "Virginia Algonquian," 305-306) presented there.
Beyond Siebert and Barbour there are only scattered references to Smith's
principally in two monographs by the late Reverend James A. Geary of
The Catholic University of America, "Strachey's Vocabulary of Indian Words Used
in Virginia, 1612" (Strachey, Historie, 209-214), and "The Language of the Carolina
Algonkian Tribes" (David Beers Quinn, ed., The Roanoke Voyages, 1584-1590 [Hakluyt
Soc., 2d Ser., CIV-CV (London, 1955)], II, 873-900). For the problems involved, see
the facsimile of the Bodleian Library copy of Strachey's "Short Dictionary," in John P.
Harrington, "The Original Strachey Vocabulary of the Virginia Indian Language,"
Smithsonian Institution, Bureau of American Ethnology, Anthropological Papers, No. 46
(Washington, D.C., 1955), 189-202, with not a few slips; and Philip L. Barbour, "The
Function of Comparative Linguistics in the Study of Early Transcriptions of Indian
Words," Studies in Linguistics, XXIII (1973), 3-11.
9. More correctly, "ka katorawincs yowo" (see Siebert, "Virginia Algonquian,"
361); the "-cs" may represent the sound "sh" or "ch."
1. Siebert's suggestion of a misprint ("nemarough" for "nematough," ibid., 355) is
apparently based solely on Strachey. Whether Strachey's copyist miscopied, or Smith's
printer misprinted, cannot be determined.
2. Siebert's analysis needs reworking (ibid., 326); both Smith and Strachey clearly
have "r" in the second syllable. The Maryland form "matchcoat" cited by Siebert is
apparently not recorded before 1638.
3. Siebert has amplified and partly corrected Barbour here (ibid., 340), adding
cognates from Micmac and from his own unpublished notes on Unami; Smith's final
"-r" is evidently redundant, though it may represent a breathing sound, or inaudible
whistle.
4. Musical pipes; cf. Natick, pupehquon, "an instrument of music." Here, Siebert
has apparently been led astray by Strachey's carelessness (ibid., 367-368).
5. While the second element of this word, "-assin," clearly means "stone," Siebert's
conjecture that the first element, "matt-," represents a root meaning "uneven, jagged,"
seems farfetched. Geary's analysis, "mat- means 'red,'" corresponding with Barbour,
"Earliest Reconnaissance," Pt. II, 36, seems sounder semantically (see Quinn, Roanoke
Voyages, II, 897, s.v. "Tapisco").
6. Overlooked by Siebert, though he analyzes Strachey's "osawas, brass" in detail,
as a derivative from an element meaning "ore, mineral," plus a root meaning "yellow"
(Siebert, "Virginia Algonquian," 328-329, 409-410).
7. More accurately, "firewood, pieces of wood."
8. Siebert correctly emphasizes the meaning "reed, water weed" for this apparently
collective name, which may well have been primary in tidewater Virginia ("Virginia
Algonquian," 372).
9. The basic Algonkian element implies "sleeping together" (ibid., 385).
1. A common Algonkian name for the sturgeon, appearing in various forms in
Abnaki, Narragansett, Delaware, etc. (Barbour, "Earliest Reconnaissance," Pt. II, 35).
2. More specifically, "my friend" (cf. Siebert, "Virginia Algonquian," 342).
3. The first word should probably be divided "casa cunnakack" (cf.
the third day [singular], in Philip L. Barbour, "Ocanahowan and the Recently
Discovered Linguistic Fragments from Southern Virginia, c. 1650," in William Cowan,
ed., Papers of the Seventh Algonquian Conference [Ottawa, 1976], 2-17). The last word, an
unanalyzed designation, was still applied to the English in North Carolina in 1701, in
the form "Tosh shonte" (Barbour, "Earliest Reconnaissance," Pt. II, 46).
[*4 r]
[This is a slightly reduced reproduction of a print from the original plate, or first state, of William Hole's
map of Virginia, based on sketches supplied by John Smith (the original dimensions were 32.2 x 40.6 cm.).
Bibliographers have detected at least ten states of this map, three of which concern the Map of Va. as a
book. For the tenth state, see the Generall Historie. The original plate lacks Smith's coat of arms and the dates
1607 (under Powhatan) and 1606 (under the scale). The second state had the two dates, and the third state,
Smith's coat of arms.
For the Indian figures, Hole availed himself of the engravings made for Thomas Hariot's A briefe and
true report of the new found land of Virginia ... in Theodore de Bry's edition (Frankfurt am Main, 1590). The
"Gyantlike" Sasquesahanough is all but a copy of de Bry's engraving No. III, "A weroan or great Lorde
of Virginia," with changes in the coiffure, clothing, and armament, probably suggested by Smith. The inset
of Powhatan in state, on the other hand, is a composite picture in which Hole mingled de Bry's No. XVII,
"Their manner of pra[y]inge with Rattels abowt t[h]e fyer," with No. XXI, "The[ijr Idol Kiwasa," and
No. XXII, "The Tombe of their Werowans or Cheiff Lordes" (see the reprint, with an introduction by
Paul Hulton [New York, 1972]).
The compass card at the lower left shows that the map is oriented with N to the right -- purely a matter
of convenience. Note that the value of magnetic declination in lower Chesapeake Bay was approximately
4° 2' W in 1608 (letter to the editor, Aug. 31, 1962, from the Chief of the Geophysics Division, Coast and
Geodetic Survey, Washington, D.C.). In 1961 it was 6° 45' W (see Coast and Geodetic Survey charts for
that year).
In the scale of leagues, Hole used nautical leagues, at 20 to a degree of latitude (see the latitudinal
markings just below). This gave 60 nautical miles to one degree of latitude, as opposed to the 69 statute miles
(plus 14 rods) measured by Smith's friend Richard Norwood (see E. G. R. Taylor, The Haven-finding Art:
A History of Navigation from Odysseus to Captain Cook [New York, 1956], 230; and the Generall Historie, 169n).
Although this antique system still gives rise to occasional confusion involving knots and miles per hour, it
need not concern readers unduly. Smith was too careless about figures for the difference between a statute
mile of 5,280 feet and a nautical mile of c. 6,076 feet to matter.
Attention is called in the footnotes to significant variations between the Smith/Hole map and Smith's
text, as well as the other sources that have survived. Additional information about the Indian names can
be found in Philip L. Barbour, "The Earliest Reconnaissance of the Chesapeake Bay Area: Captain John
Smith's Map and Indian Vocabulary," Pt. I, VMHB, LXXIX (1971), 280 -- 302.
In the textual apparatus following this edition of the Map of Va., the reader will find three schedules
designed to help scholars and laymen alike. Schedule A lists the geographical limits of Smith's
as indicated by the Maltese crosses, showing approximate modern locations. What lay beyond the
crosses, as the legend to the map says, was "by relation" of the Indians. Schedule B lists the "Kings howses"
(where the chiefs resided) and the "ordinary howses" (villages in all cases) as shown on the map. Schedule C
gives the names and locations of peripheral nations or tribes conspicuously shown on the map, but barely
known to Smith. In addition, following these three schedules, the editor has added a short specialized
bibliography pertinent to the Smith/Hole map.
The editor is grateful to the British Library for permission to reproduce this map.]
4. There is a study in depth of the numbers from one to ten in Siebert, "Virginia
Algonquian," 306-309, with extensive analyses.
5. Should read "Paransketassapooeksku." The typesetter misplaced the first "s."
6. Properly "Keshowghes." The word was undoubtedly intended to rhyme with
"owes," the "-gh-" representing a breathing sound somewhat as in the German phrase
"doch so"; the palatalization of the first sibilant ("sh" for "s"), however, may well have
been accidental (indistinct speech or mishearing). Cf. Rawcosowghs, immediately
and see Siebert's analysis ("Virginia Algonquian," 391).
7. Siebert has unfortunately omitted Smith's word, though he lists Strachey's
"nepaus[c]he," meaning "sun" (ibid., 392). Although this word seems to have meant
"luminary" rather than either "sun" or "moon," a full inquiry into its semantics remains
a desideratum.
8. Obviously a miscopy or a misprint of "popanow," meaning "winter" (see p. 16,
below).
9. A problem word, not yet analyzed.
1. Perhaps the most puzzling word in Smith or Strachey (see p. 29, n. 4, below).
2. Apparently an Algonkian parallel to the Greek Eumenides, "the Kindly Ones,"
a euphemism for the Furies. The Quiyoughcosucks were "the Upright Ones" -- including
the priests ("affinities") who served them.
3. This reference to Pocahontas has been overlooked by some of Smith's critics. It
shows how he thought of her before her arrival in London in 1616.
Relevant to the foregoing word list and diminutive phrase book, it should be pointed
out here that the idea for such a list seems to have been a relatively novel one. Only three
or four such "curiosities" have been found by the editor in contemporary or earlier
works. It has been postulated, however, that Harriot, after studying the North Carolina
Indians at firsthand, "may have gone on to compile a short word-book" for just such
later expeditions as the one Smith joined (David B. Quinn, "Thomas Hariot and the
Virginia Voyages of 1602," William and Mary Quarterly, 3d Ser., XXVII [1970], 274). A
last-minute communication from Professor Quinn, however, states that "Harriot's
on the Indian language was amongst the MSS deposited in Sion College, but was
destroyed with part of the library in the fire of London" of 1666 (personal
to the editor, Jan. 1979). That Smith had such a book in Jamestown seems
but Harriot could have shown it to him later, in London. William Strachey
could well have picked up the notion from Smith and expanded it into his "Short
Dictionary." The firm facts are that Smith recorded 137 Indian words, with a few errors
of transcription or translation, while Strachey's later vocabulary of 16 MS pages listed
nearly 600 more, including some duplication, as well as errors similar to Smith's.
[1]
VIRGINIA is a Country in America that
lyeth betweene the degrees of 34 and 44 of
the north latitude. The bounds thereof on
the East side are the great Ocean. On the
South lyeth Florida: on the North nova
Francia. As for the West thereof, the
limits are unknowne. Of all this country
wee purpose not to speake, but only of that
part which was planted by the English
men in the yeare of our Lord, 1606. And
this is under the degrees 37. 38. and 39. The temperature of this
countrie doth agree well with English constitutions being once
seasoned to the country. Which appeared by this, that though by
many occasions our people fell sicke; yet did they recover by very
small meanes and continued in health, though there were other great
causes, not only to have made them sicke, but even to end their
daies, etc.2
The sommer is hot as in Spaine; the winter colde as in Fraunce
or England. The heat of sommer is in June, Julie, and August, but
commonly the coole Breeses asswage the vehemencie of the heat.
The chiefe of winter is halfe December, January, February, and halfe
March. The colde is extreame sharpe, but here the proverbe is true
that no extreame long continueth.3
In the yeare 1607 was an extraordinary frost in most of Europe,
and this frost was founde as extreame in Virginia. But the next yeare
The windes here are variable, but the like thunder and lightning
to purifie the aire, I have seldome either seene or || heard in Europe.
From the Southwest came the greatest gustes with thunder and heat.
The Northwest winde is commonly coole and bringeth faire weather
with it. From the North is the greatest cold, and from the East and
South-East as from the Bermudas, fogs and raines.
[2]
Some times there are great droughts other times much raine,
yet great necessity of neither, by reason we see not but that all the
variety of needfull fruits in Europe may be there in great plenty by
the industry of men, as appeareth by those we there planted.
There is but one entraunce by sea into this country and that is
at the mouth of a very goodly Bay the widenesse whereof is neare 18.
or 20. miles. The cape on the Southside is called Cape Henry in
honour of our most noble Prince. The shew of the land there is a
white hilly sand like unto the Downes, and along the shores great
plentie of Pines and Firres.
The north Cape is called Cape Charles in honour of the worthy
Duke of Yorke. Within is a country that may have the prerogative4
over the most pleasant places of Europe, Asia, Africa, or America,
for large and pleasant navigable rivers, heaven and earth never
agreed better to frame a place for mans habitation being of our
were it fully manured and inhabited by industrious people.
here are mountaines, hils, plaines, valleyes, rivers and brookes, all
running most pleasantly into a faire Bay compassed but for the
mouth with fruitfull and delightsome land. In the Bay and rivers are
many Isles both great and small, some woody, some plaine,5
them low and not inhabited. This Bay lieth North and South in
which the water floweth neare 200 miles and hath a channell for 140
miles, of depth betwixt 7 and 15 fadome, holding in breadth for the
most part 10 or 14 miles.6
land is mountanous, and so in a manner from thence by a
line; So that the more Southward, the farther off from the Bay
are those mounetaines. From which fall || certaine brookes which
after come to five principall navigable rivers. These run from the
Northwest into the Southeast, and so into the west side of the Bay,
where the fall7
other.
[3]
The mountaines are of diverse natures for at the head of the
Bay the rockes are of a composition like milnstones.8
etc. And many peeces of christall we found as throwne downe by
covered with much snow, and when it dissolveth the waters fall with
such violence, that it causeth great inundations in the narrow
valleyes which yet is scarce perceived being once in the rivers. These
waters wash from the rocks such glistering tinctures that the ground
in some places seemeth as guilded, where both the rocks and the
earth are so splendent to behold, that better judgements then ours
might have beene perswaded, they contained more then
The vesture of the earth in most places doeth manifestly
prove the nature of the soile to be lusty and very rich. The colour of the earth we found in diverse places, resembleth bole Armoniac, terra
sigillata and lemnia,9
But generally for the most part the earth is a black sandy
mould, in some places a fat slimy clay, in other places a very barren
gravell. But the best ground is knowne by the vesture it beareth, as
by the greatnesse of trees or abundance of weedes, etc.
The country is not mountanous nor yet low but such pleasant
plaine hils and fertle valleyes, one prettily crossing an other, and
watered so conveniently with their sweete brookes and christall
springs, as if art it selfe had devised them. By the rivers are many
plaine marishes1
Savages inhabit: but all overgrowne with trees and weedes being a
plaine wildernes as God first made it.
On the west side of the Bay, wee said were 5. faire and ||
navigable rivers, of which wee will nowe proceed to report. The
first of those rivers and the next to the mouth of the Bay hath his
course from the West and by North. The name of this river they call
Powhatan according to the name of a principall country that lieth
upon it. The mouth of this river is neere three miles in breadth, yet
doe the shoules force the Channell so neere the land that a Sacre
will overshoot it at point blanck. This river is navigable 100 miles,
the shouldes and soundings are here needlesse to bee expressed.2
falleth from Rockes farre west in a country inhabited by a nation
that they call Monacan. But where it commeth into our discoverie
falles, rockes, showles, etc. which makes it past navigation any
higher.3
with many goodly brookes, which are maintained by an infinit
number of smal rundles4
for best service, as doe the vaines of a mans body. From the
South there fals into this river: First the pleasant river of
next more to the East are the two rivers of Quiyoughcohanocke.
A little farther is a Bay wherein falleth 3 or 4 prettie brookes and
creekes that halfe intrench the Inhabitants of Warraskoyac then the
river of Nandsamund, and lastly the brooke of Chisapeack. From
the North side is the river of Chickahamania, the backe river of
James Towne; another by the Cedar Isle, where we lived 10 weekes
upon oisters, then a convenient harbour for fisher boats or smal boats
at Kecoughtan, that so conveniently turneth it selfe into Bayes and
Creeks that make that place very pleasant to inhabit, their
being girded therein in a manner as Peninsulaes. The most of
these rivers are inhabited by severall nations, or rather families, of
the name of the rivers. They have also in every of those places some
Governour, as their king, which they call Werowances.5
on the North side of this river are the English planted in a place by
them called James || Towne, in honour of the Kings most excellent
Majestie, upon which side are also many places under the
[4]
Powhatan.
[5]
The first and next the rivers mouth are the Kecoughtans, who
besides their women and children, have not past 20. fighting men.
The Paspaheghes on whose land is seated the English Colony, some
40. miles from the Bay have not past 40. The river called
neere 200. The Weanocks 100. The Arrowhatocks 30. The
place called Powhatan, some 40. On the South side this river the
Appamatucks have 60 fighting men. The Quiyougcohanocks, 25.
The Warraskoyacks 40.6
are able to make 100. Of this last place the Bay beareth the name.
In all these places is a severall commander, which they call
except the Chickhamanians, who are governed by the Priestes
and their Assistants or their Elders called Caw-cawwassoughes.7
somer no place affordeth more plentie of Sturgeon, nor in winter
once taken 52 Sturgeons at a draught, at another draught 68. From
the later end of May till the end of June are taken few, but yong
Sturgeons of 2 foot or a yard long. From thence till the midst of
September, them of 2 or three yards long and fewe others. And in
4 or 5 houres with one nette were ordinarily taken 7 or 8: often more,
seldome lesse. In the small rivers all the yeare there is good plentie
of small fish, so that with hookes those that would take paines had
sufficient.
inhabitants.
Foureteene miles Northward from the river Powhatan, is the
river Pamaunke,8
Catches and small Barkes 30 or 40 myles farther. At the ordinary
flowing of the salt water, it divideth it selfe into two gallant branches.
On the South side inhabit the people of Youghtanund, who have
about 60 men for warres. On the North branch Mattapament, who
have 30 men. Where this river is divided the Country is called
maunke, and nourisheth neere 300 able men. About 25 miles lower
on the North side of this river is Werawocomoco, where their great
King inhabited when Captain Smith was delivered him prisoner;
yet there are not past 40 able men. But now he hath abandoned that,
and liveth at Orapakes by Youghtanund in the wildernesse; 10 or
12 myles lower, on the South side of this river is Chiskiack, which
hath some 40 or 50 men. These, as also Apamatuck, Arrohatock, and
Powhatan, are their great kings chiefe alliance and inhabitance. The
rest (as they report) his Conquests.
Pamaunke.
[6]
Before we come to the third river that falleth from the
there is another river (some 30 myles navigable) that commeth
from the Inland, the river is called Payankatanke, the Inhabitants
are about some 40 serviceable men.
River.
The third navigable river is called Toppahanock. (This is
some 130 myles).1
Mannahoackes amongst the mountaines, but they are above the
place we describe. Upon this river on the North side are seated a
people called Cuttatawomen, with 30 fighting men. Higher on the
river are the Moraughtacunds, with 80 able men. Beyond them
Toppahanock with 100 men. Far above is another Cuttatawomen
with 20 men. On the South, far within the river is Nantaughtacund
having 150 men. This river also as the two former, is replenished
with fish and foule.
River.
The fourth river is called Patawomeke and is 6 or 7 miles in
2
sweet rivers and springs, which fall from the bordering hils. These
hils many of them are planted, and yeelde no lesse plenty and variety
of fruit then the river exceedeth with abundance of fish. This river
is inhabited on both sides. First on the South side at the very entrance
is Wighcocomoco and hath some 130 men, beyond them Sekacawone
with 30. The Onawmanient with 100. Then Patawomeke with 1603
able men. Here doth the river divide it selfe in- || to 3 or 4 convenient
rivers; The greatest of the last is called Quiyough treadeth4
west, but the river it selfe turneth North east and is stil a navigable
streame. On the westerne side of this bought5
men. On the north of this river is Secowocomoco with 40 men. Some
what further Potapaco with 20. In the East part of the bought of the
river, is Pamacacack with 60 men, After Moyowances6
And lastly Nacotchtanke with 80 able men. The river 10 miles above
this place maketh his passage downe a low pleasant vally
in manie places with high rocky mountaines; from
whence distill innumerable sweet and pleasant springs.7
River.
[7]
The fifth river is called Pawtuxunt, and is of a lesse proportion
then the rest; but the channell is 16 or 18 fadome deepe in some
places. Here are infinit skuls8
Upon this river dwell the people called Acquintanacksuak,
Pawtuxunt and Mattapanient. 200 men was the greatest strength
that could bee there perceived. But they inhabit togither, and not so
dispersed as the rest. These of al other were found the most civill to
give intertainement.
River.
Thirty leagues Northward is a river not inhabited, yet
for the red earth or clay resembling bole Armoniack9
English called it Bolus. At the end of the Bay where it is 6 or 7 miles
in breadth, there fall into it 4 small rivers, 3 of them issuing from
diverse bogges invironed with high mountaines. There is one that
commeth du north 3 or 4. daies journy from the head of the Bay and
fals from rocks and mountaines, upon this river inhabit a people
called Sasquesahanock. They are seated 2 daies higher then was
passage for the discoverers Barge, which was hardly 2 toons, and
10
above the space of 12 weekes upon those great waters in those
Countries, having nothing but a little meale or oatmeale and
water to feed them; and scarse halfe sufficient of that for halfe that
time, but that by the || Savages and by the plentie of fish they found
in all places, they made themselves provision as opportunitie served;
yet had they not a marriner or any that had skill to trim their sayles,
use their oares, or any businesse belonging to the Barge, but 2 or 3,
the rest being Gentlemen or as ignorant in such toyle and labour.
Yet necessitie in a short time by their Captaines diligence and
taught them to become so perfect, that what they did by such
small meanes, I leave to the censure of the Reader to judge by this
discourse and the annexed Map.1
came to the discoverers with skins, Bowes, Arrowes,
Targets, Beads, Swords, and Tobacco pipes for presents. Such great
and well proportioned men, are seldome seene, for they seemed like
Giants to the English, yea and to the neighbours, yet seemed of an
honest and simple disposition, with much adoe restrained from
the discoverers as Gods.2
those Countries, both in language and attire; for their language it
may well beseeme their proportions, sounding from them, as it were
a great voice in a vault, or cave, as an Eccho. Their attire is the
skinnes of Beares, and Woolves, some have Cassacks made of Beares
heades and skinnes that a mans necke goes through the skinnes neck,
and the eares of the beare fastned to his shoulders behind, the nose
and teeth hanging downe his breast, and at the end of the nose hung
a Beares Pawe, the halfe sleeves comming to the elbowes were the
neckes of Beares and the armes through the mouth with pawes
at their noses. One had the head of a Woolfe hanging in a chaine
for a Jewell, his Tobacco pipe 3 quarters of a yard long,3
carved with a Bird, a Beare, a Deare, or some such devise at the great
end, sufficient to beat out the braines of a man, with bowes, and
arrowes, and clubs, sutable to their greatnesse and conditions. These
are scarse knowne to Powhatan. They can make neere 600 able and
mighty men and are pallisadoed in their Townes to defend them
Werowances came aboard the discoverers and crossed the Bay in
their Barge. The picture of the greatest of them is signified in the
Mappe. The calfe of whose leg was 3 quarters of a yard about, and
all the rest of his limbes so answerable to that proportion, that he
seemed the goodliest man that ever we beheld.4
side was long, the other shore close with a ridge over his crown like
a cocks combe. His arrowes were five quarters long, headed with
flints or splinters of stones, in forme like a heart, an inch broad, and
an inch and a halfe or more long. These hee wore in a woolves skinne
at his backe for his quiver, his bow in the one hand and his clubbe in
the other, as is described.
the Bay.
hanock.
[8]
of a
[9]
On the East side the Bay is the river of Tockwhogh, and upon
it a people that can make 100 men, seated some 7 miles within the
river: where they have a Fort very wel pallisadoed and mantelled
with the barke of trees. Next to them is Ozinies with 60 men. More
to the South of that East side of the Bay, the river of Rapahanock,
neere unto which is the river of Kuskarawaock. Upon which is seated
a people with 200 men. After that is the river of Tants
and on it a people with 100 men. The people of those rivers
are of little stature, of another language from the rest, and very rude.
But they on the river of Acohanock with 40 men, and they of
80 men doth equalize any of the Territories of Powhatan and
speake his language, who over all those doth rule as king.
River.
River.
River.
River.
River.
Southward they went to some parts of Chawonock and the
Mangoags to search them there left by Sir Walter Raleigh; for those
parts to the Towne of Chisapeack hath formerly been discovered by
Master Heriots and Sir Raph Layne.5
many severall nations of sundry languages, that environ Powhatans
Territories. The Chawonokes, the Mangoags, the Monacans, the
Mannahokes, the Masawomekes, the Powhatans, the
nocks, the Atquanachukes, the Tockwoghes, and the 6
Al those not any one understandeth another but by
Their severall habitations are more plainly described by
this annexed Mappe, which will present to the eie, the way of the
mountaines and current of the rivers, with their severall turnings,
bayes, shoules, Isles, Inlets, and creekes, the breadth of the waters,
that as far as you see the little Crosses on rivers, mountaines, or other
places have beene discovered; the rest was had by information of the
Savages, and are set downe, according to their instructions.
languages.
[10]
Virginia doth afford many excellent vegitables and living
yet grasse there is little or none, but what groweth in lowe
Marishes: for all the Countrey is overgrowne with trees, whose
continually turneth their grasse to weedes, by reason of the
rancknesse of the ground which would soone be amended by good
husbandry. The wood that is most common is Oke and Walnut,
many of their Okes are so tall and straight, that they will beare two
foote and a halfe square of good timber for 20 yards long; Of this
wood there is 2 or 3 severall kinds. The Acornes of one kind, whose
barke is more white, then the other, is somewhat sweetish, which
being boyled halfe a day in severall waters, at last afford a sweete
oyle, which they keep in goards to annoint their heads and joints.
The fruit they eate made in bread or otherwise. There is also some
Elme, some black walnut tree, and some Ash: of Ash and Elme they
make sope Ashes. If the trees be very great, the ashes will be good,
and melt to hard lumps, but if they be small, it will be but powder,
and not so good as the other. Of walnuts there is 2 or 3 kindes; there
is a kinde of wood we called Cypres, because both the wood, the
fruit, and leafe did most resemble it, and of those trees there are
|| some neere 3 fadome about at the root very straight, and 50, 60, or
80 foot without a braunch.7
great Mulbery trees, and in some parts of the Countrey, they are
found growing naturally in prettie groves.8
to make silke, and surely the wormes prospered excellent well, till
the master workeman fell sicke. During which time they were eaten
with rats.
little grasse.
their fruits.
Supposed
Cypres.
[11]
In some parts were found some Chesnuts9
equalize the best in France, Spaine, Germany, or Italy, to their tasts
that had tasted them all. Plumbs there are of 3 sorts. The red and
white are like our hedge plumbs, but the other which they call
Putchamins,1
first greene then yellow, and red when it is ripe; if it be not ripe it
will drawe a mans mouth awrie, with much torment, but when it is
ripe, it is as delicious as an Apricock.
They have Cherries and those are much like a Damsen,2
their tastes and colour we called them Cherries, we see some few
Crabs,3
parts that climbe the toppes of the highest trees in some places, but
these beare but fewe grapes. But by the rivers and Savage
where they are not overshadowed from the sunne, they are
covered with fruit, though never pruined nor manured. Of those
hedge grapes wee made neere 20 gallons of wine, which was neare as
good as your French Brittish wine,4
good were they well manured. There is another sort of grape neere
as great as a Cherry, this they call Messaminnes,5
the juyce thicke. Neither doth the tast so well please when they are
made in wine. They have a small fruit growing on little trees, husked
like a Chesnut, but the fruit most like a very small acorne. This they
call Chechinquamins6
a berry much like our gooseberry, in greatnesse, colour, and tast;
those they call || Rawcomenes,7
these naturall fruits they live a great part of the yeare, which they
use in this manner, The walnuts, Chesnuts, Acornes, and Chechin-
quamens are dryed to keepe. When they need them they breake them
betweene two stones, yet some part of the walnut shels will cleave to
the fruit. Then doe they dry them againe upon a mat over a hurdle.
After they put it into a morter of wood, and beat it very small: that
done they mix it with water, that the shels may sinke to the bottome.
This water will be coloured as milke, which they cal Pawcohiscora,8
and keepe it for their use. The fruit like medlers they call Putchamins,
they cast uppon hurdles on a mat and preserve them as Pruines. Of
their Chesnuts and Chechinquamens boyled 4 houres, they make both
Besides those fruit trees, there is a white populer, and another tree
like unto it, that yeeldeth a very cleere and an odoriferous Gumme
like Turpentine, which some called Balsom. There are also Cedars
and Saxafras trees.9
of themselves. Wee tryed conclusions to extract it out of the wood,
but nature afforded more then our arts.
Chechin-
quamens.
[12]
Rawcomens.
their fruits.
In the watry valleyes groweth a berry which they call Ocought-
anamins1
When they will eat them they boile them neare halfe a day; for
otherwise they differ not much from poyson. Mattoume groweth as
our bents do in meddows.2
though much smaller. this they use for a dainty bread buttered with
deare suet.
Matoume.
During Somer there are either strawberries which ripen in
April; or mulberries which ripen in May and June. Raspises hurtes;
or a fruit that the Inhabitants call Maracocks,3
wholsome fruit much like a lemond. Many hearbes in the spring
time there are commonly dispersed throughout the woods, good for
brothes and sallets, as Violets, Purslin,4
we used whose || names we know not.
The chiefe roote they have for foode is called Tockawhoughe,5
groweth like a flagge in low muddy freshes. In one day a Savage will
gather sufficient for a weeke. These rootes are much of the greatnes
and taste of Potatoes. They use to cover a great many of them with
oke leaves and ferne, and then cover all with earth in the manner of
a colepit; over it, on each side, they continue a great fire 24 houres
before they dare eat it. Raw it is no better then poison, and being
in the sun, mixed with sorrell and meale or such like, it will prickle
and torment the throat extreamely, and yet in sommer they use this
ordinarily for bread.
[13]
They have an other roote which they call wighsacan:6
feedeth the body, so this cureth their hurts and diseases. It is a small
root which they bruise and apply to the wound. Pocones,7
roote that groweth in the mountaines, which being dryed and beate
in powder turneth red. And this they use for swellings, aches,
their joints, painting their heads and garments. They
account it very pretious and of much worth. Musquaspenne8
of the bignesse of a finger, and as red as bloud. In drying it will wither
almost to nothing. This they use to paint their Mattes, Targets and
such like.
Wighsacan a
Root.
Pocones a small
Roote.
Musquaspenne,
a Root.
There is also Pellitory of Spaine, Sasafrage,9
simples, which the Apothecaries gathered, and commended to be
good, and medicinable.
In the low Marishes growe plots of Onyons containing an acre
of ground or more in many places; but they are small not past the
bignesse of the Toppe of ones Thumbe.
Onyons.
beasts are
Deare.
Of beastes the chiefe are Deare, nothing differing from ours. In
the deserts towards the heads of the rivers, ther are many, but
amongst the rivers few. There is a beast they call Aroughcun,1
like a badger, but useth to live on trees as Squirrels doe. Their
Squirrels some are neare as greate as || our smallest sort of wilde
rabbits, some blackish or blacke and white, but the most are gray.
Aroughcun.
[14]
A small beast they have, they call Assapanick2
largenesse of their skins that they have bin seene to fly 30 or 40 yards.
An Opassom3
is of the bignes of a Cat. Under her belly shee hath a bagge, wherein
shee lodgeth, carrieth, and suckleth her young. Mussascus,4
of the forme and nature of our water Rats, but many of them smell
exceeding strongly of muske. Their Hares no bigger then our Conies,
and few of them to be found.
Assapanick a
Squirrel flying.
Mussascus.
Their Beares are very little in comparison of those of Muscovia
and Tartaria. The Beaver is as bigge as an ordinary water dogge,
but his legges exceeding short. His fore feete like a dogs, his hinder
feet like a Swans. His taile somewhat like the forme of a Racket bare
without haire, which to eate the Savages esteeme a great delicate.
They have many Otters which as the Beavers they take with snares,
and esteeme the skinnes great ornaments, and of all those beasts they
use to feede when they catch them.
There is also a beast they call Vetchunquoyes5
wilde Cat. Their Foxes are like our silver haired Conies of a small
proportion, and not smelling like those in England. Their Dogges of
that country are like their Wolves, and cannot barke but howle, and
their wolves not much bigger then our English Foxes. Martins,
Powlecats, weessels and Minkes we know they have, because we have
seen many of their skinnes, though very seldome any of them alive.
But one thing is strange that we could never perceive their vermine6
destroy our hennes, Egges nor Chickens nor do any hurt, nor their
flyes nor serpents anie waie pernitious, where in the South parts of
America they are alwaies dangerous and often deadly.
Vetchunquoyes.
Minkes.
Of birds the Eagle is the greatest devourer. Hawkes there be of
diverse sorts, as our Falconers called them, Spa- || rowhawkes,
Lanarets, Goshawkes, Falcons and Osperayes, but they all pray
most upon fish. Partridges there are little bigger then our Quailes,
wilde Turkies are as bigge as our tame.7
with red shoulders, thrushes and diverse sorts of small birds,
some red, some blew, scarce so bigge as a wrenne, but few in Sommer.
In winter there are great plenty of Swans, Craynes, gray and white
Oxeies, Parrats and Pigeons. Of all those sorts great abundance, and
some other strange kinds to us unknowne by name. But in sommer
not any or a very few to be seene.
[15]
Of fish we were best acquainted with Sturgeon, Grampus,
Seales, Stingraies, whose tailes are very dangerous.89
mullets, white Salmonds, Trowts, Soles, Plaice, Herrings, Conyfish,
Rockfish, Eeles, Lampreyes, Catfish, Shades, Pearch of 3 sorts,
Crabs, Shrimps, Crevises,1
most strange fish is a smal one so like the picture of St. George his
Dragon,23
which will swell till it be like to brust, when it commeth into the
aire.
Concerning the entrailes of the earth little can be saide for
There wanted good Refiners, for these that tooke upon them
to have skill this way, tooke up the washings from the mounetaines
and some moskered4
brought down, flattering themselves in their own vaine conceits to
have bin supposed what they were not, by the meanes of that ore, if
it proved as their arts and judgements expected. Only this is certaine,
that many regions lying in the same latitude, afford mines very rich
of diverse natures. The crust also of these rockes would easily
a man to beleeve there are other mines then yron and steele,
if there were but meanes and men of experience that knew the mine
from spare.5
1. For a summary of the use made of this work in later books by Smith, Purchas,
and Strachey, see the editor's Introduction, above. In l. 2, below, Smith has made the
error of listing the N latitude of "Virginia" as 44° rather than 45°. See the Generall
Historie, 21 and 203n.
2. A missing passage, indicated by "etc.," can be conjecturally restored from
Strachey, Historie, 37-38: "... yet have they recovered againe by very smale meanes,
without helpe of fresh dyett, or comfort of wholsome Phisique, there being at the first but
fewe phisique Helpes, or skilfull surgeons, who knew how to applie the right Medecyne
in a new Country or to search the quality and constitution of the Patient and his
or that knew how to counsell, when to lett blood or not, or in necessity to use a
Launce in that office at all." This lends support to the suggested possibility that Strachey
had a manuscript copy of Smith's work before he left Virginia (see the Introduction,
above).
3. This proverb appears as "No extreame will hold long," in Nicholas Breton,
Crossing of Proverbs: The Second Part (London, 1616), repr. in Alexander B. Grosart, ed.,
The Works in Verse and Prose of Nicholas Breton (n.p., 1879), 6.
4. Eminence, superiority.
5. Open, clear of woods.
6. The estimates are approximately accurate.
7. I.e., "outlet, mouth"; now obsolete. Smith obviously was not referring to the
falls of the James River, or the rapids of the Appomattox River, and so on.
8. "Millstones"; this then archaic spelling was corrected in the Generall Historie, 22.
9. Properly bole armeniac, an astringent red clay brought from Armenia and used as
an antidote and styptic, often along with terra sigillata. The latter, also an astringent (see
the True Relation, sig. C2v and C2vn), came from the island of Lemnos, and so was called
also "terra lemnia"; thus, the passage should read "or lemnia." George Sandys, resident
treasurer at Jamestown, 1621-1625, explained that when Jove threw Vulcan down from
Olympus, he landed on Lemnos, "the earth in that place thereupon receiving those
excellent vertues of curing of wounds, stopping of fluxes, expulsing poysons, etc., [is] now
called Terra Sigillata," which is there gathered and sealed (sigillata) (A Relation of a
Journey Begun Anno Domini 1610 [London, 1673 (orig. publ. 1615)], 18).
1. In Smith's day, a variant of "marsh"; perhaps dialectal.
2. The mouth of the Powhatan (now James) River is about three mi. wide. A saker
was a cannon smaller than a demiculverin with a range of half a mi. point-blank (cf. the
Accidence, 34). From the mouth to the falls by the old channel is about 113 mi.
to 150 mi. in the Generall Historie, 22).
3. Cf. the fuller description in Hugh Jones, The Present State of Virginia (London,
1724), 133-134, modern edition by Richard L. Morton (Chapel Hill, N.C., 1956), 143.
There seems to have been no awareness of the fall line in Smith's day.
4. Small streams, rivulets.
5. This word (variously spelled) for "king, chieftain, captain" was first recorded by
Ralph Lane in 1585-1586 in the territory of the Chesepians, 15 mi. inland from the
bottom of Chesapeake Bay and E of whatever tribe then occupied the Nansemond River
region.
6. The Warraskoyacks were carelessly omitted in the Generall Historie, 23.
7. Later anglicized as "cockarouse"; cf. the Generall Historie, 38; and Robert
Beverley, The History and Present State of Virginia, ed. Louis B. Wright (Chapel Hill, N.C.,
1947), 226.
8. From Jamestown on the James to Kiskiack on the Pamaunk (Yorktown on the
York) was close to 14 mi. by Indian trails. The York River is navigable today for a good
65 mi., with three-ft. depths for another 25 mi. It should be noted here that "Pamaunke"
can easily be read as "Pamavuke" in the handwriting of the period: e.g., "Pamaunke" was
printed "Pamavuke" at the end of this page and overleaf (corrected in this edition; see
the Textual Annotation). The river is mentioned in the True Relation, sig. C2v.
1. The head of navigation at modern Fredericksburg is about 112 mi. from the
mouth.
2. The distance from the Great Falls, just above Washington, D.C., to the mouth of
the Potomac can be little more than 100 mi. For some reason, Samuel Purchas changed
the figure to 120 mi. in Purchas his Pilgrimage. Or Relations Of The World ... (London,
1613), 635. Possibly the 140 mi. is a misprint.
3. Increased to "more then 200" in the Generall Historie, 23.
4. Error for "trendeth"? "Trending" in the Generall Historie, 23.
5. Bend, curve; a parallel form to "bight."
6. For the confusion regarding this name, see Barbour, "Earliest Reconnaissance,"
Pt. I, 292. Nacotchtanke is modern Anacostia, Maryland.
7. For further description, see the Generall Historie, 58.
8. "Skuls" was a frequent spelling of "schools (shoals)" of fish.
9. See p. 3n, above. The following passage is somewhat altered in the Generall
Historie, 24.
10. Smith refers here to his second voyage (Proceedings, 36); on the first he had 14
men (ibid., 28-29). "Toons" is, of course, "tons."
1. The Smith/Hole map, already in print when these pages were in the press,
appears at the beginning of this book.
2. The Sasquesahanocks spoke an Iroquoian language and lived on the
River in what is now southeast Pennsylvania. Note that it was not uncommon for
isolated peoples not in contact with the Old World to take Europeans for gods -- e.g., in
Mexico (cited in José de Acosta, Naturall and Morall Historie, ed. Clements R. Markham
[Hakluyt Soc., 1st Ser., LX-LXI (London, 1880)], II, 514-516) and in the Pacific
(mentioned in Olivier Leroy, La Raison Primitive [Paris, 1927], 221-224).
3. An 11-in. clay pipe has been unearthed at a Susquehannock site in Lancaster
Co., Pennsylvania (Donald A. Cadzow, Archaeological Studies of the Susquehannock Indians
of Pennsylvania [Harrisburg, Pa., 1936], 77-79). As for Smith's "3 quarters of a yard
long," cf. n., following.
4. Despite conclusions reached by Francis Jennings in his "Glory, Death, and
Transfiguration: The Susquehanna Indians in the Seventeenth Century," American
Philosophical Society, Proceedings, CXII (1968), 15-53, the observations of many early
explorers indicate that the North American Indians generally were substantially taller
than Europeans. To men of the stature of Drake, John Smith, and even Jacques Le
Moyne, a naked Indian over six ft. tall was a giant. There may be some exaggeration,
but after all, Smith is trying to show the Indian's unusually great size.
5. See the Proceedings, 57, for the details. Note that this passage in the Generall
Historie, 25, substitutes Master John White for Ralegh and omits the rest of the sentence.
Ralegh had been beheaded virtually by command of King James in 1618.
6. See Schedules A-C, at the end of the Textual Annotation.
7. On the Virginia and Carolina trees, see Quinn, Roanoke Voyages, I, 351, 354, 365,
and nn.
8. The red mulberry grows wild in this area, but it is said that the Chinese white
mulberry is needed for silk culture.
9. Smith is probably referring to the dwarf chestnut, called the chinquapin (see
Barbour, "Earliest Reconnaissance," Pt. II, 33, s.v. "chechinquamins"; and Oliver
Perry Medsger, Edible Wild Plants [New York, 1967], 108-111).
1. Now called persimmons (see Barbour, "Earliest Reconnaissance," Pt. II, 42; and
Medsger, Plants, 77-79).
2. Probably the wild black cherry, smaller but more or less the color of the damson
plum.
3. Crab apples.
4. "British" was occasionally used for "Breton, from Brittany." Smith had visited
Brittany late in 1600 (True Travels, 4), and may have drunk a vin du pays, but the
is more likely with muscadet or gros plant brought in from Nantes (see Roger Dion,
Histoire de la vigne et du vin en France ... [Paris, 1959], 420, 429, 451).
5. Possibly the southern fox grape (see Barbour, "Earliest Reconnaissance," Pt. II,
37; and Medsger, Plants, 57-58).
6. See n. 9, above; and compare Harriot's "Sapúmmener" (Quinn, Roanoke Voyages,
I, 354, II, 895).
7. Possibly the prickly wild gooseberry (see Barbour, "Earliest Reconnaissance,"
Pt. II, 42-43; and Medsger, Plants, 17-19).
8. Properly "pawcohiccora" (Generall Historie, 26; and Barbour, "Earliest
Pt. II, 40). The hickory tree is named for this drink.
9. "Saxifrage" and "sassafras" were almost inextricably confused before Smith's
day. The one was a European herb, known to Pliny, with leaves that were reputed to
cure stones in the bladder. The other, discovered (and named) in Florida by the
was a small tree, whose root had "power to comfort the liver," as the herbalist
John Gerard (1545-1612) put it. The Carolina Algonkian name for sassafras was
"winauk" (variously spelled), which may or may not be the same as the name of the
Weanock tribe and village on the James River (see Quinn, Roanoke Voyages, I, 329n,
which credits the French with the discovery of the plant and the Spaniards with the
of its reputed value in treating syphilis; Medsger, Plants, 205-207, for its true
value; and Barbour, "Earliest Reconnaissance," Pt. I, 301, for the Indian tribe).
1. Possibly chokecherries (see Medsger, Plants, 49-51; and Barbour, "Earliest
Pt. II, 39).
2. Possibly the large cane grass that forms the Virginia canebrakes (Medsger,
Plants, 129). "Bent" is an English name for reedy or rush-like grass. On "mattoume," see
Barbour, "Earliest Reconnaissance," Pt. II, 37.
3. "Raspises" was the common name for "raspberries" in Smith's day. Similarly,
"hurts" were "hurtleberries" (whortleberries), which became "huckleberries" in the
American colonies. "Maracocks" were the lemonlike fruit of the passion vine, the name
of which was corrupted into "maypop" about 1850, but its origin is uncertain (see
Barbour, "Earliest Reconnaissance," Pt. II, 36).
4. "Purslane"; not to be confused with parsley.
5. "Tuckahoe," green arrow arum (Medsger, Plants, 196; and Barbour, "Earliest
Reconnaissance," Pt. II, 44-45).
6. This medicinal root has been identified as milkweed, Asclepias syriaca (Quinn,
Roanoke Voyages, I, 444-446, II, 900). See Barbour, "Earliest Reconnaissance," Pt. II,
47. There is a drawing of the young shoots and buds in Lena C. Artz, "Native Plants
Used by the North American Indians," Archeological Society of Virginia, Quarterly
Bulletin, XXIX (1974-1975), 88.
7. Later spelled "puccoon"; see Barbour, "Earliest Reconnaissance," Pt. II, 41;
and Frederick Webb Hodge, ed., Handbook of American Indians North of Mexico,
Institution, Bureau of American Ethnology, Bulletin 30 (Washington, D.C.,
1907, 1910), Pt. II, 315. These roots seem to have been used primarily as a balm and
secondarily as a cosmetic. Purchas condensed the passage in a marginal note in his
Pilgrimage, 640.
8. "Bloodroot," a dye; see Barbour, "Earliest Reconnaissance," Pt. II, 37.
9. See 12n, above, on "Sasafrage." Pellitory of Spain (pyrethrum), native to
was used as a medicine and toothache remedy. See Wyndham B. Blanton, Medicine
in Virginia in the Seventeenth Century (Richmond, Va., 1930), 99-104. Samuel Purchas, in
his reprint of this passage, supplies the Latin name of the plant (Parietaria), and adds a
marginal note just below calling attention to "certain oxen [bison] found by Captaine
Argall" early in 1613 (Purchas, Hakluytus Posthumus, or Purchas His Pilgrimes ... [London,
1625], IV, 1695, 1765).
1. "Raccoon"; see the True Relation, sig. C1vn; and Barbour, "Earliest
Pt. II, 32, s.v. "aroughcun."
2. See Barbour, "Earliest Reconnaissance," Pt. II, 32. For King James's interest in
flying squirrels, see Philip L. Barbour, ed., The Jamestown Voyages under the First Charter,
1606-1609 (Hakluyt Society, 2d Ser., CXXXVI-CXXXVII [Cambridge, 1969]), II,
288.
3. See Barbour, "Earliest Reconnaissance," Pt. II, 39; and Carl G. Hartman,
Possums (Austin, Tex., 1952). Georg Friederici has further references in his Amerikan-
istisches Wörterbuch ... (Hamburg, 1960), 459-460.
4. "Muskrat" or "musquash" (see Barbour, "Earliest Reconnaissance," Pt. II,
38), possibly the same as Harriot's "maquówoc" (see Quinn, Roanoke Voyages, I, 355-
356, II, 890; also cf. "sacquenúckot," ibid., II, 896).
5. Surely for "Uetchunquoyes," pronounced "wetch-" (see Barbour, "Earliest
Pt. II, 45).
6. Vermin were objectionable or noxious animals in general.
7. Turkeys were domesticated in Mexico before the conquest, brought to Europe
by 1530, and known in England by 1541. Thomas Tusser, agricultural writer, poet, and
musician (who died in debtor's prison in 1580), testified that they played a part in
"Christmas husbandlie fare" in his day (Five Hundreth Pointes of Good Husbandrie ...
[London, 1573], sig. H3v). Below, "woosel" is a variant of "ouzel."
8. For Smith's own encounter with a stingray, see the Proceedings, 34; and the
Generall Historie, 27-28, 59.
9. "Bret[te]" was the Lincolnshire name for the turbot.
1. "Crayfish"; modern French écrevisse. "Shades" is possibly a unique variant of
"shad" (plural).
2. Probably the sea robin; see John C. Pearson, "The Fish and Fisheries of Colonial
Virginia," WMQ, 2d Ser., XXII (1942), 215, which contains an ichthyological
of Smith's entire list, including the scientific nomenclature for many of the species
named.
3. "Toadfish," puffer; below, "brust" is an obsolete form of "burst."
4. I.e., "crumbling"; Lincolnshire and Yorkshire dialect.
5. "Spar"; the meaning of the phrase is, "that knew the ore from the rock in which
it is found" (Barbour, Jamestown Voyages, II, 350n).
[16]
They divide the yeare into 5. seasons. Their winter some call
Popanow, the spring Cattapeuk, the sommer Cohattayough, the earing of
their Corne Nepinough, the harvest and fall of leafe Taquitock.6
sacrifice. Then have they plenty of fruits as well planted as naturall,
as corne, greene and ripe, fish, fowle, and wilde beastes exceeding
fat.
the yeare.
The greatest labour they take, is in planting their corne,7
country naturally is overgrowne with wood. To prepare the ground
they bruise the barke of the trees neare the root, then do they scortch
the roots with fire that they grow no more. The next yeare with a
crooked peece of wood, they beat up the woodes by the rootes, and
in that moulde they plant their corne. Their manner is this. They
make a hole in the earth with a sticke, and into it they put 4 graines
of wheate, and 2 of beanes. These holes they make 4 foote one from
another; Their women and children do continually keepe it with
weeding, and when it is growne midle high, they hill it about like
a hop-yard.8
prepare the
ground.
In Aprill they begin to plant, but their chiefe plantation is in
May, and so they continue till the midst of June. What they plant
in Aprill they reape in August, for May in September, for June in
October; Every stalke of their corne commonly beareth two eares,
some 3, seldome any 4, many but one and some none. Every eare
ordinarily hath betwixt 200 and 500 graines. The stalke being green
hath a sweet juice in it, somewhat like a suger Cane, which is the
cause that when they gather their corne greene, they sucke the
stalkes: for as wee gather greene pease, so doe they their corne being
greene, which excelleth their old. They plant also pease they cal
Assentamens,9Fagioli. Their
Beanes are the same the Turkes cal Garnanses,1
esteeme for dainties.
plant.
Their corne they rost in the eare greene, and bruising it in a
morter of wood with a Polt,2
corne, and so boyle it for a daintie. They also reserve that corne late
planted that will not ripe, by roasting it in hot ashes, the heat thereof
drying it. In winter they esteeme it being boyled with beans for a
Pausarowmena.3
night in hot water, in the morning pounding it in a morter. They
use a small basket for their Temmes,45
and so separating by dashing their hand in the basket, receave the
flower6
and shels. Tempering this flower with water, they make it either
in cakes covering them with ashes till they bee baked, and then
washing them in faire water they drie presently with their owne
heat: or else boyle them in water eating the broth with the bread
which they call Ponap.7
by fanning in a Platter or in the wind, away, the branne they
boile 3 or 4 houres with water, which is an ordinary food they call
Ustatahamen.8
of the eare to powder which they call Pungnough,9
their meale, but it never tasted well in bread, nor broth. Their fish
and flesh they boyle either very tenderly, or broyle it so long on
hurdles over the fire, or else after the Spanish fashion, putting it on
a spit, they turne first the one side, then the other, til it be as drie as
their jerkin beefe1
or more without putrifying. The broth of fish or flesh they eate as
commonly as the meat.
[17]
their corne.
their fish and
flesh.
In May also amongst their corne they plant Pumpeons,2
fruit like unto a muske millen, but lesse and worse, which they call
Macocks.3
July, and continue until September. They plant also Maracocks4
wild fruit like a lemmon, which also increase infinitely. They begin
to ripe in Sep- || tember and continue till the end of October. When
all their fruits be gathered, little els they plant, and this is done by
their women and children;5
live of what the Country naturally affordeth from hand to mouth,
etc.
[18]
6. For the names of the seasons, see Barbour, "Earliest Reconnaissance," Pt. II,
41-42, 34, 39, 44. Robert Beverley gave "cohonk" as the Indian name for "winter" (ibid.,
42), which may explain Smith's "some call" before "Popanow." On the Indian annual
economic cycle in general, see John R. Swanton, The Indians of the Southeastern United
States, Smithsonian Institution, Bureau of American Ethnology, Bulletin 137
D.C., 1946), 255-265.
7. See pp. 18 and 22, below. Apparently the men helped prepare the ground, but
the women did the actual planting (Swanton, Indians of Southeastern United States, 710).
8. Often "hop gardens."
9. See Barbour, "Earliest Reconnaissance," Pt. II, 32.
1. Chick-peas, called garbanzos in Spanish. This is a significant reference to Smith's
experiences in Turkey, narrated in the True Travels, 24-32, and may be the first
of the word "garvances" in English print (not noted in the OED, under
The unusual spelling "garnanses" must be a printer's error.
2. Pestle or club.
3. The Virginia equivalent of "succotash," a Narragansett Indian word (see the
True Relation, sig. D3vn; and Barbour, "Earliest Reconnaissance," Pt. II, 40).
4. I.e., "sieve"; Lincolnshire and northern English dialect.
5. Coarse meal, peeled grain; what is meant is "hominy grits." Cf. "grouts and
peeces," a few lines below.
The mildnesse of the aire, the fertilitie of the soile, and the
of the rivers are so propitious to the nature and use of man as
no place is more convenient for pleasure, profit, and mans
Under that latitude or climat, here will live any beasts, as
horses, goats, sheep, asses, hens, etc. as appeared by them that were
carried thether. The waters, Isles, and shoales, are full of safe
for ships of warre or marchandize, for boats of all sortes, for
transportation or fishing, etc. The Bay and rivers have much
fish and places fit for Salt coats,6
of iron, etc.7
will live well.
Muscovia and Polonia doe yearely receave many thousands,
for pitch, tarre, sope ashes, Rosen, Flax, Cordage, Sturgeon, masts,
yards, wainscot, Firres, glasse, and such like, also Swethland8
iron and copper. France in like manner for Wine, Canvas, and Salt,
Spaine asmuch for Iron, Steele, Figges, Reasons,9
with Silkes, and Velvets consumes our chiefe commodities. Holand
maintaines it selfe by fishing and trading at our owne doores. All
these temporize with other for necessities, but all as uncertaine as
peace or warres. Besides the charge, travell, and danger in
them, by seas, lands, stormes, and Pyrats. Then how much
hath Virginia the prerogative of all those florishing kingdomes for
the benefit of our land, whenas within one hundred miles all those
are to bee had, either ready provided by nature, or else to bee
were there but industrious men to labour. Only of Copper
wee may doubt is wanting, but there is good probabilitie that || both
copper and better minerals are there to be had for their labor. Other
Countries have it. So then here is a place a nurse for souldiers, a
practise for marriners, a trade for marchants, a reward for the good,
and that which is most of all, a businesse (most acceptable to God)
to bring such poore infidels to the true knowledge of God and his
holy Gospell.
[19]
6. "Flour," originally the "flower" or finest quality of meal. The modern distinction
in spelling did not arise until later.
7. "Pone," or "corn pone"; perhaps a misprint of "apone" (see Barbour, "Earliest
Reconnaissance," Pt. II, 32).
8. "Hominy" is a word derived from this (see the True Travels, 43; and Barbour,
"Earliest Reconnaissance," Pt. II, 46).
9. Probably a misprint for "pungwough" (see Barbour, "Earliest Reconnaissance,"
Pt. II, 42).
1. "Jerked beef" was sliced and dried in the sun; from Spanish from Quechua
ccharqui, "dried (flesh)." The Caribbean word for the process was barbacóa, whence
"barbecue," which was not known in Virginia until later.
2. "Pumpkins."
3. "Gourds"; see Barbour, "Earliest Reconnaissance," Pt. II, 35.
4. See p. 12n, above.
5. See pp. 16 and 22, above.
6. Variant spelling for "salt-cotes," salt houses.
7. Although there were two blacksmiths in Jamestown by 1608, the first machinery
for "making" iron was not set up until 1619 (see Charles E. Hatch, Jr., and Thurlow
Gates Gregory, "The First American Blast Furnace, 1619-1622," VMHB, LXX [1962],
259-296).
8. Sweden.
9. Obsolete spelling of "raisins." "Sacks" were white wines from Spain and the
Canaries.
The land is not populous, for the men be fewe; their far greater
number is of women and children. Within 60 miles of James Towne
there are about some 5000 people, but of able men fit for their warres
scarse 1500.2
because they make so smal a benefit of their land, be it never so fertill.
6 or 700 have beene the most hath beene seene together, when they
gathered themselves to have surprised Captaine Smyth at Pamaunke,
having but 15 to withstand the worst of their furie.3
proportion of ground that hath yet beene discovered, is in
of that yet unknowne, the people differ very much in stature,
especially in language, as before is expressed. Some being very great
as the Sesquesahamocks; others very little, as the Wighcocomocoes:
but generally tall and straight, of a comely proportion, and of a
colour browne when they are of any age, but they are borne white.4
Their haire is generally black, but few have any beards. The men
weare halfe their heads shaven, the other halfe long; for Barbers they
use their women, who with 2 shels will grate away the haire, of any
fashion they please. The women are cut in many fashions agreeable
to their yeares, but ever some part remaineth long. They are very
strong, of an able body and full of agilitie, able to endure to lie in
the woods under a tree by the fire, in the worst of winter, or in the
weedes and grasse, in Ambuscado in the Sommer. They are
in everie thing, but what feare constraineth them to keepe.
Craftie, || timerous, quicke of apprehension and very ingenuous.
Some are of disposition fearefull, some bold, most cautelous,5
Savage. Generally covetous of copper, beads, and such like trash.
They are soone moved to anger, and so malitious, that they seldome
forget an injury: they seldome steale one from another, least their
conjurers should reveale it, and so they be pursued and punished.
That they are thus feared is certaine, but that any can reveale their
offences by conjuration I am doubtfull. Their women are carefull
not to bee suspected of dishonesty without the leave of their
Each houshold knoweth their owne lands and gardens, and
most live of their owne labours. For their apparell, they are some
time covered with the skinnes of wilde beasts, which in winter are
dressed with the haire, but in sommer without. The better sort use
Irish mantels.6
copper, other painted after their manner. But the common sort have
scarce to cover their nakednesse but with grasse, the leaves of trees,
or such like. We have seen some use mantels made of Turky feathers,
so prettily wrought and woven with threeds that nothing could bee
discerned but the feathers. That was exceeding warme and very
handsome. But the women are alwaies covered about their midles
with a skin and very shamefast7
most with copper beads and paintings. Their women some
have their legs, hands, brests and face cunningly imbrodered8
diverse workes, as beasts, serpentes, artificially wrought into their
flesh with blacke spots. In each eare commonly they have 3 great
holes, whereat they hange chaines bracelets or copper. Some of their
men weare in those holes, a smal greene and yellow coloured snake,
neare halfe a yard in length, which crawling and lapping her selfe
about his necke often times familiarly would kisse his lips. Others
wear a dead Rat9
wing of a bird, or some large feather with a Rat- || tell. Those Rattels
are somewhat like the chape1
from the taile of a snake. Many have the whole skinne of a hawke or
some strange fowle, stuffed with the wings abroad. Others a broad
peece of copper, and some the hand of their enemy dryed. Their
heads and shoulders are painted red with the roote Pocone braied to
powder mixed with oyle, this they hold in somer to preserve them
from the heate, and in winter from the cold. Many other formes of
paintings they use, but he is the most gallant that is the most
to behould.
the most were
seene together
when they
thoght to have
surprised
Smith.
of the people
[20]
[21]
Their buildings and habitations are for the most part by the
rivers or not farre distant from some fresh spring. Their houses are
built like our Arbors of small young springs2
so close covered with mats, or the barkes of trees very handsomely,
that notwithstanding either winde, raine or weather, they are as
warme as stooves, but very smoaky, yet at the toppe of the house
Against the fire they lie on little hurdles3
a mat borne from the ground a foote and more by a hurdle of wood.
On these round about the house they lie heads and points one by
th'other against the fire, some covered with mats, some with skins,
and some starke naked lie on the ground, from 6 to 20 in a house.
Their houses are in the midst of their fields or gardens which are
smal plots of ground. Some 20,4
more, some lesse, some times from 2 to 100 of those houses togither,
or but a little separated by groves of trees. Neare their habitations is
little small wood or old trees on the ground by reason of their
of them for fire. So that a man may gallop a horse amongst these
woods any waie, but where the creekes or Rivers shall hinder.
Men women and children have their severall names according
to the severall humor of their Parents. Their women (they say) are
easilie delivered of childe, yet doe they || love children verie dearly.
To make them hardy, in the coldest mornings they wash them in the
rivers and by painting and ointments so tanne their skins, that after
a year or two, no weather will hurt them.
their children.
[22]
The men bestowe their times in fishing, hunting, wars and such
manlike exercises, scorning to be seene in any woman-like exercise,
which is the cause that the women be verie painefull and the men
often idle. The women and children do the rest of the worke. They
make mats, baskets, pots, morters, pound their corne, make their
bread, prepare their victuals, plant their corne, gather their corne,5
beare al kind of burdens and such like.
their women.
Their fire they kindle presently6
in a hole of a little square peece of wood, that firing it selfe, will so
fire mosse, leaves, or anie such like drie thing, that will quickly burne.
In March and Aprill they live much upon their fishing weares, and
feed on fish, Turkies and squirrels. In May and June they plant their
fieldes and live most of Acornes, walnuts, and fish. But to mend their
diet, some disperse themselves in small companies and live upon
fish, beasts, crabs, oysters, land Torteyses, strawberries, mulberries,
and such like. In June, Julie, and August they feed upon the rootes
of Tocknough berries,7
their bodies alter with their diet, even as the deare and wilde beastes
king and some others that are provident, rost their fish and flesh upon
hurdles as before is expressed, and keepe it till scarce times.
strike fire.
diet.
For fishing and hunting and warres they use much their bow
and arrowes. They bring their bowes to the forme of ours by the
scraping of a shell. Their arrowes are made some of straight young
sprigs which they head with bone, some 2 or 3 inches long. These
they use to shoot at squirrels on trees. An other sort of arrowes they
use made of reeds. These are peeced8
|| of christall or some sharpe stone, the spurres of a Turkey, or the
bill of some bird. For his knife he hath the splinter of a reed to cut
his feathers in forme. With this knife also, he will joint a Deare or
any beast, shape his shooes, buskins, mantels, etc. To make the noch
of his arrow hee hath the tooth of a Bever, set in a sticke, wherewith
he grateth it by degrees, His arrow head he quickly maketh with a
little bone, which he ever weareth at his bracer,9
stone, or glasse in the forme of a hart and these they glew to the end
of their arrowes. With the sinewes of Deare, and the tops of Deares
hornes boiled to a jelly, they make a glew that will not dissolve in
cold water.
make their
bowes and
arrowes.
[23]
For their wars also they use Targets10
of the barkes of trees, and a sworde of wood at their backs, but
they use for swords the horne of a Deare put through a peece
of wood in forme of a Pickaxe.1
ends used in the same manner. This they were wont to use also for
hatchets, but now by trucking they have plenty of the same forme
of yron. And those are their chiefe instruments and armes.
and Swords.
Their fishing is much in Boats. These they make of one tree by
bowing2
have made it in forme of a Trough. Some of them are an elne3
and 40 or 50 foot in length, and some will beare 40 men, but the most
ordinary are smaller and will beare 10, 20, or 30. according to their
bignes. Insteed of oares, they use paddles and sticks with which they
will row faster then our Barges. Betwixt their hands and thighes,
their women use to spin, the barks of trees, deare sinews, or a kind of
grasse they call Pemmenaw,4
readily. This thred serveth for many uses: As about their housing,
braded as ours. They make also with it lines for angles. Their
hookes are either a bone grated as they nock their arrows in the
forme of a crooked pinne or fishook or of the splin- || ter of a bone
tied to the clift of a litle stick, and with the ende of the line, they tie
on the bate. They use also long arrowes tyed in a line wherewith they
shoote at fish in the rivers. But they of Accawmack5
unto Javelins headed with bone. With these they dart fish swimming
in the water. They have also many artificiall weares in which they
get abundance of fish.
[24]
In their hunting and fishing they take extreame paines; yet it
being their ordinary exercise from their infancy, they esteeme it a
pleasure and are very proud to be expert therein. And by their
ranging, and travel, they know all the advantages and places
most frequented with Deare, Beasts, Fish, Foule, Rootes, and
At their huntings they leave their habitations, and reduce
into companies, as the Tartars6
places with their families, where they spend their time in hunting
and fowling up towards the mountaines, by the heads of their rivers,
where there is plentie of game. For betwixt the rivers the grounds
are so narrowe, that little commeth there which they devoure not.
It is a marvel they can so directly passe these deserts, some 3 or 4
daies journey without habitation. Their hunting houses are like unto
Arbours covered with mats. These their women beare after them,
with Corne, Acornes, Morters, and all bag and baggage they use.
When they come to the place of exercise, every man doth his best to
shew his dexteritie, for by their excelling in those quallities, they get
their wives. Forty yards will they shoot levell, or very neare the mark,
and 120 is their best at Random.7
they are commonly 2 or 300 together. Having found the Deare, they
environ them with many fires, and betwixt the fires they place
And some take their stands in the midst. The Deare being
thus feared by the fires and their voices, they chace them so long
within that circle that many times they kill 6, 8, 10, or 15 at a
They use also to drive them into some narrowe point of land;
|| when they find that advantage and so force them into the river,
where with their boats they have Ambuscadoes to kill them. When
they have shot a Deare by land, they follow him like blood hounds
Turkies, or Egges,8
all they can catch in their power. In one of these huntings they found
Captaine Smith in the discoverie of the head of the river of
where they slew his men, and tooke him prisoner in a
Bogmire, where he saw those exercises, and gathered these
[25]
One Savage hunting alone, useth the skinne of a Deare slit on
the one side, and so put on his arme, through the neck, so that his
hand comes to the head which is stuffed, and the hornes, head, eies,
eares, and every part as arteficially counterfeited9
Thus shrowding his body in the skinne by stalking he approacheth
the Deare, creeping on the ground from one tree to another. If the
Deare chance to find fault, or stande at gaze, hee turneth the head
with his hand to his best advantage to seeme like a Deare, also gazing
and licking himselfe. So watching his best advantage to approach,
having shot him, hee chaseth him by his blood and straine till he get
him.
hunting alone.
When they intend any warres, the Werowances usually have
the advice of their Priests and Conjurers, and their Allies and ancient friends, but chiefely the Priestes determine their resolution. Every
Werowance, or some lustie fellow, they appoint Captaine over every
nation. They seldome make warre for lands or goods, but for women
and children, and principally for revenge. They have many enimies,
namely all their westernely Countries beyond the mountaines, and
the heads of the rivers. Upon the head of the Powhatans are the
Monacans, whose chiefe habitation is at Russawmeake,1
whome the Mouhemenchughes, the Massinnacacks, the
and other nations pay tributs.2
of Toppahanock is a || people called Mannahoacks. To these are
contributers the Tauxsnitanias, the Shackaconias, the Outponcas,
the Tegoneaes, the Whonkentyaes, the Stegarakes, the
and diverse others,3
though many different in language, and be very barbarous living
for most part of wild beasts and fruits: Beyond the mountaines from
whence is the head of the river Patawomeke, the Savages report
4
salt water, which by all likelyhood is either some part of Cannada
some great lake, or some inlet of some sea that falleth into the South
sea.5
For the heads of all those rivers, especially the Pattawomekes, the
Pautuxuntes. The Sasquesahanocks, the Tockwoughes are
tormented by them: of whose crueltie, they generally
and very importunate they were with Captaine Smith and
his company to free them from these tormentors. To this purpose
they offered food, conduct, assistance, and continuall subjection. To
which he concluded67
his successe, would not thinke it fit to spare him 40 men to be
hazarded in those unknowne regions, having passed (as before was
spoken of) but with 12, and so was lost that opportunitie. Seaven
boats full of these Massawomeks the discoverers encountred at the
head of the Bay; whose Targets, Baskets, Swords, Tobacco pipes,
Platters, Bowes and Arrowes, and every thing shewed, they much
exceeded them of our parts, and their dexteritie in their small boats
made of the barkes of trees sowed with barke and well luted with
gumme,8
[26]
mekes.
subjection.
Against all these enimies the Powhatans are constrained
to fight. Their chiefe attempts are by Stratagems, trecheries,
or surprisals. Yet the Werowances, women and children they put not
to death but keepe them Captives.9
and for our plea-|| sures they shewd it us, and it was in this manner
performed at Mattapanient.1
[27]
Having painted and disguised themselves in the fiercest manner
they could devise. They divided themselves into two Companies,
neare a 100 in a company. The one company Called Monacans, the
other Powhatans. Either army had their Captaine. These as enimies
15 a breast and each ranke from another 4 or 5 yards, not in
fyle, but in the opening betwixt their fyles, So as the Reare could
shoot as conveniently as the Front. Having thus pitched the fields:
from either part went a Messenger with these conditions, that
were vanquished, such as escape upon their submission in 2
daies after should live, but their wives and children should be prize
for the Conquerers. The messengers were no sooner returned, but
they approached in their orders; On each flanke a Sarjeant, and in
the Reare an officer for leuitenant, all duly keeping their orders, yet
leaping and singing after their accustomed tune which they use only
in warres. Upon the first flight of arrowes they gave such horrible
shouts and screeches, as though so many infernall helhounds could
not have made them more terrible. When they had spent their
arrowes they joined together prettily, charging and retiring, every
ranke seconding other. As they got advantage they catched their
enimies by the haire of the head, and downe he came that was taken.
His enimie with his wooden sword seemed to beat out his braines,
and still they crept to the Reare, to maintaine the skirmish. The
Monacans decreasing, the Powhatans charged them in the forme of
a halfe moone; they unwilling to be inclosed, fled all in a troope to
their Ambuscadoes on whome they led them very cunningly. The
Monacans disperse themselves among the fresh men, whereupon the
Powhatans retired, with al speed to their seconds; which the
seeing, took that advantage to retire againe to their owne battell,
and so each || returned to their owne quarter. All their actions, voices
and gestures, both in charging and retiring were so strained to the
hight of their quallitie and nature, that the strangenes thereof made
it seem very delightfull.
of battell.
[28]
For their musicke they use a thicke cane, on which they pipe as
on a Recorder.2
wood. They cover the mouth thereof with a skin, at each corner they
tie a walnut, which meeting on the backside neere the bottome, with
a small rope they twitch them togither till it be so tought and stiffe,
that they may beat upon it as upon a drumme. But their chiefe
are Rattels made of small gourds or Pumpions shels. Of
these they have Base, Tenor, Countertenor, Meane and Trible.
These mingled with their voices sometimes 20 or 30 togither, make
such a terrible noise as would rather affright then delight any man.
If any great commander arrive at the habitation of a Werowance,
they spread a mat as the Turkes3
Upon an other right opposite they sit themselves. Then doe all with
a tunable4
Which they do with such vehemency and so great passions, that they
sweate till they drop, and are so out of breath they can scarce speake.
So that a man would take them to be exceeding angry or starke mad.
Such victuall as they have, they spend freely, and at night where his
lodging is appointed, they set a woman fresh painted red with
Pacones and oile, to be his bedfellow.
Their manner of trading is for copper, beades, and such like, for
which they give such commodities as they have, as skins, fowle, fish,
flesh, and their country corne. But their victuall is their chiefest
riches.
Every spring they make themselves sicke with drinking the
juice of a root they call wighsacan,56
so great a quantity, that it purgeth them in a very violent maner; so
that in 3 or 4 daies after they scarce || recover their former health.
Sometimes they are troubled with dropsies, swellings, aches, and
such like diseases; for cure wherof they build a stove in the form of a
dovehouse7
with a pot, will make the pacient sweate extreamely.8
also they use smal peeces of touchwood,9
which pricking on the griefe they burne close to the flesh, and from
thence draw the corruption with their mouth. With this root wighsa-
can they ordinarily heal greene wounds. But to scarrifie a swelling or
make incision their best instruments are some splinted1
ulcers or putrified hurtes are seldome seene cured amongst them.
They have many professed Phisitions, who with their charmes and
Rattels with an infernall rowt2
sucke their inwarde griefe from their navels3
but of our Chirurgians they were so conceipted, that they beleeved
any Plaister would heale any hurt.
[29]
chirurgery.
to cure.
1. Purchas, Pilgrimes, IV, 1697, adds "and their customes" to the subhead.
2. As of this writing, the Indian population figures for Smith's day are under review,
but no consensus seems to have been reached as yet.
3. This maximum show of fighting men (probably exaggerated by Smith) only
Smith's conviction that the land of Virginia was not populous. England's second
city, Norwich, then had twice as many inhabitants as Powhatan's entire "empire."
4. Cf. the "Breif discription of the People" sent to London in 1607: "their skynn is
tawny not so borne" (Barbour, Jamestown Voyages, I, 103).
5. Wary and wily; from Latin cautela (not caution-em).
6. Although Smith was said to have been in Ireland (see the Introduction to the
True Travels), and Strachey added the Irish word "falinges" in quoting this passage
(Historie, 71), there is no firm evidence that either of them ever visited the island. On
the Irish mantles, see the index to David Beers Quinn, The Elizabethans and the Irish
(Ithaca, N.Y., 1966).
7. Modest; etymologically independent of "shamefaced."
8. Tattooed.
9. There were no rats before the arrival of the colonists. The reference is possibly
to "mussaneeks" (see Barbour, "Earliest Reconnaissance," Pt. II, 37-38), although
muskrats have also been suggested.
1. The "chape" is the metal cap covering the tip of the scabbard of a rapier, dagger,
etc. This is most likely the earliest specific mention of the American rattlesnake, as
by Professor D. B. Quinn (cf. Mitford M. Mathews, ed., A Dictionary of Americanisms
on Historical Principles [Chicago, 1951], s.v. "rattlesnake").
2. Saplings.
3. Smith refers to the rectangular frames lifting the Indian beds slightly from the
ground; perhaps the "tussan" listed in the vocabulary at the beginning (sig. *3r, above).
4. The Generall Historie, 31, has "Some 20 acres, some 40." and so on; and in the
following line, a new sentence begins, "In some places from 2 to 50 of those houses. ..."
5. Cf. pp. 16 and 18, above.
6. Quickly.
7. "Tocknough" is a misreading or misprint of "Tockuough" or "Tockwough"
(see Barbour, "Earliest Reconnaissance," Pt. II, 44); probably the green arrow arum,
the root of which is bulbous. Both the Indian name and the identity of the plant need
further study.
8. I.e., "put together to form one piece."
9. "Bracer" is still the name of the wrist guards used by fencers.
10. Light, round shields.
1. Cf. "tomahacks" and "tockahacks" in the vocabulary at the beginning (sig.
*3r).
2. Corrected to "burning" in the Generall Historie, 31. A handwritten "burn" could
easily be mistaken for "bow."
3. "Ell"; the English ell was 45 in. long.
4. "Pemmenaw" means rather the thread than the grass (see Barbour, "Earliest
Reconnaissance," Pt. II, 41).
5. NE of Cape Charles City (see ibid., Pt. I, 285).
6. See the True Travels, 26-31.
7. Shooting "at random" meant with speed, but without careful aim; shooting
"level" meant carefully, with direct aim (see the True Relation, sig. C1rn). It is worth
noting that the range of ancient composite bows (Roman Empire, c. A.D. 300-400) has
been established: "bowmen were quite accurate up to 50 to 60 meters [55 to 66 yards],"
with an effective range of "at least 160 to 175 meters [175-191 yards]" (Otto J.
The World of the Huns: Studies in Their History and Culture [Berkeley, Calif., 1973],
227). Obviously, with far less "sophisticated" weapons the Indians did very well indeed.
8. "Egges" seems out of place; perhaps a garbled spelling of "geese."
9. Skillfully, ingeniously imitated.
1. Properly, "Rassaweake" (probably a misprint) (see Barbour, "Earliest
Pt. I, 298, s.v. "Rassawek II"; and the True Relation, sig. C1rn).
or "Rassawek" almost certainly means "in between, at the fork." It is the
Algonkian name for (1) the King's house of the Monacans, and (2) the temporary
camp mentioned in the True Relation, sig. C1r.
2. All three tribes are in Barbour, "Earliest Reconnaissance," Pt. I, 290, 292. The
first two were visited by Newport late in 1608 (Generall Historie, 68; enthusiastically
described in Strachey, Historie, 106, 131).
3. Also in Barbour, "Earliest Reconnaissance," Pt. I, 280, 300, 299, 294, 300, 302,
300, and 288, respectively. See the detailed account in the Generall Historie, 63-64,
curiously omitted from the corresponding passages in the Proceedings, 40.
4. See the Generall Historie, 61-62; and the brief reference in the Proceedings, 39-40.
5. See the True Relation, sig. B4vn.
6. Resolved.
7. Envying.
8. "Lute" was a sticky clay. Evidently these were the birchbark canoes of farther
north, as opposed to the dugouts used in Virginia and North Carolina. The distribution
of the two kinds of craft overlapped in southern New England, but there are few
to birchbark canoes south of the Massachusetts Bay area (Bert Salwen, "Indians
of Southern New England and Long Island: Early Period," in William C. Sturtevant,
ed., Handbook of North American Indians, XV, Northeast, ed. Bruce G. Trigger
D.C., 1978], 164). On possible connections between dugouts and Carib canoes, see
William C. Sturtevant, "The Significance of Ethnological Similarities between
North America and the Antilles," Yale University Publications in Anthropology, No.
64 (New Haven, Conn., 1960), 26-27.
9. See the True Relation, B4rn.
1. Probably the chief tribal village on the river of that name, Mattapanient was not
on the Smith/Hole map but did appear on the SmithZúñiga sketch (see Barbour,
"Earliest Reconnaissance," Pt. I, 291, s.v. "Mattapanient III"). Henry Spelman's brief
description of a battle between the Potomacs and the Massawomecks shows the same
sort of fighting (Edward Arber, ed., Captain John Smith ... Works, 1608-1631. The
English Scholar's Library Edition, No. 16 [Birmingham, 1884], cxiv).
2. Called "pawpecone" by the Powhatans (see the vocabulary, sig. *3r above; and
Barbour, "Earliest Reconnaissance," Pt. II, 41).
3. Probably a recollection of Smith's captivity in Turkey (True Travels, 23-32).
4. "Tuneful"; archaic.
5. See p. 13, above. Swanton curiously states that the plant is "of European origin"
(Indians of Southeastern United States, 247), but "wighsacan" has been identified with
reasonable certainty as milkweed, a native Virginia plant (Barbour, "Earliest
Pt. II, 47).
6. Variant of "pour."
7. Dovecote.
8. Cf. the Roman calidarium and the Finnish sauna.
9. Tinder; any easily ignited wood.
1. Split; an obsolete use of "splint."
2. "Rout," loud noise; Scottish and Lincolnshire word.
3. Cf. True Relation, sig. C3r, where "navel [or navle]" has apparently been distorted
into "unable."
There is yet in Virginia no place discovered to bee so Savage in
which the Savages have not a religion, Deare, and Bow, and Arrowes.
they adore with their kinde of divine worship; as the fire, water,
lightning, thunder, our ordinance, peeces, horses, etc. But their
chiefe God they worship is the Divell. Him they call Oke4
him more of feare then love. They say they have conference with
him, and fashion themselves as neare to his shape as they can imagine.
In their Temples they have his image evill favouredly carved, and
then painted and adorned with chaines copper, and beades, and
covered with a skin, in such manner as the deformity may well suit
with such a God. By him is commonly the sepulcher of their kings.
Their bodies are first bowelled, then dryed upon hurdles till they bee
verie dry, and so about the most of their jointes and necke they hang
bracelets or chaines of copper, pearle, and such like, || as they use to
weare, their inwards they stuffe with copper beads and covered with
a skin,5
in white skins and so rowle them in mats for their winding
sheetes. And in the Tombe which is an arch made of mats, they lay
them orderly. What remaineth of this kinde of wealth their kings
have, they set at their feet in baskets. These Temples and bodies are
kept by their Priests.
their kings.
[30]
For their ordinary burials they digge a deep hole in the earth
with sharpe stakes and the corpes being lapped in skins and mats
with their jewels, they lay them upon sticks in the ground, and so
cover them with earth. The buriall ended, the women being painted
all their faces with black cole6
houses mourning and lamenting by turnes, with such yelling and
howling as may expresse their great passions.
burials.
In every Territory of a werowance is a Temple and a Priest 2 or
3 or more. Their principall Temple or place of superstition is at
Uttamussack7
place of Powhatans.
Upon the top of certaine redde sandy hils in the woods, there
are 3 great houses filled with images of their kings and Divels and
Tombes of their Predecessors. Those houses are neare 60 foot in
length built arbor wise after their building. This place they count so
Savages dare not go up the river in boats by it, but that they
solemnly cast some peece of copper, white beads or Pocones into the
river, for feare their Oke should be offended and revenged of them.
In this place commonly is8
from the rest in his ornaments, but inferior Priests could hardly be
knowne from the common people, but that they had not so many
holes in their eares to hang their jewels at. The ornaments of the
chiefe Priest was9
a dosen or 16 or || more snake skins and stuffed them with mosse, and
of weesels and other vermine skins a good many. All these they tie
by their tailes, so as all their tailes meete in the toppe of their head,
like a great Tassell. Round about this Tassell is as it were a crown of
feathers, the skins hang round about his head necke and shoulders
and in a manner cover his face. The faces of all their Priests are
painted as ugly as they can devise, in their hands they had every one
his Rattell, some base, some smaller.1
songs which the chiefe Priest beginneth and the rest followed him,
sometimes he maketh invocations with broken sentences by starts
and strange passions, and at every pause, the rest give a short groane.
for their
Priests.
[31]
It could not bee perceived that they keepe any day as more
holy then other; But only in some great distresse of want, feare of
enimies, times of triumph and gathering togither their fruits, the
whole country of men women and children come togither to
The manner of their devotion is, sometimes to make a great
fire, in the house or fields, and all to sing and dance about it with
rattles and shouts togither, 4 or 5 houres. Sometime they set a man
in the midst, and about him they dance and sing, he all the while
clapping his hands as if he would keepe time, and after their songs
and dauncings ended they goe to their Feasts.
solemnities.
They have also divers conjurations, one they made when
Smith was their prisoner2
more of his countrymen would arive there, and what he there
The manner of it was thus. First they made a faire fire in a
house; about this fire set 7 Priests setting him by them, and about the
fire, they made a circle of meale. That done the chiefe Priest attired
as is expressed began to shake his rattle, and the rest followed him in
his song. At the end of the song, he laid downe 5 or 3 graines of wheat
and so continued counting his songs by the graines, till 3 times they
incirculed the fire, then they di- || vided the graines by certaine
a little sticke. In this manner they sat 8, 10, or 12 houres without
cease, with such strange stretching of their armes, and violent
and gestures as might well seeme strange to him they so
who but every houre expected his end: not any meat they did
eat till late in the evening they had finished this worke, and then
they feasted him and themselves with much mirth, but 3 or 4 daies
they continued this ceremony.
[32]
They have also certaine Altar stones they call Pawcorances,3
these stand from their Temples, some by their houses, other in the
woodes and wildernesses. Upon this they offer blood, deare suet, and
Tobacco. These they doe when they returne from the warres, from
hunting, and upon many other occasions. They have also another
superstition that they use in stormes, when the waters are rough in
the rivers and sea coasts. Their Conjurers runne to the water sides,
or passing in their boats, after many hellish outcries and invocations,
they cast Tobacco, Copper, Pocones or such trash into the water, to
pacifie that God whome they thinke to be very angry in those
stormes. Before their dinners and suppers the better sort will take
the first bit, and cast it in the fire, which is all the grace they are
known to use.
the water.
In some part of the Country they have yearely a sacrifice of
children.4
James Towne and thus performed. Fifteene of the properest young
boyes, betweene 10 and 15 yeares of age they painted white.5
brought them forth the people spent the forenoone in dancing and
singing about them with rattles. In the afternoone they put those
children to the roote of a tree. By them all the men stood in a guard,
every one having a Bastinado6
together. This made a lane betweene them all along, through which
there were appointed 5 young men || to fetch these children: so every
one of the five went through the guard to fetch a child each after
other by turnes, the guard fearelesly7
and they patiently enduring and receaving all, defending
the children with their naked bodies from the unmercifull blowes
that pay them soundly though the children escape. All this while the
skinnes, mosse, and drie wood, as things fitting their childrens
funerals. After the children were thus passed the guard, the guard
tore down the trees, branches, and boughs, with such violence that
they rent the body,8
their haire with the leaves. What else was done with the children,
was not seene, but they were all cast on a heape, in a valley as dead,
where they made a great feast for al the company. The Werowance
being demanded the meaning of this sacrifice,9
children were not al dead, but that the Oke or Divell did sucke the
blood from their left breast, who chanced to be his by lot, till they
were dead, but the rest were kept in the wildernesse by the yong men
till nine moneths were expired, during which time they must not
converse with any, and of these were made their Priests and
This sacrifice they held to bee so necessarie, that if they should
omit it, their Oke or Divel and all their other Quiyoughcosughes which
are their other Gods, would let them have no Deare, Turkies, Corne,
nor fish, and yet besides, hee would make a great slaughter amongst
them.
sacrifices of
children.
[33]
They thinke that their Werowances and Priestes which they
also esteeme Quiyoughcosughes, when they are dead, doe goe beyound
the mountaines towardes the setting of the sun, and ever remaine
there in forme of their Oke, with their heads painted with oile and
Pocones, finely trimmed with feathers, and shal have beades, hatchets,
copper, and tobacco, doing nothing but dance and sing, with all
their Predecessors. But the common people they suppose || shall not
live after death.
[34]
To divert them from this blind idolatrie, many used their best
indeavours, chiefly with the Werowances of Quiyoughcohanock,
whose devotion, apprehension, and good disposition, much exceeded
any in those Countries, who though we could not as yet prevaile
withall to forsake his false Gods, yet this he did beleeve that our God
as much exceeded theirs, as our Gunnes did their Bowes and Arrows
and many times did send to the President, at James towne, men with
presents, intreating them to pray to his God for raine, for his Gods
would not send him any. And in this lamentable ignorance doe these
poore soules sacrifice them selves to the Divell, not knowing their
Creator.1
4. Oke (Okee, Okeus) was the malevolent, vengeful god of the Powhatan tribe (see
Purchas, Pilgrimage [1617 ed.], 954-955, which is summarized in Philip L. Barbour,
Pocahontas and Her World [Boston, 1970], 168-173; and the brief note in Barbour,
"Earliest Reconnaissance," Pt. II, 39, where it is suggested that the name and the deity
may have been borrowed from the Iroquoian Hurons, despite many arguments to the
contrary).
5. The phrase "and covered with a skin" appears to have been repeated here by
printer's error (see p. 29); it was deleted in the Generall Historie, 35. Cf. similar accounts
in Quinn, Roanoke Voyages, I, 425-427; and in Arber, Smith, Works, I, cix-cx. There is a
summary in Swanton, Indians of Southeastern United States, 718-729.
6. Charcoal, soot, burnt wood.
7. The site of the principal Pamunkey temple (see Barbour, "Earliest
Pt. I, 301).
8. Corrected to "are" in the Generall Historie, 35.
9. Corrected to "were" (ibid.).
1. "Some base, some treble" (Purchas, Pilgrimage, 639).
2. The rest of this paragraph is transferred in the Generall Historie from p. 36 to p. 48,
with minor alterations.
3. Strachey's definition, pokoranse, "a mineral stone" (Historie, 196), helps little in
the identification of Smith's word (see Barbour, "Earliest Reconnaissance," Pt. II, 40).
4. With regard to this paragraph, see Philip L. Barbour, "The Riddle of the Black
Boyes," VMHB, LXXXVIII (1980), 148-154. Smith misinterpreted much of what he
saw.
5. The marginal note in the Generall Historic, 36, adds: "which they call
an obvious error for "blake-boyes" ("blake" was a northern English dialect word
meaning "pale, dead white"). See ibid., 36n.
6. An erroneous English application of Spanish bastonada, "a blow with a cudgel,"
from bastón, "cudgel."
7. Boldly.
8. Trunk, main stem.
9. The single, though long, sentence -- "The Werowance being demanded ... and
of these were made their Priests and Conjurers" -- is expanded in Purchas, Pilgrimes,
IV, 1702, with suppositions and elaborations that must have been born in Purchas's
fertile brain, stimulated by a face-to-face meeting in London with Powhatan's
Tomocomo (see Barbour, Pocahontas, 171-173).
1. The Generall Historie, 37, adds: "and we had not language sufficient, so plainly to
expresse it as [to] make them understand it; which God grant they may."
Although the countrie people be very barbarous, yet have they
amongst them such governement, as that their Magistrats for good
commanding, and their people for du subjection, and obeying, excell
many places that would be counted very civill. The forme of their
Common wealth is a monarchicall governement, one as Emperour
ruleth over many kings or governours.2
Powhatan, and taketh his name of the principall place of dwelling
called Powhatan. But his proper name is Wahunsonacock. Some
countries he hath which have been his ancestors, and came unto him
by inheritance, as the countrie called Powhatan, Arrohateck,
Pamaunke, Youghtanund, and Mattapanient. All the rest
of his Territories expressed in the Map, they report have beene his
severall conquests. In all his ancient inheritances, hee hath houses
built after their manner like arbours, some 30 some 40 yardes long,
and at every house provision for his entertainement according to the
time. At Werowocomoco, he was seated upon the Northside of the
river Pamaunke, some 14 miles from James Towne, where for the
most part, hee was resident,3
neare neigh-|| bourhood, that were able to visit him against his will
in 6 or 7 houres, that he retired himself to a place in the deserts at
the top of the river Chickahamania betweene Youghtanund and
Powhatan. His habitation there is called Orapacks where he
now resideth. He is of parsonage4
man, with a sower looke, his head somwhat gray, his beard so thinne
that it seemeth none at al, his age neare 60; of a very able and hardy
body to endure any labour. About his person ordinarily attendeth a
guard of 40 or 50 of the tallest men his Country doth afford. Every
night upon the 4 quarters of his house are 4 Sentinels each standing
from other a flight shoot, and at every halfe houre one from the
Corps du guard doth hollowe, unto whome every Sentinell doth
answer round from his stand; if any faile, they presently send forth
an officer that beateth him extreamely.
[35]
of Powhatan.
and watch.
A mile from Orapakes in a thicket of wood hee hath a house in
which he keepeth his kind of Treasure, as skinnes, copper, pearle,
and beades, which he storeth up against the time of his death and
buriall. Here also is his store of red paint for ointment, and bowes
and arrowes. This house is 50 or 60 yards in length, frequented only
by Priestes. At the 4 corners of this house stand 4 Images as Sentinels,
one of a Dragon, another a Beare, the 3 like a Leopard5
6
their best workmanship.
He hath as many women as he will, whereof when hee lieth on
his bed, one sitteth at his head, and another at his feet, but when he
sitteth, one sitteth on his right hand and another on his left. As he is
wearie of his women, hee bestoweth them on those that best deserve
them at his hands. When he dineth or suppeth, one of his women
before and after meat, bringeth him water in a woden platter to wash
his hands. Another waiteth with a bunch of feathers to wipe them
insteed of a Towell, and the feathers when he hath wiped are dryed
againe. His kingdome des- || cendeth not to his sonnes nor children,
but first to his brethren, whereof he hath 3. namely Opitchapan,
Opechancanough, and Catataugh, and after their decease to his
sisters. First to the eldest sister then to the rest and after them to the
heires male and female of the eldest sister, but never to the heires of
the males.
[36]
He nor any of his people understand any letters wherby to write
or read, only the lawes whereby he ruleth is custome. Yet when he
listeth his will is a law and must bee obeyed: not only as a king but
as halfe a God they esteeme him. His inferiour kings whom they cal
werowances are tyed to rule by customes, and have power of life and
death at their command in that nature. But this word Werowance
which we call and conster7
they call all commanders: for they have but fewe words in their
language, and but few occasions to use anie officers more then one
commander, which commonly they call werowances. They all knowe
their severall landes,8
hunt in, but they hold all of their great Werowance9
whome they pay tribute of skinnes, beades, copper, pearle, deare,
turkies, wild beasts, and corne. What he commandeth they dare not
disobey in the least thing. It is strange to see with what great feare
and adoration all these people doe obay this Powhatan. For at his
feet they present whatsoever hee commandeth, and at the least
frowne of his browe, their greatest spirits will tremble with feare:
and no marvell, for he is very terrible and tyrannous in punishing
such as offend him. For example hee caused certaine malefactors to
be bound hand and foot, then having of many fires gathered great
store of burning coles, they rake these coles round in the forme of a
cockpit, and in the midst they cast the offenders to broyle to death.
Somtimes he causeth the heads of them that offend him, to be laid
their braines. When he would punish any notorious enimie or
malefac- || tor, he causeth him to be tied to a tree, and with muscle
shels or reeds, the executioner cutteth of his joints one after another,
ever casting what they cut of into the fire; then doth he proceed with
shels and reeds to case the skinne from his head and face; then doe
they rip his belly and so burne him with the tree and all. Thus
reported they executed George Cassen.10
is to beate them with cudgels. Wee have seene a man
on his knees, and at Powhatans command, two men have beat
him on the bare skin, till he hath fallen senselesse in a sound,1
yet never cry nor complained.
authority.
their lands.
punishments.
[37]
In the yeare 1608, hee surprised the people of Payankatank his
neare neighbours and subjects.2
but the manner was this. First he sent diverse of his men as to lodge
amongst them that night, then the Ambuscadoes invironed al their
houses, and at the houre appointed, they all fell to the spoile, 24 men
they slewe, the long haire of the one side of their heades with the
skinne cased off with shels or reeds, they brought away.3
also the women and the children and the Werowance. All
these they present4
became his prisoners, and doe him service. The lockes of haire
with their skinnes he hanged on a line unto two trees. And thus he
made ostentation of as great a triumph at Werowocomoco, shewing
them to the English men that then came unto him at his
they expecting provision, he to betray them, supposed to halfe
conquer them by this spectacle of his terrible crueltie.
And this is as much as my memory can call to mind worthie of
note; which I have purposely collected, to satisfie my friends of the
true worth and qualitie of Virginia. Yet some bad natures will not
sticke to slander the Countrey, that will slovenly spit at all things,5
especially in company where they can find none to contradict them.
Who though they were scarse ever 10 miles from James Town, or at
the most but at the falles; yet holding it a great disgrace that || amongst
so much action, their actions were nothing, exclaime of all things,
thing but devoure the fruits of other mens labours. Being for most
part of such tender educations and small experience in martiall
accidents, because they found not English cities, nor such faire
houses, nor at their owne wishes any of their accustomed dainties,
with feather beds and downe pillowes, Tavernes and alehouses in
every breathing place, neither such plenty of gold and silver and
liberty as they expected, had little or no care of any thing, but
to pamper their bellies, to fly away with our Pinnaces, or procure
their means to returne for England. For the Country was to them a
miserie, a ruine, a death, a hell, and their reports here, and their
owne actions there according.
[38]
Some other there were that had yearely stipends to pass to and
againe for transportation:6
in themselves, though they had neither time nor meanes to knowe
much of themselves; yet al mens actions or relations they so formally
tuned to the temporizing times simplicitie, as they could make their
ignorances seeme much more, then al the true actors could by their
experience. And those with their great words deluded the world with
such strange promises as abused the businesse much worse then the
rest. For the businesse being builded upon the foundation of their
fained experience, the planters, the mony, time,7
still miscaried: yet they ever returning, and the Planters so farre
absent, who could contradict their excuses? which stil to maintain
their vaineglory and estimation, from time to time they have used
such diligence as made them passe for truthes, though nothing more
false. And that the adventurers might be thus abused, let no man
wonder; for the wisest living is soonest abused by him that hath a
faire tongue and a dissembling heart.
There were many in Virginia meerely projecting, verbal || and
idle contemplatours, and those so devoted to pure idlenesse, that
though they had lived two or three yeares in Virginia, lordly, necessitie
it selfe could not compell them to passe the Peninsula, or Pallisadoes
of James Towne, and those wittie spirits, what would they not affirme
in the behalfe of our transporters to get victuall from their ships, or
obtaine their good words in England to get their passes. Thus from
the clamors and the ignorance of false informers, are sprung those
disasters that sprung in Virginia, and our ingenious verbalists8
no lesse plague to us in Virginia, then the Locusts to the Egyptians.
For the labour of 30 of the best only preserved in Christianitie by
their industrie the idle livers of neare 200 of the rest: who living neer
10 months of such naturall meanes, as the Country naturally of it
Savages, the extremitie of sicknesse, mutinies, faction, ignorances,
and want of victuall; in all that time I lost but 7 or 8 men, yet
the Savages to our desired obedience, and receaved
from 35 of their kings, to protect and assist them against any
that should assalt them, in which order they continued true and
faithful, and as subjects to his Majestie, so long after as I did govern
there, untill I left the Country: since, how they have revolted, the
Countrie lost, and againe replanted, and the businesses hath
from time to time, I referre you to the relations of them
returned from Virginia, that have bin more diligent in such 9
[39]
2. In the face of this and other passages in the same spirit, it is interesting to
that many authorities continue to refer to "the Powhatan Confederacy."
3. The Generall Historie, 37, adds: "when I was delivered him prisoner."
4. "Personage"; personal appearance.
5. The "Dragon" was surely a wolf, and the "Leopard" a lynx.
6. Often written as one word; "made to look ugly."
7. Variant of "construe," in the sense of "explain" here.
8. In the marginal note opposite, "tenor" was an archaic, if not obsolete, variant
of "tenure."
9. The Generall Historie, 38, has: "Werowance, or Caucorouse, which is Captaine."
The meaning is that the people have no rights or property other than from the great
werowance, Powhatan.
10. Purchas attributed the account of Cassen's "execution" to William White, a
laborer who had lived with the Indians apparently at that time: "William White
... that ... being stripped naked and bound to two stakes, with his backe against
a great fire: then did they rippe him and burne his bowels, and dried his flesh to the
bones, which they kept above ground in a by-roome" (Pilgrimage [1614 ed.], 767). Cassen
is briefly referred to in the Proceedings, 13, and the Generall Historie, 46.
1. "Swoon"; a variant spelling.
2. Strachey repeats the story of Payankatank (Historie, 44-45) and later adds an
account of a similar attack on the Chesapeake tribe (ibid., 104-105).
3. The first report of "scalping" by the Virginia Indians; the verb seems to be first
recorded in 1676 (OED).
4. The Generall Historie, 38, uses the past tense, "presented."
5. Cf. New Englands Trials (1622), sig. D1v.
6. The reference is probably to Captain Newport.
7. The word is omitted from the Generall Historie, 39.
8. "One who deals in, or directs his attention to, words only, apart from reality or
meaning" (OED); possibly the first appearance of the word in print.
9. The Generall Historie, 39, adds: "John Smith writ this with his owne hand"; and
omits "FINIS."
The page numbers below refer to the boldface numerals in the margins of the present
text, which record the pagination of the original edition used as copy text. The word
or words before the bracket show the text as emended by the editor; the word or
words after the bracket reproduce the copy text. The wavy dash symbol used after
the bracket stands for a word that has not itself been changed but that adjoins a
changed word or punctuation mark. The inferior caret, also used only after the
bracket, signifies the location of missing punctuation in the copy text.
The following list has been inserted at the request of the editorial staff of the Institute
of Early American History and Culture. It records possible compound words that
were hyphenated at the end of the line in the copy text. In each case the editor had
to decide for the present edition whether to print the word as a single word or as a
hyphenated compound. The material before the bracket indicates how the word is
printed in the present edition; the material after the bracket indicates how the word
was broken in the original. The wavy dash symbol indicates that the form of the
word has been unchanged from the copy text. Numerals refer to the page number of
the copy text (the boldface numerals in the margin in this edition) and to the line
number (counting down from the boldface number) in the present edition.
A MAP OF VIRGINIA. || WITH A DESCRIPTI- || ON OF THE
THE || Commodities, People, Govern- || ment and Religion. || Written by
Captaine SMITH, sometimes Go- || vernour of the Countrey. || WHEREUNTO IS
THE || proceedings of those Colonies, since their first || departure from
England, with the discourses, || Orations, and relations of the Salvages, || and the
accidents that befell || them in all their Journies || and discoveries. || TAKEN FAITHFULLY
AS THEY || were written out of the writings of || Doctor Russell. || Tho.
Studley. || Anas Todkill. || Jeffra Abot. || Richard Wiefin. || Will. Phetti-Place
|| Nathaniel Powell. || Richard Pots. || And the relations of divers other
diligent observers there || present then, and now many of them in England, || By W. S.
|| [Ornament] || AT OXFORD, || Printed by Joseph Barnes. 1612. ||
[Title of the second part:] THE || PROCEEDINGS OF || THE ENGLISH
COLONIE IN || Virginia since their first beginning from || England in the yeare
of our Lord 1606, || till this present 1612, with all their || accidents that befell them in their
|| Journies and Discoveries. || Also the Salvages discourses, orations and relations || of
the Bordering neighbours, and how they be- || came subject to the English. || Un-
folding even the fundamentall causes from whence have sprang so many mise- || ries to the
undertakers, and scandals to the businesses taken faith- || fully as they were written out of the
writings of Thomas || Studley the first provant maister, Anas Todkill, Walter || Russell Doctor
of Phisicke, Nathaniell Powell, || William Phettyplace, Richard Wyffin, Tho- || mas Abbay,
Tho: Hope, Rich: Polts and || the labours of divers other dili- || gent observers, that were
|| residents in Virginia. And perused and confirmed by diverse now resident in || England that
were actors in this busines. || By W. S. || [Ornament] || AT OXFORD, || Printed by
Joseph Barnes. 1612. ||
Quarto: Map of Va., pp. [8], 39; Proceedings, [4], 110. Map of Va., in four,
title, "To the Hand" by "T. A.," and glossary of Indian words, A-E in fours;
Proceedings, A-O in fours, P in two, the second blank. (STC 22791).
[Copies in the New York Public Library and the Rosenbach Foundation
(Philadelphia) collections have inserted dedications to Sir Edward Seymour, earl
of Hertford, by John Smith; and the Kane copy, now at Princeton University, has
a dedication to Thomas Watson and John Bingley by Philip Fote, which the revised
STC suggests may be a joke, since all copies have the dedication "To the Hand,"
by T[homas] A[bbay]. But see Barbour, Three Worlds, 468, with a reference to
Philip Foote.]
Purchas his Pilgrimage. Or Relations Of The World ... (extracts from Smith's
manuscripts), by Samuel Purchas (London).
Pilgrimage (extracts from Smith's manuscripts), by Purchas (London).
Pilgrimage (extracts), by Purchas (London).
The Generall Historie of Virginia, New-England, and the Summer Isles ... (virtual
reprint of the Map of Va. and revised edition of the Proceedings) (London).
Hakluytus Posthumus, or Purchas His Pilgrimes ... (partly reprinted with
and additions), by Samuel Purchas (London).
Captain John Smith ... Works, 1608-1631, ed. Edward Arber
See the list of issues of the Arber text in the General Introduction at the
beginning of this volume.
Narratives of Early Virginia, 1606-1625, ed. Lyon Gardiner Tyler (New York)
(repr. 1930, 1959).
The Jamestown Voyages under the First Charter, 1606-1609, ed. Philip L.
(Cambridge).
* The Map of Virginia was not entered in the Stationers' Register.
The lists should be read clockwise, beginning with a point just south of Cape Henry
in the Atlantic Ocean to a point north of Cape Charles. (Hole's scale is 20 leagues
to 1° latitude, with 1 league equal to 3 nautical miles. To facilitate comparison with
modern road and geographical maps, all leagues have been converted into statute
miles.)
The place and river names on the schedule below are listed in the same fashion as
on the map, with the following exceptions: (1) English place and river names, along
with the details of the changes made in the various states, are not listed below; and
(2) peripheral nations or tribes, conspicuously shown on the map, but barely known
to Smith, are not listed here, but rather on Schedule C. The spellings on this schedule
follow those on the map. On this schedule the "Kings howses" are marked "KH."
Reading up, Powhatan [James] River, right bank.
Reading down, Powhatan [James] River, left bank.
Reading up, Chickahamania [Chickahominy] River, right bank.
(The nation had no werowances, and no kings' houses.)
Reading down, Chickahamania [Chickahominy] River, left bank.
Reading down, Powhatan [James] River, left bank.
Reading up, Pamaunk [York] River, right bank.
Reading up, Youghtanund [Pamunkey] River, right bank.
Reading down, Youghtanund [Pamunkey] River, left bank.
Reading up, Mattapanient [Mattaponi] River, right bank.
Reading down, Mattapanient [Mattaponi] River, left bank.
Reading down, Pamaunk [York] River, left bank.
Payankatank [Piankatank] River.
Reading up, Toppahanock [Rappahannock] River, right bank.
Reading down, Toppahanock [Rappahannock] River, left bank.
Chesapeack Bay
Reading up, Patawomeck [Potomac] River, right bank.
Reading down, Patawomeck [Potomac] River, left bank.
Reading up, Pawtuxunt [Patuxent] River, right bank.
Reading down, Pawtuxunt [Patuxent] River, left bank.
Northwest of Chesapeake Bay.
Reading up, Sasqusahanough [Susquehanna] River, right bank.
Reading down, Sasqusahanough [Susquehanna] River, left bank.
North and Northeast of Chesapeake Bay.
The Eastern Shore, North to South.
If the 28 English place-names are added to the foregoing 166, the total is close to
the estimate of "about two hundred place-names" in Joseph Sabin et al., eds., A
Dictionary of Books Relating to America, XX (New York, 1927-1928), 247.
The Chowans, first known to Ralegh's men, and not visited by Smith. They
were of Algonkian speech.
The Mangoags, also first known to Ralegh's men, and not visited by Smith.
They were Iroquoians (Tuscarora), though the name is Carolina Algonkian.
The Monacans seem to have been Siouans. Captain Newport penetrated
their territory with a 120-man detachment in 1608, but what little Smith knew
about them came from the Powhatans. The name is Algonkian, and possibly refers
to their manner of digging the ground.
The Mannahoacks were probably of the same stock as the Monacans, but
the name is possibly another version of "Mangoags," an abusive epithet meaning,
roughly, "adders."
The Massawomecks, an Iroquoian people, were either the same as, or a
people contiguous to, the Pocoughtaonacks mentioned in Smith's True Relation (sig.
C2r). For the possible identity of the two, see Bernard G. Hoffman, "Observations
on Certain Ancient Tribes of the Northern Appalachian Province," Smithsonian
Institution, Bureau of American Ethnology, Anthropological Papers, No. 70
D.C., 1964).
The Sasquesahanoughs (later known as the Conestogas) were also
living to the east of the Massawomecks, above the falls in the Susquehanna
River. The unusual size of the tribesmen Smith chanced to meet is attested by
Thomas Campanius Holm, the Swede who published a small Susquehanna
in 1696.
The Atquanachukes appear in A. van der Donck's "Map of New
(1656), about halfway between Philadelphia and Atlantic City. They were
mentioned to Smith by the Tockwoghs, and their language may have been
though not understood by the Powhatans.
The Tockwoghs were an Algonkian nation that later merged with the
Kuskarawaoks to form the so-called Nanticokes of Pennsylvania.
The Kuskarawaoks, another Algonkian people, were famous for their
of shell beads, locally called "roanoke," a southern counterpart of New
England "wampum" or "peak."
1612
The Proceedings is an often uneven, unclear compilation of accounts of what
happened to the settlers of the first permanent English colony on the western
side of the Atlantic Ocean. Deficient in many respects though it be, it
the only surviving comprehensive narrative of the undertaking during
the period from late 1606 to mid-1610.
There are, however, several piecemeal accounts that are more detailed
for this or that aspect of the story: the transatlantic voyage, the first
the weeks immediately following the foundation of Jamestown, the
period after the first deadly epidemic, and the "interregnum" from the close
of Smith's administration to the rebirth of the colony under Lord De La
Warr. These are the principal additional authorities:
George Percy, whose "Discourse" contains details of the sailing of
the fleet and of the voyage after Martinique was sighted. He also chronicled
the first landing in Virginia and the events from then until September 19,
1607, and included a partial necrology.1
The anonymous author of the "Relatyon" (probably Gabriel
Archer, and so attributed in the present work), who recounted the river
voyage up the James to modern Richmond and some subsequent
in Jamestown from May 21 to June 21, 1607, when Captain Newport
sailed back to England.2
Edward Maria Wingfield, whose "Discourse" is an apologia in
which he stands up for his record as president of the council in Virginia and
relates the events surrounding his deposition, with sidelights on the behavior
of several colonists.3
William Strachey, whose "Reportory" narrates the shipwreck of
Gates's flagship on July 23, 1609, the eventual landing in Jamestown, and
the arrival of Lord De La Warr, c. July 15, 1610.4
George Percy, again, whose later "Relacyon" contains a detailed
1612, though it was not written until after Smith's Generall Historie was
in 1624.5
There are of course other, less full, accounts scattered far and wide in
England and the United States. From these, many details can be culled,
especially for specific dates and personal names. But in none of these sources
is anything to be found, so far as the editor's experience is concerned, which
would negate or contradict any substantial statement in the Proceedings, such
trivialities as dates or numbers excepted. Percy, for example, though he
comes close to calling Smith a liar, goes Smith's Generall Historie one better
by painting a more harrowing picture of the "starving time" in Jamestown
than any passage there or in the Proceedings. Then, with magnificent
he states that while hundreds were dying of starvation in Jamestown,
he, the acting governor, waited until mid-May 1610 to sail forty miles down
the river to Old Point Comfort to find the colonists there "in good case [well
off]" and "so well stored [supplied] thatt the Crabb fishes wherewith they
had fedd their hogges would have bene a greate relefe unto us and saved
many of our Lyves."6
Percy's pride was evidently hurt by Smith's greater interest in himself
(naturally) than in Percy, whom Smith does slight. (The questions arise,
how much did Percy do for the colony? and was Percy merely standing up
for the blue bloods, one of whom was Wingfield?) But it is unfortunate for
historians that Percy did not trouble to specify Smith's alleged "falseties and
malicyous detractyons," which Percy mentioned to his brother, the earl of
Northumberland, in a letter that served as a preface to his "Relacyon."7
In a sense, this is beside the point, because Percy's resentment was
stirred by the Generall Historie, not by the Proceedings. But personal
of this sort tends to spread into unexpected areas. While we can
the social causes of the scorn a Percy or a Wingfield felt for a yeoman's
son,8
Brown of Nelson County, Virginia, toward John Smith of Lincolnshire is
hardly defensible. Percy was petulant over lack of recognition of his
Brown merely despised Smith and all his works -- including books in
which Smith took little part.
To summarize the Proceedings, then, the participation of two or three
(or more) writers can be established, at the risk of some error. We do not
inserted in the right places; indeed, the Generall Historie indicates that several
were left out. Furthermore, the style of writing by and large is so loose that
it is all but impossible to put a finger on any given passage and say, "this is
so-and-so's work." Yet, if the names published in the Proceedings can be
accepted as generally correct, the following observations may be sound.
The list of names of original settlers (pp. 6-8) was probably compiled
by Thomas Studley, since he was responsible for the distribution of the
colony's stores. But why the story of Smith's capture was reduced to less than
a skeleton is a mystery that perhaps can be blamed on Symonds or one of
his fellow divines. Other details, such as the attempts to abandon the colony,
are attested in other records.
Chapters 1 and 2, which are credited in the Proceedings entirely to
Studley, seem more likely to have been the work of John Smith, perhaps
aided by others (see the Generall Historie, 50). Chapters 3 and 4 could well
have been written primarily by Anas Todkill. Studley's name may persist as
a coauthor only because the division into chapters was carelessly made.
That Walter Russell and Anas Todkill produced the material for
Chapter 5 would not be surprising. Both of them went on the expedition
therein described. By the same token, the combination of Nathaniel Powell
and Anas Todkill is entirely logical for Chapter 6. It might even be suggested
that Powell, not Studley, worked with Todkill on Chapters 3 and 4.
Chapters 7 to 9, including various lists of names, are ascribed to Richard
Wiffin and William Phettiplace, as well as to Todkill. Here it is important to
remember that both Wiffin and Phettiplace (along with the latter's brother
Michael) collaborated in producing a lengthy bit of doggerel in
of Smith's Description of New England. That they were devoted
of Smith is thus unquestioned, and this devotion is reflected in
William Phettiplace's joining Richard Pots (the acknowledged compiler of
the Proceedings) in preparing the rest of the book, barring a few paragraphs
of unsigned post-Smithian narrative.
Such is the makeup of the Proceedings. Regardless of its many defects, it
is an effective revelation of the tragicomic, melodramatic yet apathetic, and
intensely human trials that beset the "invaders" of America.9
In theory, this work was subjected to the editorial scrutiny of William
Symonds (see the Biographical Directory). As has been pointed out in the
Introduction to the Map of Virginia, the Proceedings forms the second part of
accompanying text called "A Description of the Countrey." During the
printing of the "Description," Symonds was presumably at work pulling
together the at times incoherent narratives that Richard Pots had gathered,
surely with the aid of Capt. John Smith. That the Proceedings was in fact
regarded as a separate work is clearly indicated in Samuel Purchas's Pil-
grimage (1614), in which he refers to Richard Pots, Thomas Studley, and the
rest as the authors of the account of Bartholomew Gosnold's colonizing
activities in the Chesapeake Bay area as distinguished from Smith's
which he notes have been "since printed at Oxford."1
no hint that the Pots/Studley book was already in print at the time Purchas
wrote, merely that Smith's book was.
By way of further differentiation between the two books, it may be
pointed out that the type used in the Proceedings is "English" (14-point),
while that of the Map of Virginia is "pica" (12-point),2
different cases of type, frames, and so on.
In any event, it is important that such readers as may study Smith's
works from the historical, ethnographical, or other specialized point of view
carefully consider the Proceedings before going on to read the Generall Historie,
particularly Book III. This book is considerably expanded from the Proceed-
ings and contains material not found there, but many footnotes that appear
in this volume are not repeated in Volume II of this edition, to avoid
repetition. Indeed, such readers should exercise great care in
the two texts with an eye to building a complete text.
To the end of keeping Smith's period before the reader -- the life-style
and the philosophical yet narrow attitudes -- the marginal notes of Purchas's
reprinted version of the Proceedings have been quoted in full in their original
places. Also, the editor has perhaps erred to the point of redundancy in
"translating" common seventeenth-century words. The authors of the Pro-
ceedings, including Smith, lived in the age of Shakespeare, Bacon, and Ben
Jonson, and they wrote in their language, though they did not have their
command of that language. The editor's aim has been to dispel as many
patches of Elizabethan and Jacobean fog (including wisps of dialect) as
practicable.
With regard to the question of the extent to which Smith himself
to the accounts included in the Proceedings, there are details that he
must have supplied here and there. There are other details that he could not
have provided, though he may well have added personal touches. In fact,
it seems especially probable that he had a considerable hand in the
Studley is said to have died on August 28, 1607,3
was appointed to take over some duties that must have been Studley's (p. 11).
As a result, Smith could have acquired such papers and notes as Studley had,
if any, and incorporated them with his own.
1. See Samuel Purchas, Hakluytus Posthumus, or Purchas His Pilgrimes ... (London, 1625), IV,
1685-1690 (repr. in Philip L. Barbour, ed., The Jamestown Voyages under the First Charter, 1606-1609
[Hakluyt Society, 2d Ser., CXXXVI-CXXXVII (Cambridge, 1969)], I, 129-146).
2. MS in State Papers, Colonial, C.O. 1/1, fols. 46r-52r, Public Record Office, London
(printed in Barbour, Jamestown Voyages, I, 80-98).
3. MS 250, Lambeth Palace Library (London), fols. 382-396 (printed in Barbour, James-
town Voyages, 1, 213-234).
4. Printed in Purchas, Pilgrimes, IV, 1734-1758 (repr. in Louis B. Wright, ed., A Voyage to
Virginia in 1609, Two Narratives: Strachey's "True Reportory" and Jourdain's Discovery of the Bermudas,
Jamestown Documents [Charlottesville, Va., 1964]).
5. MS 106, Elkins Collection, Free Library of Philadelphia (printed in Tyler's Quarterly Historical
and Genealogical Magazine, III [1922], 259-282).
6. George Percy, "Trewe Relacyon," Tyler's Qtly., III (1922), 268, with some errors in
7. See Philip L. Barbour, "The Honorable George Percy, Premier Chronicler of the First
Virginia Voyage," Early American Literature, VI (1971), 12-13.
8. See Robert Burton, The Anatomy of Melancholy ... (Oxford, 1621; 2d ed., "By Democritus
Junior," 1624), II, on "Baseness of Birth."
9. Cf. Francis Jennings, The Invasion of America: Indians, Colonialism, and the Cant of Conquest
(Chapel Hill, N.C., 1975).
1. Samuel Purchas, Purchas his Pilgrimage. Or Relations Of The World ... (London, 1614), 756-
757, 760.
2. At the editor's request, David Woodward of the Newberry Library, Chicago, confirmed
this point.
If Smith's True Relation suffered from poor editing and printers' carelessness,
here the problem is a simple lack of elementary organization. On the title
page of Part I (the Map of Virginia proper), the writings of eight authors are
mentioned as sources for Part II (the Proceedings), but the title page of that
part names nine. Then, the heading of Chapter 1 contains only six names,
although Chapters 2, 4, 5, 6, 9, and 12 are signed by a total of seven. In
addition, in the reprint of the Proceedings in the Generall Historie, Book III, the
authorship varies from the original, with names of a few other contributors
added. It therefore seems wise to summarize these details here. Since it is not
the editor's intent to establish any of the putative authors as an author in
fact, John Smith's contributions have been ignored in the following table.
[Although the Proceedings constitutes the second part of the Map of Virginia, it was published as an
independent volume, with its own title page (which makes no reference to the Map of Virginia) and its own
address "To the Reader." Only at the very end does W[illiam] S[ymonds]'s envoi refer to Capt. John
Smith's active intervention in its preparation. Expanded to form Bk. III of Smith's Generall Historie in 1624,
the Proceedings was then reprinted, with many cuts, in Samuel Purchas's Pilgrimes, as chap. IV of bk. IX of
pt. II, with an abridged version of the original title page and, after the list of authors, due credit to Smith:
"and since enlarged out of the Writings of Captain John Smith, principall Agent and Patient in these
Virginian Occurrents, from the beginning of the Plantation 1606. till Anno 1610. somewhat abridged."
Purchas (Hakluytus Posthumus, or Purchas His Pilgrimes [London, 1625], IV, 1705) adds a marginal note
pertinent to the name of Richard Pot[s]: "I have many written Treatises lying by me, written by Captaine
Smith and others, some there, some here after [their] returne: but because these have alreadie scene the
light, and containe a full relation of Virginian affaires, I was loth to wearie the Reader with others of this
time."
For comments on the writers, see the editor's Introduion, above. "W. S." refers to the Reverend
William Symonds, M.A., later created D.D.; see the Biographical Directory. "Rich: Polts" is Richard Pots.
The editor is grateful to The Newberry Library, Chicago, for permission to reproduce this title page.]
3. See Purchas, Pilgrimes, IV, 1690; and Barbour, Jamestown Voyages, I, 144.
4. Died Aug. 24, 1607.
5. "G. P." in the Generall Historie, 94, is very likely an error for "W. P."
6. Pots probably assembled the material (see below, sig. A2r).
7. Died Aug. 28, 1607.
[A2 r]
Long hath the world longed, but to be truely satisfied what
Virginia is, with the truth of those proceedings, from whence hath
flowne so manie reports of worth, and yet few good effects of the
charge,1
yet but to be truely satisfied therein. If any can resolve this doubt it
is those that have lived residents in the land: not salers, or passengers,
nor such mercinary contemplators, that only bedeck themselves with
others plumes. This discourse is not from such, neither am I the
author, for they are many, whose particular discourses are signed by
their names. This solid treatise, first was compiled by Richard Pots,2
since passing the hands of many to peruse, chancing into my hands,
(for that I know them honest men, and can partly well witnesse their
relations true) I could do no lesse in charity to the world then
nor in conscience, but approve. By the advise of many grave
and understanding gentlemen, that have pressed it, to the presse, it
was thought fit to publish it, rather in its owne rude phrase then
other waies. For that nothing can so purge that famous action from
the infamous scandal some ignorantly have conceited, as the plaine
simple and naked truth. For defect whereof the businesse is still
the truth unknowne,3
and neglected, some by false reports, others by conjecture, and such
power hath flattry to ingender of those, hatred and affection, that
one is sufficient to beguile more, then 500 can || keepe from being
deceived.
[A2 v]
But this discourse is no Judge of mens manners, nor catalogue
of their former courses; only a reporter of their actions in Virginia,
not to disgrace any, accuse any, excuse any, nor flatter any; for which
cause there is no wrong done but this, shortnesse in complaining, and
so sparing in commending as only the reader may perceive the truth
for his paines, and the action purged of foule slander; it can detract
from none that intendeth there to adventure their fortunes; and to
speake truly of the first planters, that brake the yce and beate the
path, howsoever many difficulties obscured their indevours, he were
worse then the worst of Ingrates, that would not spare them memory
that have buried themselves in those forrain regions. From whose
first adventures may spring more good blessings then are yet
So I rest thine, that will read, peruse, and understand me. If
in souldiers, that not being able to write learnedly, onlie strive to
speake truely, and be understood without an Interpreter.
1. Returns on the investment.
2. Richard Pots had arrived on Jan. 2, 1608, and was apparently clerk of the council
when Smith left in Oct. 1609 (Generall Historie, 94).
3. On Dec. 14, 1610, Richard Martin, secretary to the Virginia Company council
in London, wrote to his friend William Strachey, secretary of the colony in Jamestown,
asking for the truth (S. G. Culliford, William Strachey, 1572-1621 [Charlottesville, Va.,
1965], 123, 125).
4. Thomas Abbay arrived with the second supply, late in 1608; his family name was
known in Hertfordshire.
[1]
IT might wel be thought, a countrie so faire
(as Virginia is) and a people so tractable,
would long ere this have beene quietly
possessed, to the satisfaction of the
and the eternizing of the memorie
of those that affected it. But because all
the world doe see a defailement;2
Treatise shall give satisfaction to
all indifferent3
hath beene carried, where no doubt they
will easily understand and answer to their question, howe it came to
passe there was no better speed and successe in those proceedings.
Captaine Bartholomew Gosnold,4
having many yeares solicited many of his friends, but found
small assistants; at last prevailed with some Gentlemen, as Master
Edward Maria Wingfield, Captaine John Smith,5
who depended a yeare upon his projects, but nothing could be
effected, till by their great charge and industrie it came to be
that his Majestie by his letters patents, gave commission for
Councels, to direct here, and to governe, and to execute
there; to effect this, was spent another yeare, and by that time, three
ships were provided, one of 100 Tonns, another of 40. and a Pinnace
of 20.6
Christopher Newport,7
parts of America. But their orders for governement were put in
a box, not to be opened, nor the governours knowne untill they
arived in Virginia.8
of the action.
[2]
government.
On the 19 of December, 1606.9
winds, were kept six weekes in the sight of England; all which
time, Master Hunt1
expected his recoverie. Yet although he were but 10 or 12 miles from
his habitation (the time we were in the downes) and
the stormie weather, nor the scandalous imputations (of some
few, little better then Atheists,2
against him, all this could never force from him so much as a
seeming desire to leave the busines, but preferred the service of God,
in so good a voyage, before any affection to contest with his godlesse
foes, whose disasterous designes (could they have prevailed) had
even then overthrowne the businesse, so many discontents did then
arise, had he not with the water of patience, and his godly
(but chiefly by his true devoted examples) quenched those
flames of envie, and dissention.
Wee watred34
Dominica; three weekes we spent in refreshing our selvs amongst
56
it we boiled porck as well as over the fire. And at a little Ile called
Monica,7
full of birds in 3 or 4 houres. In Mevis,8
Iles, we spent some time, where with a lothsome beast like a Crocadil,
called a Gwayn,9
feasted. Gone from thence in search of Virginia, the company was
not a little discomforted, seeing the Marriners had three daies passed
their reckoning and found no land, so that Captaine Ratcliffe
of the Pinnace) rather desired to beare up the helme to returne
for England, then make further search. But God the guider of all
good actions, forcing them by an extream storme to hul all night, did
drive them by his providence to their desired port, beyond all their
expectations, for never any of them had seene that coast. The first
land they made they called Cape Henry; where anchoring, Master
Wingfeild, Gosnoll, and Newport, with 30 others, recreating
on shore, were assalted by 5 Salvages, who hurt 2 of the
very dangerously.1
orders read, in which Bartholomew Gosnoll, Edward Wingfeild,
Christopher Newport, John Smith, John Ratliffe, John Martin, and
George Kendall, were named to bee the Councell, and to choose a
President amongst them for a yeare, who with the Councell should
governe. Matters of moment were to be examined by a Jurie, || but
determined by the major part of the Councell in which the 2
had 2 voices. Untill the 13 of May they sought a place to plant
in,3
Precident, and an oration made, whie Captaine Smith was not
of the Councell as the rest.
[3]
Ile
full of birds.
landing.
government.
[4]
Now falleth every man to worke, the Councell contrive the Fort,
provide clapbord4
etc. The Salvages often visited us kindly. The Precidents
jealousie would admit no exercise at armes, or fortification, but
the boughs of trees cast together in the forme of a halfe moone by the
extraordinary paines and diligence of Captaine Kendall. Newport,
with Smith, and 20 others, were sent to discover the head of the river:
by divers smal habitations they passed, in 6 daies they arrived at a
towne called Powhatan, consisting of some 12 houses pleasantly
seated on a hill; before it 3 fertil Iles, about it many of their
The place is very pleasant, and strong by nature. Of this place
the Prince is called Powhatan, and his people Powhatans, to this
place the river is navigable; but higher within a mile, by reason of
the Rockes and Iles, there is not passage for a smal boate, this they
call the Falles.5
being returned within 20 miles of James towne, they gave just cause
of jealousie,6
those at the fort, there had then beene an end of that plantation; for
at the fort, where they arived the next day, || they found 17 men hurt,
and a boy slaine by the Salvages, and had it not chanced a crosse
barre shot7
them that caused them to retire, our men had all been slaine, being
securely all at worke, and their armes in drie fats.8
of the Falles
and Powhatan.
[5]
assalted by the
Salvages.
Hereupon the President was contented the Fort should be
the ordinance mounted, his men armed and exercised, for
many were the assaults, and Ambuscadoes of the Salvages, and our
men by their disorderly stragling were often hurt, when the Salvages
by the nimblenesse of their heeles well escaped. What toile wee had,
with so smal a power to guard our workmen adaies, watch al night,
resist our enimies and effect our businesse, to relade the ships, cut
downe trees, and prepare the ground to plant our corne, etc. I referre
to the readers consideration. Six weekes being spent in this manner,
Captaine Newport (who was hired only for our transportation) was
to return with the ships. Now Captaine Smith, who all this time from
their departure from the Canaries was restrained as a prisoner upon
9
Councell, and make himselfe king, that his confederats were
in all the three ships, and that divers of his confederats that
revealed it, would affirme it, for this he was committed. 13 weekes
he remained thus suspected, and by that time the ships should returne
they pretended out of their commisserations,1
Councell in England to receave a || check,2
his designes make him so odious to the world, as to touch his life,
or utterly overthrowe his reputation; but he much scorned their
charitie, and publikely defied the uttermost of their crueltie. Hee
wisely prevented their pollicies, though he could not suppresse their
envies, yet so wel he demeaned himselfe in this busines, as all the
company did see his innocencie, and his adversaries malice, and
those suborned to accuse him, accused his accusers of subornation;
many untruthes were alleaged against him; but being so apparently
disproved begat a generall hatred in the harts of the company against
such unjust commanders; many were the mischiefes that daily
sprong from their ignorant (yet ambitious) spirits; but the good
doctrine and exhortation of our preacher Master Hunt reconciled
them, and caused Captaine Smith to be admitted of the Councell;3
the next day all receaved the Communion, the day following the
Salvages voluntarily desired peace, and Captaine Newport returned
for England with newes; leaving in Virginia 100. the 15 of June 1607.
[6]
returne
for England.
The names of them that were the first planters,
were these following.
with diverse others to the number of 105.
[7]
[8]
1. On Studley, see p. 15n, below.
2. Failure.
3. Unbiased, impartial.
4. Bartholomew Gosnold, seven or eight years Smith's senior, has been considered
the prime mover of the Jamestown colony (see Philip L. Barbour, "Bartholomew Gosnold,
Prime Mover of the Jamestown Colony," in Warner F. Gookin and Philip L. Barbour,
Bartholomew Gosnold, Discoverer and Planter, New England -- 1602, Virginia -- 1607 [Hamden,
Conn., 1963], 191-218; and the Biographical Directory).
5. Smith placed his own name first in the Generall Historie, 41.
6. According to Purchas, the ships were the Susan Constant (the flagship, with 71
men aboard), the Godspeed (commanded by Gosnold, with 52 men), and the Discovery
(with 21), for a total of 144 men (Samuel Purchas, Hakluytus Posthumus, or Purchas His
Pilgrimes ... [London, 1625], IV, 1705). It has since been learned that the Susan Constant
was rated at 120 tons (Philip L. Barbour, ed., The Jamestown Voyages under the First Charter,
1606-1609 [Hakluyt Society, 2d Ser., CXXXVI-CXXXVII (Cambridge, 1969)], I,
55).
7. See the Biographical Directory.
8. This practice of secrecy, undoubtedly designed to protect the authority of the
ship captain during the voyage, was to give rise to chaos in 1609 when the flagship,
carrying the governor, his staff, and his orders, was wrecked on Bermuda, leaving
without any authorized leadership (see pp. 93-94, below).
9. George Percy wrote, "On Saturday[,] the twentieth of December ... the fleet
fell from London" (Purchas, Pilgrimes, IV, 1685; and Barbour, Jamestown Voyages, I, 129).
1. For Robert Hunt, M.A., see Barbour, Jamestown Voyages, I, 60-64; and the
Biographical Directory.
2. "Atheist" seems to be merely a broad term of opprobrium here.
3. A not uncommon spelling of "watered."
4. In 1629 Smith wrote that he had been in the Canaries, apparently in 1604 (True
Travels, 39). These ships watered there early in 1607. And on sailing from the Canaries,
Smith was restrained as a prisoner (p. 5, below), perhaps for making some "impertinent"
suggestion based on his previous experience. Anyone who disagreed with self-important
gentlemen was "mutinous." See Philip L. Barbour, The Three Worlds of Captain John
Smith (Boston, 1964), 112-115, for suggestions as to what may have happened.
5. According to Percy, the fleet reached the West Indies on Mar. 23 and
out of them on Apr. 10 (Purchas, Pilgrimes, IV, 1685-1686; and Barbour,
Jamestown Voyages, I, 129-133).
6. Guadeloupe.
7. Islote del Monito, Puerto Rico.
8. Nevis; "Mevis" was a frequent misreading of the Spanish name, Nieves.
9. Iguana.
1. The two Englishmen were Capt. Gabriel Archer and Matthew Morton, a sailor
who later became a ship captain (see the True Relation, sig. A3r; and the True Travels, 49).
2. "Precedent" and "precident," below, were variant spellings of "president."
3. A spot called Archer's Hope at the mouth of modern College Creek just below
Jamestown Island was considered a better site by Bartholomew Gosnold and others (see
Charles E. Hatch, Jr., "Archer's Hope and the Glebe," Virginia Magazine of History and
Biography, LXV [1957], 467-484; and Percy's "Observations," in Purchas, Pilgrimes, IV,
1688). Obviously, Gabriel Archer spotted the place; and the name "hope" was still
applied to a small bay or river mouth (Old English h-o-p related to modern Icelandic hóp,
"broad bay at the mouth of a river" [Jan de Vries, Altnordisches Etymologisches Wörterbuch
(Leiden, 1958), 248]).
4. Clapboards were short, split oak staves used for cooperage and wainscoting.
Virginia, it was hoped, would replace the Baltic as a major source.
5. A handy and well-illustrated article on the region is Robert L. Scribner, "Belle
Isle," Virginia Cavalcade, V (Winter, 1955), 8-14.
6. Anxiety, apprehension.
7. A "crosse barre shot" was a round shot with "a long spike of Iron cast with it as if
it did goe thorow the middest of it" (Sea Grammar, 67). Purchas states in a marginal note
here, "I have also M[aster] Wingfields notes of these affaires: but would not trouble the
Reader here with things more then troublesome there" (Pilgrimes, IV, 1706). These
notes are presumably the same as or similar to the documents now in Lambeth Palace
Library (London) and printed in Barbour, Jamestown Voyages, I, 213-234.
8. In this instance, "drie fats" refers to casks for stacking guns.
9. "Chiefe" was used elliptically for "the chief people." See p. 3n, above.
1. I.e., they pretended their plan was in Smith's interest.
2. Reprimand.
3. While Master Hunt undoubtedly had something to do with Smith's admission to
the council, he is not specifically mentioned in the "Relatyon," attributed to Gabriel
Archer, which was sent to England with Newport on June 22; and Smith's chronology
is inaccurate. Smith was sworn one of the council on Wed., June 10, 1607; the following
Sun., June 14, two Indians came up, unarmed, and stated that four of the neighboring
chiefs would help promote peace with five unfriendly chiefs (naming them); the colonists
received the communion a week later, on Sun., June 21; and Newport sailed on Mon.,
June 22 (Barbour, Jamestown Voyages, I, 97-98; and Percy's "Discourse," ibid., 143).
4. One Anthony Gosnold was Bartholomew's younger brother, not yet 30, who was
drowned in the James River early in 1609; the other, listed 24 lines below, was the son
of Bartholomew's first cousin Robert Gosnold IV and was about 19 in 1607. He remained
in Virginia until 1621.
5. The identity of John and George Martin is uncertain, though one of them, if not
both, must have been the son(s) of Capt. John Martin. Percy reports the death of John
Martin on Aug. 18, 1607, and this may be the son who starved during Wingfield's
(see Barbour, Jamestown Voyages, I, 144, 220, 231). But John Martin was still a
shareholder in the Virginia Company in 1620. A solution to the problem is still to be
found.
6. "Surgeon."
7. In the original, "John Capper" was set on the same line with "Anas Todkill," for
the convenience of the printer.
[9]
BEING thus left to our fortunes, it fortuned that within tenne daies
scarse ten amongst us coulde either goe, or well stand, such
weaknes and sicknes oppressed us.8
whilest the ships staied, our allowance was somewhat bettered, by a
daily proportion of bisket which the sailers would pilfer to sell, give
or exchange with us, for mony, saxefras, furres, or love. But when
they departed, there remained neither taverne, beere-house nor
place of relief but the common kettell. Had we beene as free from all
sinnes as gluttony, and drunkennes, we might have bin canonized
for Saints; But our President would never have bin admitted, for
ingrossing to his privat, Otemeale, sacke, oile, aquavitæ,9
or what not; but the kettel, that indeede he allowed equally to be
distributed, and that was halfe a pinte of wheat and as much barly
boyled with water for a man a day, and this having fryed some 26.
weeks in the ships hold, contained as many wormes as graines; so
that we might truely call it rather so much bran then corne, our
drinke was water, our lodgings castles in aire.10
diet, our extreame toile in bearing and planting pallisadoes,11
strained and brui- || sed us, and our continuall labour in the
of the heate had so weakned us, as were cause sufficient to
have made us as miserable in our native country, or any other place
in the world. From May, to September, those that escaped lived
upon Sturgion, and sea-Crabs, 50. in this time we buried. The rest
seeing the Presidents projects to escape these miseries in our Pinnas
by flight (who all this time had neither felt want nor sicknes) so
moved our dead spirits, as we deposed him; and established
in his place. Gosnoll being dead, Kendall deposed,1
newly recovered, Martin and Ratliffe was by his care preserved and
relieved, but now was all our provision spent, the Sturgeon gone, all
helps abandoned, each houre expecting the fury of the Salvages;
when God the patron of all good indeavours in that desperate
so changed the harts of the Salvages, that they brought such
plenty of their fruits, and provision as no man wanted.2
of sicknesse.
abuses.
[10]
And now where some affirmed it was ill done of the Councel to
shew them plainely they are too ill advised to nourish such il
first the fault of our going was our owne, what coulde bee
thought fitting or necessary wee had, but what wee should finde, what
we should want, where we shoulde be, we were all ignorant, and
supposing to make our passage in two monthes, with victuall to live,
and the advantage of the spring to worke; we weare at sea 5. monthes3
where we both spent our victuall and lost the opportunity of the time,
and season to plant.
Such actions have ever since the worlds beginning beene
to such accidents, and every thing of worth is found full of
but nothing so difficult as to establish a common wealth so
farre remote from men and meanes, and where mens mindes are so
untoward4
proceed.
[11]
The new President, and Martin, being little beloved, of weake
judgement in dangers, and lesse industry in peace, committed the
managing of all things abroad to captaine Smith: who by his owne
example, good words, and faire promises, set some to mow, others to
binde thatch, some to build houses, others to thatch them, himselfe
alwaies bearing the greatest taske for his own share, so that in short
time, he provided most of them lodgings neglecting any for himselfe.
This done, seeing the Salvages superfluity beginne to decrease (with
some of his workemen) shipped himselfe in the shallop to search the
country for trade. The want of the language,5
his boat with out sailers, the want of a sufficient power,
the multitude of the Salvages) apparell for his men, and other
necessaries, were infinite impediments, yet no discouragement.
Being but 6 or 7 in company he went down the river to Kecoughtan,
where at first they scorned him, as a starved man, yet he so dealt with
them, that the next day they loaded his boat with corne, and in his
returne he discovered and kindly traded with the Weraskoyks. In the
meane time those at the fort so glutted the Salvages with their
as they became not regarded.
of James
Towne.
of trade
abroad.
Smith perceiving (notwithstanding their late miserie) not any
regarded but from hand to mouth, (the company being well
caused the Pinas to bee provided with things fitting to get
provision for the yeare following; but in the interim he made 3. or 4.
journies and discovered the people of Chickahamine. Yet what he
carefully provided the rest carelesly spent. Wingfield and Kendall
Smith, The companies dislike of their Presidents weaknes, and their
small love to Martins never-mending sicknes, strengthened
with the sailers, and other confederates to regaine their former
credit and authority, or at least such meanes abord the Pinas, (being
fitted to saile as Smith had appointed for trade) to alter her course
and to go for England. Smith unexpectedly returning had the plot
discovered to him, much trouble he had to prevent it till with store
of fauken and musket shot he forced them stay or sinke in the river,
which action cost the life of captaine Kendall.6
disgustfull, as some will say they were better forgotten, yet all men
of good judgement will conclude, it were better their basenes should
be manifest to the world, then the busines beare the scorne and shame
of their excused disorders. The President and captaine Archer not
long after intended also to have abandoned the country, which
project also was curbed, and suppressed by Smith.7
never more greedily desired gold then he victuall, which finding so
plentiful in the river of Chickahamine where hundreds of Salvages
in divers places stood with baskets expecting his com- || ming.8
now the winter approaching, the rivers became so covered with
swans, geese, duckes, and cranes, that we daily feasted with good
bread, Virginia pease, pumpions, and putchamins, fish, fowle, and
diverse sorts of wild beasts as fat as we could eat them: so that none
of our Tuftaffaty humorists9
comædies never endured long without a Tragedie; some idle
being muttered against Captaine Smith, for not discovering the
head of Chickahamine river, and taxed by the Councell, to bee too
slowe in so worthie an attempt. The next voyage hee proceeded so
farre that with much labour by cutting of trees in sunder1
his passage, but when his Barge could passe no farther, he left her in
a broad bay out of danger of shot,2
ashore till his returne, himselfe with 2 English and two Salvages went
up higher in a Canowe, but hee was not long absent, but his men
went ashore, whose want of government, gave both occasion and
opportunity to the Salvages to surprise one George Casson, and much
failed not to have cut of the boat3
myles in the desert,4
the Canowe, whilst himselfe by fowling sought them victuall, who
finding he was beset with 200 Salvages, 2 of them hee slew, stil
defending himselfe with the aid of a Salvage his guid, (whome hee
bound to his arme and used as his buckler,) till at last slipping into
a bogmire they tooke him prisoner: when this newes came to the fort
much was their sorrow for his losse, fewe expecting || what ensued.
A month those Barbarians kept him prisoner,5
and conjurations they made of him, yet hee so demeaned
himselfe amongst them, as he not only diverted them from surprising
the Fort, but procured his owne liberty, and got himselfe and his
company such estimation amongst them, that those Salvages
him as a demi-God. So returning safe to the Fort, once more
staied the Pinnas her flight for England, which til his returne, could
not set saile, so extreame was the weather, and so great the frost.6
[12]
of
project to
abandon the
Country.
[13]
[14]
to abandon the
fort.
His relation of the plentie he had seene, especially at
where inhabited Powhatan (that till that time was
so revived againe their dead spirits as all mens feare was
abandoned. Powhatan having sent with this Captaine divers of his
men loaded with provision, he had conditioned, and so appointed
his trustie messengers to bring but 2 or 3 of our great ordenances, but
the messengers being satisfied with the sight of one of them
ran away amazed7
guifts to assure them our loves. Thus you may see what difficulties
still crossed any good indeavour, and the good successe of the
and being thus oft brought to the very period of destruction,
yet you see by what strange meanes God hath still delivered it. As
for the insufficiencie of them admitted in commission, that errour
could not be prevented by their electors, there being no other choice,
and all were strangers to each others education, quallities, or 8
and if any deeme it a shame to our nation, to have any
mention made of these e- || normities, let them peruse the histories of
the Spanish discoveries and plantations, where they may see how
and crossed their attempts, which being knowne to be particular
mens offences, doth take away the generall scorne and contempt,
mallice,9
of those, whose actions and valiant resolution deserve a
worthie respect. Now whether it had beene better for Captaine Smith
to have concluded with any of their severall projects to have
the Countrie with some 10 or 12 of them we cal the better sort,
to have left Master Hunt our preacher, Master Anthony Gosnoll, a
most honest, worthie, and industrious gentleman, with some 30 or
40 others his countrie men, to the furie of the Salvages, famin, and
all manner of mischiefes and inconveniences, or starved himselfe with
them for company, for want of lodging, or but adventuring abroad
to make them provision, or by his opposition, to preserve the action,
and save all their lives, I leave to the censure of others to consider.
of Gods love to
the action.
[15]
the lesser was
chosen.
8. The ascription of the autumn (1607) "sickness" to anopheles or aëdes
has been invalidated by sounder medical diagnosis, but the precise cause remains
uncertain. Unsanitary conditions and bad water unquestionably contributed to the
virulence of the epidemic. Typhoid fever, dysentery, and beri-beri have been suggested
as scientific causes; the inability of the colonists to dress suitably for the climate has been
advanced as a contributory social source. In the absence of a definitive investigation,
three studies can be mentioned: Wyndham B. Blanton, "Epidemics, Real and Imaginary,
and Other Factors Influencing Seventeenth Century Virginia's Population," Bulletin of
the History of Medicine, XXXI (1957), 454-462; Gordon W. Jones, "The First Epidemic
in English America," VMHB, LXXI (1963), 3-10; and Darrett B. Rutman and Anita H.
Rutman, "Of Agues and Fevers: Malaria in the Early Chesapeake," William and Mary
Quarterly, 3d Ser., XXXIII (1976), 31-60 (the Rutmans note that "malaria was not
notorious as a 'killer' disease" [p. 50]).
9. A general name for spirits distilled from grapes or grain.
10. Daydreams, castles in Spain.
11. "Palisade"; fence made of stakes. The word was imported from Spanish long
before the French equivalent took over.
1. Percy informs us that Bartholomew Gosnold died on Aug. 22, 1607, after which
Kendall "was committed about hainous matters which was proved against him"
Jamestown Voyages, I, 144). Late in Nov., Kendall was finally brought to trial, but
no English account states just when or just why. For a confused report, see that of the
Irish sailor Francis Magnel, which somehow reached Spain nearly three years later:
"they have executed in that James-fort of theirs a Catholic English Captain called
Tindol [Kendall], because they knew that he wanted to come to Spain to reveal to
His Majesty what goes on in that land" (ibid., 156; see also the Biographical Directory,
s.v. "Kendall, Capt. George").
2. The fact of the matter was that the Indians had plenty of food to use for trade as
soon as their corn and beans ripened. The English, being unacquainted with corn "on
the cob" or "in the ear," attributed the Indians' haste to bring it "ere it was half ripe" to
the hand of God (see the True Relation, sig. B1r).
3. Accurately, four months and a few days.
4. Shortsighted, contrary.
5. A "shallop" was a small boat that could be "cut down for stowage aboard ship"
and "reassembled on the shore" (William A. Baker, "Notes on a Shallop," American
Neptune, XVII [1957], 105-113). The period referred to was probably early Oct. Smith
apparently had little command of the Powhatan language before mid-1608. The list of
hindrances that follows is not really surprising.
6. "Fauken" was a variant spelling of "falcon," a kind of light cannon (see the Sea
Grammar, 70). For Kendall, see p. 10n.
7. The sentence "The President ... by Smith" is out of sequence, and apparently
was inserted as an afterthought.
8. The end of this sentence is missing. Smith had treated his Chickahominy voyages
at much greater length in the True Relation, sig. B2r -B3v, and the author of this passage
in the Proceedings (surely not Studley, since he was dead by then) seems to have relied on
some other version of the story.
9. Cranks in fancy clothes.
1. "Asunder."
2. This was at Apocant.
3. "Almost cut off the boat."
4. A deserted, uninhabited place.
5. According to Wingfield, who is unreliable, Smith "went up the Ryver of the
Chechohomynaies" on Dec. 10, and Powhatan "sent him home to owr Towne" on Jan. 8,
1608 (Barbour, Jamestown Voyages, I, 226-227), which would be 29 days. We know,
however, that Captain Newport arrived on Jan. 2, when Smith had already returned
(ibid., 159). Smith's "a month" may therefore be approximately accurate, and
first date as mistaken as the second.
6. See the True Relation, sigs. B3r-C3v, for a fuller account; and the Generall Historie,
49, for the Pocahontas episode. The lack of sequential coherence between these
passages in chap. 2 (attributed to Studley) and the beginning of chap. 3
derived from Studley and Todkill) points to different authorship, as well as
inadequate editing by Symonds.
7. Terror stricken.
8. This is a keen summation of the basic trouble in the colony.
9. Arber suggests this should read: "contempt, that mallice ..." (Edward Arber,
ed., Captain John Smith ... Works, 1608-1631, The English Scholar's Library Edition, No.
16 [Birmingham, 1884], 99).
10. Studley could not have written all of this section, since he died on Aug. 28, 1607
(Barbour, Jamestown Voyages, I, 144). The Generall Historie, 50, significantly, adds the
names of Robert Fenton, Edward Harrington (both of them otherwise unidentified), and
especially Smith himself ("J. S.") for at least the last paragraph.
ALL this time our cares were not so much to abandon the
but the Treasurer and Councell in England were as diligent
and carefull to supplie us. Two tall2
men, well furnished with all things could be imagined necessarie,
both for them and us. The one commanded by Captaine Newport:
the other by Captaine Nelson, an honest man and an expert
but such was the leewardnesse3
were within sight of Cape Henry) by stormy contrarie windes, was
forced so farre to sea, as the West Indies4
repaire of his Masts, and reliefe of wood and water. But Captaine
Newport got in, and arived at James towne, not long after the
brought such plentie of bread, fish, turkies, squirrels, deare, and
other wild beasts, part they gave him as presents from the king; the
rest, hee as their market clarke set the price how they should sell.5
[16]
Phenix
from Cape
Henry forced
to the west
Indies.
So he had inchanted those poore soules (being their prisoner) in
demonstrating unto them the roundnesse of the world, the course of
the moone and starres, the cause of the day and night the largenes
of the seas the quallities of our ships, shot and powder, The devision
of the world, with the diversity of people, their complexions,
and conditions. All which hee fained to be under the command
of Captaine Newport, whom he tearmed to them his father; of whose
arri- || val, it chanced he so directly prophecied,6
him an oracle; by these fictions he not only saved his owne life, and
obtained his liberty, but had them at that command, he might
them what he listed. That God that created al these things;
they knew he adored for his God, whom they would also tearme in
their discourses, the God of captaine Smith. The President and
Councel so much envied his estimation amongst the Salvages
(though wee all in generall equally participated with him of the good
therof) that they wrought it into their understandings, by their great
bounty in giving 4. times more for their commodities then he
that their greatnesse and authority, as much exceeded his,
as their bounty, and liberality; Now the arrivall of this first supply,
so overjoyed us, that we could not devise too much to please the
mariners. We gave them liberty to truck or trade at their pleasures.
But in a short time, it followed, that could not be had for a pound of
copper, which before was sold for an ounce. Thus ambition, and
sufferance, cut the throat of our trade, but confirmed their opinion
of Newports greatnes, (wherewith Smith had possessed7
especially by the great presents Newport often sent him, before he
could prepare the Pinas to go and visit him; so that this Salvage also
desired to see him. A great bruit there was to set him forwarde: when
he went he was accompanied, with captaine Smith, and Master
Scrivener a very wise understanding gentleman newly arrived, and
admitted of the Councell, and 30. or 40. chosen men for their guarde.
Arriving at Werowocomo Newports conceipt of this great Salvage,
make appeare was needlesse, with 20. men well appointed,
to encounter (with that number) the worst that could happen
there names were.
with 10. others whose names I have forgotten. These being kindly
received a shore, with 2. or 300. Salvages were conducted to their
towne; Powhatan strained himselfe to the uttermost of his greatnes
to entertain us, with great shouts of Joy, orations of protestations,
and the most plenty of victuall hee could provide to feast us. Sitting
upon his bed of mats, his pillow of leather imbroydred (after their
rude manner) with pearle and white beades, his attire a faire Robe
of skins as large as an Irish mantle,9
young woman; on each side his house sate 20. of his concubines, their
heads and shoulders painted red, with a great chaine of white beads
about their necks.10
his arbor-like house. With many pretty discourses to renue their
olde acquaintaunce; the great kinge and our captaine spent the time
till the ebbe left our Barge a- || ground, then renuing their feasts and
mirth we quartred that night with Powhatan: the next day
came a shore, and received as much content as those people
could give him, a boy named Thomas Savage1
Powhatan who Newport called his son, for whom Powhatan gave
him Namontacke2
capacity. 3. or 4. daies were spent in feasting dancing and trading,
wherin Powhatan carried himselfe so prowdly, yet discreetly (in his
Salvage manner) as made us all admire his natural gifts considering
3
Newport in this manner.4
Smith got his
liberty.
[17]
of our God.
[18]
Powhatan.
entertainement
of our men.
[19]
of a Christian
for a Salvage.
Captain Newport it is not agreeable with my greatnes in this
pedling manner to trade for trifles, and I esteeme you a great
werowans. Therefore lay me down all your commodities togither,
what I like I will take, and in recompence give you that I thinke
fitting their value.
speech.
Captaine Smith being our interpreter, regarding Newport as his
father, knowing best the disposition of Powhatan, told us his intent
was but to cheat us; yet captaine Newport thinking to out brave this
Salvage in ostentation of greatnes, and so to bewitch him with his
bounty, as to have what he listed, but so it chanced Powhatan having
his desire, valued his corne at such a rate, as I thinke it better cheape
in Spaine, for we had not 4. bushels for that we expected 20.
This bred some unkindnes betweene our two captaines,5
seeking to please the humor of the unsatiable Salvage; Smith to
cause the Salvage to please him, but smothering his distast (to avoide
the || Salvages suspition) glaunced6
Trifles who fixed his humour upon a few blew beads; A long time he
importunatly desired them, but Smith seemed so much the more to
affect them, so that ere we departed, for a pound or two of blew beads
he brought over7
good friends. The like entertainement we found of
king of Pamaunke whom also he in like manner fitted, (at the
like rates) with blew beads: and so we returned to the fort. Where
this new supply being lodged with the rest, accidently fired the
quarters, and so the Towne, which being but thatched with reeds
the fire was so fierce as it burnt their pallizadoes (though 10. or 12
yardes distant) with their armes, bedding, apparell, and much
private provision. Good Master Hunt our preacher lost all his
library, and al that he had (but the cloathes on his backe,) yet none
8
extreame frost, 1607. Now though we had victuall sufficient, I meane
only of Oatemeale, meale, and corne, yet the ship staying there 14.
weeks9
the beefe, porke, oile, aquavitæ, fish, butter, and cheese, beere and
such like; as was provided to be landed us. When they departed,
what their discretion could spare us, to make a feast or two with
bisket, pork, beefe, fish, and oile, to relish our mouths, of each
they left us, yet I must confess those that had either mony, spare
clothes, credit to give bils of payment, gold rings, furres, or any such
commodities were ever welcome to this removing taverne, such || was
our patience to obay such vile commanders, and buy our owne
at 15 times the valew, suffering them feast (we bearing the
charge) yet must not repine,10
and other casualties occasioned the losse, but the vessell and
(for totals) we were glad to receive with all our hearts to make
up the account, highly commending their providence for preserving
that. For all this plentie our ordinarie was but meale and water, so
that this great charge little relieved our wants, whereby with the
extreamity of the bitter cold aire more then halfe of us died, and
tooke our deathes, in that piercing winter I cannot deny, but both
Skrivener and Smith did their best to amend what was amisse, but
with the President went the major part, that their hornes were too
short. But the worst mischiefe was, our gilded refiners with their
golden promises,1
there was no talke, no hope, no worke, but dig gold, wash gold, refine
gold, load gold, such a brute2
bee buried in the sandes, least they should by their art make gold of
his bones. Little need there was and lesse reason, the ship should
stay, their wages run on, our victuall consume, 14 weekes, that the
Marriners might say, they built such a golden Church, that we can
say, the raine washed neare to nothing in 14 daies. Were it that
Smith would not applaud all those golden inventions, because
I knowe not; but I heard him question with Captaine
Martin3
triall, hee was not inamored with their durtie skill, breathing out
these and many other passions, never any thing did more torment
him, then to see all necessarie businesse neglected, to fraught such a
drunken ship with so much gilded durt; till then wee never accounted
Captaine Newport a refiner; who being fit to set saile for England,
and wee not having any use of Parliaments, plaies,4
recorders, interpreters, chronologers, courts of plea, nor
Justices of peace,5
him for England to seeke some place of better imploiment.
opinions.
[20]
burnt.
loitring 14
weeks.
[21]
of meere
verbalists.
charge.
[22]
England.
1. I.e., "additional body of persons (as well as supplies)."
2. "Tall" was frequently applied to ships that were high in proportion to their
width.
3. "The ship's tendency to pull to the lee."
4. A good example of the difficulties of navigation in Smith's day. "The West
Indies" possibly refers to the neighborhood of Spain's Hispaniola.
5. Cf. the Generall Historie, 50-51.
6. According to the True Relation, sig. C1v -C2r, when Smith was first brought
Powhatan he had elaborated on the importance of Captain Newport, his "father,"
and Powhatan had promised his release within four days. Two days after this Powhatan
had appeared before him, apparently garbed as high priest, and announced that
he should goe to James towne" (Generall Historie, 49). But because of delaying
tactics by the Indians, Smith did not reach Jamestown for another two days. Newport
arrived the evening of the day of Smith's return (Wingfield, "Discourse," in Barbour,
Jamestown Voyages, I, 227). Hence, in a roundabout way, Smith had prophesied
appearance. Ergo, he was an "oracle."
7. I.e., "instilled in." Smith's plan to impress Powhatan with Newport's importance
was surely sound, but Newport abused it.
8. For the subsequent behavior of this colonist, see pp. 87, 99, 102, below; and the
Generall Historie, 86.
9. Cf. the True Relation, sig. C1v, which omits the reference to Irish mantles; and the
Map of Va., 20n, which does not mention Powhatan. The added reference here brings
up the question of an alleged visit by Smith to Ireland that is discussed in the Introduction
to the True Travels.
10. Regarding the chains of white beads, the specific idea of "wampum" as a
medium of exchange in New England (cf. Roger Williams, A Key Into the Language of
America, ed. John J. Teunissen and Evelyn J. Hinz [Detroit, Mich., 1973], 210) seems
not to have been harbored in the minds of the Powhatan Indians (see Frank G. Speck,
"The Functions of Wampum among the Eastern Algonkian," American
Association, Memoirs, VI, No. 1 [Lancaster, Pa., 1919]).
1. On Thomas Savage, see Martha Bennett Stiles, "Hostage to the Indians," Virginia
Cavalcade, XII (Summer, 1962), 5-11; and the Biographical Directory.
2. See the Biographical Directory, s.v. "Namontack."
3. Rearing; the word "education" began to be used in the present-day sense some
years after Smith died.
4. The speeches presented by Smith, be they Indian or English, should be taken as
faithful only in spirit -- and within the bounds of Anglo-Indian mutual comprehension.
The handwritten notations found in one copy of Smith's True Relation maintain: "This
Author I fy[nde] in many errors ... [due] to h[is?] not well understa[n]dinge the
(sig. C3rn), an assertion that is corroborated in a minor way by his apparent
misunderstanding of several Indian words in his word list (e.g., see Philip L. Barbour,
"The Earliest Reconnaissance of the Chesapeake Bay Area: Captain John Smith's Map
and Indian Vocabulary," Pt. II, VMHB, LXXX [1972], 42-43). The significant factor
is the obvious oratorical gift of Powhatan and his subordinates (cf. Edna C. Sorber, "The
Noble Eloquent Savage," Ethnohistory, XIX [1972], 227-236), to which Smith attempted
to respond in the language of Shakespeare in his prime.
5. This occasion signaled the beginning of the tension between Smith and Newport.
6. In present-day English, "flashed."
7. Prevailed upon.
8. The passage "Where this new supply ... repine at his losse" is out of sequence,
chronologically. The fire had occurred on Jan. 7, 1608 (see the True Relation, sig. C3v
and n. 150). Newport, Smith, et al. did not return from Werowocomoco until Mar. 9
(Barbour, Jamestown Voyages, I, 228).
9. Smith's chronology is accurate. Newport stayed 14 weeks and one day.
10. Arber, Smith, Works, 104, suggests: "yet must we not repine. ..."
1. Some of the colonists had thought they had found gold in the mud and sand of
the north shore of the James River. While some historians, including the editor, have
thought of pyrite or marcasite for this "fool's gold," it would seem more likely to have
been flakes of mica, which "may be quite persistent in sediments and may develop a
yellow to silver-colored sheen that is sometimes mistaken for gold" (D. C. Le Van,
Geologist, Division of Mineral Resources of the Department of Conservation and
Development, Commonwealth of Virginia, Charlottesville, in a letter to the editor,
dated Sept. 16, 1975).
2. "Bruit," clamor.
3. This points to Todkill as the author. Todkill had been in Martin's employ (see
p. 25, below).
4. Tricks, underhand proceedings.
5. With this list of legal offices and institutions Smith apparently intended to
Archer's inappropriate activities.
THE authoritie nowe consisting in refining,6
the still sickly President, the sale of the stores commodities
their estates as inheritable revenews. The spring approching,
and the ship departed, Master Skrivener and Captaine Smith divided
betwixt them, the rebuilding our towne, the repairing our
the cutting downe trees, preparing our fields, planting our
corne, and to rebuild our Church, and recover7
men thus busie at their severall labours, Master Nelson arived with
his lost Ph'oe'nix (lost I say, for that al men deemed him lost) landing
safely his men; so well hee had mannaged his ill hap, causing the
Indian8
us before9
freely imparted it, which honest dealing (being a marriner) caused
us admire him, wee would not have wished so much as he did for us.
Nowe to relade this ship with some good tidings, the President (yet
notwithstanding1
Captaine Smith and Master Skrivener to discover and search the
was allotted their number, the which within 6 daies exercise, Smith
had so well trained to their armes and orders, that they little feared
with whome they should encounter. Yet so unseasonable was the
time, and so opposite was Captaine Martin2
to fraught this ship also with his phantasticall gold, as Captaine Smith
rather desired to relade her with Cedar, which was a present
then either with durt, or the reports of an uncertaine
Whilst their conclusion was resolving, this hapned.
of James
towne.
[23]
to discover
Monacan.
Powhatan to expresse his love to Newport, when he departed,
presented him with 20 Turkies, conditionally to returne him 20
Swords, which immediatly were sent him.3
hee presented Captaine Smith with the like luggage, but not finding
his humor obaied in sending him weapons, he caused his people with
20. devises to obtain them, at last by ambuscadoes at our very ports
they would take them per force, surprise us at work, or any way,
which was so long permitted that they became so insolent, there was
no rule, the command from England was so straight not || to offend
them as our authority bearers (keeping their houses) would rather
be any thing then peace breakers: this charitable humor prevailed,
till well it chaunced they medled with captaine Smith, who without
farther deliberation gave them such an incounter, as some he so
hunted up and downe the Ile, some he so terrified with whipping,
beating and imprisonment, as for revenge they surprised two of his
forraging disorderly souldiers, and having assembled their forces,
boldly threatned at our ports to force Smith to redeliver 7. Salvages
which for their villanies he detained prisoners, but to try their furies,
in lesse then halfe an houre he so hampered their insolencies, that
they brought the 2. prisoners desiring peace without any farther
composition4
their intents and plotters of their villanies confessed they were
directed only by Powhatan, to obtaine him our owne weapons to cut
our own throats, with the manner how, where, and when, which wee
plainely found most true and apparant, yet he sent his messengers
and his dearest Daughter Pocahuntas5
done by his subjects, desiring their liberties, with the assuraunce of
his love. After Smith had given the prisoners what correction hee
them Pocahuntas, for whose sake only he fained to save their lives
and graunt them liberty. The patient councel, that nothing would
move to warre with the Salvages, would gladly have wrangled with
captaine Smith for his cruelty, yet none was slaine to any mans
knowledge, but it brought them in such feare and || obedience, as his
very name wold sufficiently affright them. The fraught of this ship
being concluded to be Cedar, by the diligence of the Master, and
captaine Smith shee was quickly reladed; Master Scrivener was
neither Idle nor slow to follow all things at the fort; the ship falling
to6
a yeare, and now, neither pepper, suger, cloves, mace, nor nutmegs,
ginger nor sweet meates in the country (to injoy the credit of his
supposed art) at his earnest request, was most willingly admitted to
returne for England, yet having beene there but a yeare, and not
past halfe a year since the ague left him (that he might say somewhat
he had seene) hee went twice by water to Paspahegh a place neere
7. miles from James towne, but lest the dew should distemper him,
was ever forced to returne before night,7
expresse, he expresly commanding me to record his journies, I being
his man, and he sometimes my master.
to sell swords
to Salvages.
trecherie.
[24]
weaknesse.
to suppresse
the Salvages
insolencies.
excuses.
[25]
with Cedar.
of Captaine
Martin.
Their names that were landed in this supply:
And divers others to the number of 120.6
[27]
[28]
6. Omitted in the Generall Historie version (p. 53), this may have reference to Martin's
"gold fever."
7. Put a new roof on.
8. West Indian.
9. "Added to what we had left over."
1. A printer's error lurks somewhere in "notwithstanding"; perhaps read, "it not
standing with his dignitie."
2. The True Relation, sig. E2r, tells a different story: Captain Martin was willing to
go himself, "yet no reason could be reason to proceede forward" -- whatever specifically
was meant by that. (A few lines below, in the same passage, Smith mentions "certain
matters which for some cause I keepe private.")
3. The account that follows differs somewhat in detail from that in the True Relation,
sig. E2r-E3r.
4. Terms.
5. This happened sometime between Apr. 20 and June 2, 1608. Pocahontas would
hardly have been 13 yet, perhaps not even 12.
6. Usually a ship "falls down to" in the sense of "falls downstream to [with the
tide]."
7. Part of the passage on Martin was omitted in the Generall Historie, 54.
8. Todkill was evidently the author of the foregoing; see the Biographical Directory.
9. Causey's first name was Nathaniel; cf. the Generall Historie, 55, and elsewhere.
10. Variant spelling of "jeweller."
1. William Spence is listed as a gentleman in the Generall Historie, 55.
2. Francis Perkins was a gentleman (see ibid.); the second Francis was his son
Jamestown Voyages, I, 160).
3. Bentley is listed as a gentleman in the Generall Historie, 55, perhaps mistakenly.
4. Probably the same person as the Richard Milmer in the Generall Historie, 55.
5. Of these four "unclassified" colonists, only Richard Fetherstone appears to have
been a gentleman; the other three were laborers.
6. The names of only 60% of the colonists are listed here.
THE prodigality of the Presidents state went so deepe in the store
that Smith and Scrivener had a while tyed both Martin7
him to the rules of proportion, but now Smith being to depart, the
Presidents authoritie so overswayed Master Scriveners discretion as
our store, our time, our strength and labours was idlely consumed to
fulfill his phantasies. The second of June 1608. Smith left the fort to
performe his discoverie; with this company.
These being in an open barge of two tunnes burthen leaving the
Phenix at Cape-Henry1
fell with the Iles called Smiths Iles. The first people we saw were
2 grimme and stout Salvages upon Cape-Charles with long poles like
Javelings, headed with bone, they boldly demanded what we were,
and what we would, but after many circumstances,2
seemed very kinde, and directed us to Acawmacke the habitation of
the Werowans where we were kindly intreated;3
pleasant fertill clay-soile. Hee tolde us of a straunge accident lately
happened him, and it was. Two dead children by the extreame
passions of their parents, or some dreaming visions, phantasie, or
affection moved them againe to revisit their dead carkases, whose
benummed bodies reflected to the eies of the beholders such pleasant
delightfull countenances, as though they had regained their vital
spirits.4
(being a great part of his people) not long after died, and not any one
escaped.5
such descriptions of the bay, Iles, and rivers that often did us
pleasure. Passing || along the coast, searching every inlet, and
bay fit for harbours and habitations seeing many Iles in the midst of
the bay, we bore up for them, but ere wee could attaine them, such
an extreame gust of wind, raine, thunder, and lightning happened,
that with great daunger we escaped the unmercifull raging of that
ocean-like water. The next day searching those inhabitable6
(which we called Russels Iles) to provide fresh water, the defect
whereof forced us to follow the next Easterne channell, which brought
us to the river Wighcocomoco. The people at first with great furie,
seemed to assault us, yet at last with songs, daunces, and much mirth,
became very tractable, but searching their habitations for water,
wee could fill but 3,78
ever knew the want of good water. We digged and searched many
places but ere the end of two daies wee would have refused two
barricoes of gold for one of that puddle water of Wighcocomoco.
Being past these Iles, falling with a high land upon the maine wee
found a great pond of fresh water, but so exceeding hot, that we
it some bath: that place we called Point Ployer.9
refreshed in crossing over from the maine to other Iles, the wind and
waters so much increased with thunder, lightning, and raine, that
our fore-mast blew overbord and such mightie waves overwrought
us in that smal barge, that with great labour wee kept her from
by freeing out the water, 2 daies we were inforced to inhabit these
uninhabited Iles, which (for the extremitie of gusts, thunder, raine,
stormes, and il weather) we called Limbo.10
1
on the East called Kuskarawaocke, by it inhabit the people of
Soraphanigh, Nause, Arsek, and Nautaquake that much extolled a
great nation called Massawomekes,2
by Limbo, but finding this easterne shore shallow broken Iles,
and the maine for most part without fresh water, we passed by the
straights of Limbo for the weasterne shore. So broad is the bay here,
that we could scarse perceive the great high Cliffes on the other side;3
by them wee ancored that night, and called them Richards Cliffes.
30 leagues we sailed more Northwards, not finding any inhabitants,
yet the coast well watred, the mountaines very barren, the vallies
very fertil, but the woods extreame thicke, full of Woolves, Beares,
Deare, and other wild beasts. The first inlet we found, wee called
Bolus, for that the clay (in many places) was like (if not) 4
when we first set saile, some of our gallants doubted
nothing, but that our Captaine would make too much hast home;
but having lien not above 12 daies in this smal Barge, oft tired at their
oares, their bread spoiled with wet, so much that it was rotten (yet
so good were their stomacks that they could digest it) did with
complaints so importune him now to returne, as caused him
bespeake them in this manner.
mortalitie of
Salvages.
[30]
gust.
comoco.
want of fresh
water.
neere sunk in
a gust.
[31]
of the
Gentlemen if you would remember the memorable historie of Sir
Ralfe Lane,5
discoverie of Morattico, alleaging, they had yet a dog, that being
boyled with Saxafras leaves, would richly feed them in their
what a shame would it be for you || (that have beene so
suspitious of my tendernesse) to force me returne with a months
scarce able to say where we have bin, nor yet heard of that wee
were sent to seeke; you cannot say but I have shared with you of the
worst is past;6
I am contented you allot the worst part to my selfe; as for your feares,
that I will lose my selfe in these unknowne large waters, or be
worse then is past cannot happen, and there is as much danger to
returne, as to proceed forward. Regaine therefore your old spirits;
for return I wil not, (if God assist me) til I have seene the
found Patawomeck, or the head of this great water you
conceit to be endlesse.
to his souldiers.
[32]
3 or 4 daies wee expected7
added such discouragements to our discontents as 3 or 4
fel extreame sicke, whose pittiful complaints caused us to returne,
leaving the bay some 10 miles broad at 9 or 10 fadome water.
The 16 of June we fel with the river of Patawomeck: feare being
gon, and our men recovered, wee were all contented to take some
paines to knowe the name of this 9 mile broad river,8
inhabitants for 30 myles saile; then we were conducted by 2 Salvages
up a little bayed creeke toward Onawmament where all the woods
were laid with Ambuscadoes to the number of 3 or 400 Salvages, but
so strangely painted, grimed, and disguised, showting, yelling, and
crying, as we rather supposed them so many divels. They made many
bravadoes, but to appease || their furie, our Captaine prepared with
a seeming willingnesse (as they) to encounter them, the grazing of
the bullets upon the river, with the ecco of the woods so amazed
them, as down went their bowes and arrowes; (and exchanging
James Watkins was sent 6 myles up the woods to their kings
habitation: wee were kindly used by these Salvages, of whome wee
understood, they were commaunded to betray us, by Powhatans
direction, and hee so directed from the discontents of James towne.
The like incounters we found at Patawomeck, Cecocawone and
divers other places, but at Moyaones, Nacothtant and Taux,1
people did their best to content us. The cause of this discovery, was
to search a glistering mettal, the Salvages told us they had from
Patawomeck, (the which Newport assured that he had tryed to hold
halfe silver) also to search what furres, metals, rivers, Rockes, nations,
and whether the bay were endlesse, or how farre it extended.
The mine we found 9 or 10 myles up in the country from the river,
but it proved of no value: Some Otters, Beavers, Martins, Luswarts,2
and sables we found, and in diverse places that abundance of fish
lying so thicke with their heads above the water, as for want of nets
(our barge driving amongst them) we attempted to catch them with
a frying pan, but we found it a bad instrument to catch fish with.
Neither better fish more plenty or variety had any of us ever seene,
in any place swimming in the water, then in the bay of Chesapeack,
but they are not to be caught with frying-pans.3
|| quarrels, treacheries and incounters amongst those Salvages, I
should be too tedious; but in briefe at al times we so incountred them
and curbed their insolencies, as they concluded with presents to
peace, yet wee lost not a man, at our first meeting our captaine
ever observed this order to demaunde their bowes and arrowes
swords mantles or furres, with some childe for hostage, wherby he
could quickly perceive when they intended any villany. Having
finished this discovery (though our victuall was neare spent) he
to have seene his imprisonment-acquaintances upon the river
of Toppahannock.4
to ground upon a many shoules lying in the entrance, we spied many
fishes lurking amongst the weedes on the sands, our captaine
himselfe to catch them by nailing them to the ground with his
sword, set us all a fishing in that manner, by this devise, we tooke
more in an houre then we all could eat; but it chanced, the captaine
taking a fish from his sword (not knowing her condition) being much
of the fashion of a Thornebacke with a longer taile, whereon is a
most poysoned sting of 2. or 3. inches long, which shee strooke an
inch and halfe into the wrist of his arme the which in 4. houres had
so extreamly swolne his hand, arme, shoulder, and part of his body,
as we al with much sorrow concluded his funerall, and prepared his
grave in an Ile hard by (as himselfe appointed) which then wee
called Stingeray Ile after the name of the fish.5
precious oile Doctour Russell applyed, ere night his tormenting
paine was so wel asswaged that he eate the fish to his supper, which
neither Surgeon nor surgerie but that preservative oile, we presently
set saile for James Towne; passing the mouth of Pyankatanck, and
Pamaunke rivers, the next day we safely arrived at Kecoughtan. The
simple Salvages, seeing our captaine hurt, and another bloudy
(which came by breaking his shin) our number of bowes, arrowes,
swords, targets, mantles and furs; would needs imagine we had bin
at warres, (the truth of these accidents would not satisfie them) but
impaciently they importuned us to know with whom wee fought.
Finding their aptnes to beleeve, we failed not (as a great secret) to
tel them any thing that might affright them, what spoile wee had got
and made of the Masawomeckes. This rumor went faster up the river
then our barge; that arrived at Weraskoyack the 20. of Julie, where
trimming her with painted streamers, and such devises we made the
fort jealous of a Spanish frigot; where we all safely arrived the 21. of
July. There wee found the last supply, al sicke, the rest, some lame,
some bruised, al unable to do any thing, but complain of the pride
and unreasonable needlesse cruelty of their sillie President,6
riotously consumed the store, and to fulfill his follies about building
him an unnecessarie pallace in the woods had brought them all to
that miserie; That had not we arrived, they had as strangely
him with revenge. But the good newes of our discovery, and
the good hope we had (by the Salvages relation) our Bay had
stretched to the South-sea, appeased their fury; but conditionally
that Ratliffe should be deposed, and that captaine Smith would take
|| upon him the government; their request being effected, hee
Master Scrivener his deare friend in the Presidencie, equally
distributing those private provisions the other had ingrossed;
more honest officers to assist Scrivener, (who then lay
extreamelie tormented with a callenture) and in regard of the
weaknes of the company, and heat of the yeare they being unable to
worke; he left them to live at ease, but imbarked himselfe to finish
his discovery.
of Patawomeck.
of Salvages.
[33]
project.
An abundant
plentie of fish.
[34]
with the
Salvages.
very hurtfull.
[35]
affrighted with
their owne
suspition.
miserie.
[36]
left to live at
case.
7. The mention of Martin here seems to have been in error; see the Generall Historie,
55.
8. Doctors of "physicke," or physicians, "were men who had some university
at least a B.A. degree, had read the classic authors in medicine, such as Hippocrates,
Aristotle, and Galen, and were trained to treat disease empirically" (John H. Raach,
A Directory of English Country Physicians, 1603-1643 [London, 1962], 11). Since surviving
records are far from complete, the editor has been unable to identify Walter Russell,
despite the help of the Royal College of Physicians. A William Russell was practicing
c. 1624 (ibid., 79).
9. Fetherstone died within a few months; see p. 40, below.
1. On this occasion Smith delivered to Capt. Francis Nelson his famous letter, which
was soon to be published as the True Relation.
2. Much ado.
3. Treated.
4. The curious phrasing seems to have been William Symonds's. Smith tried to
improve on it in the Generall Historie, 56, without much success. See the Textual
5. The editor has not chanced on any sound explanation of this phenomenon. Note
that it occurred before the first known landing of the Jamestown settlers on Cape Charles.
6. "Inhabitable" means "not habitable," hence "uninhabited" (OED).
7. Sc., "barricoes" or "kegs" (see the Generall Historie, 56).
8. Foul or dirty water such as is found in puddles.
9. The Generall Historie, 56, gives an incomplete explanation of the name; Amaury
II Goyon (or Gouyon), comte de Plouër, had befriended Smith during the winter of
1600/1601 in Brittany (see Barbour, Three Worlds, 21, 202).
10. Here probably "Hell," "Hades." Note in the Smith/Hole map of Virginia the
angry fish in the bay, off Limbo.
1. The mainland, the Eastern Shore.
2. Smith seems to have been inspired to seek out the Massawomekes by Ralph
Lane's account of his encounters with hostile tribes in North Carolina (Generall Historie,
6-9).
3. If the identification of the Kuskarawaocke with the modern Nanticoke River is
correct, Chesapeake Bay would be about 25 km. (or better than 15 mi.) wide at its
mouth. The cliffs are a bit farther to the N. They were named for Smith's mother (see
the True Travels, 1). As for the 30 leagues (90 mi., or 145 km.), from Cove Point, just to
the S of the cliffs in question, to the mouth of the Patapsco River (see n. 4, below) is
about 20 leagues (60 mi., or 96 km.) by modern channels and direct sailing, and only
16 leagues according to the Smith/Hole map.
4. See the Map of Va., 3n and 7. The Bolus must have been the Patapsco River, since
the alternatives suggested by some writers do not allow for the 25 mi. (40 km.) or so of
waterway shown on the Smith/Hole map.
5. See n. 2, above.
6. The Generall Historie, 57, has "in the worst which is past."
7. Waited for a change in.
8. From Smith Point, NW across the mouth of the Potomac, to Point Lookout is
over 10 mi., and from Smith Point to Nomini Bay (Onawmanient was somewhere there)
is nearly 30 mi. Smith's rough estimates, however, were probably made at some point a
few miles upstream; hence they are somewhat exaggerated, as probably also is the
number of Indians waiting in ambush.
1. The Moyaones and Nacotchtank tribes are shown on the Smith/Hole map, the
former at Anacostia, Maryland, the latter a few miles below, at the mouth of Piscataway
Creek, Maryland. They were not subject to Powhatan. The Taux clearly lived in the
same neighborhood, and their name seems to survive in Doag's Neck, on or near
Creek (see Hamill Thomas Kenny, The Origin and Meaning of the Indian Place Names
of Maryland [Baltimore, 1961], 150). All three were evidently subdivisions of the Conoy
tribe, and this was "probably intermediate between the Nanticoke and the Powhatan
Indians" (John R. Swanton, The Indian Tribes of North America, Smithsonian Institution,
Bureau of American Ethnology, Bulletin 145 [Washington, D.C., 1952], 57).
2. Lynx.
3. Note that Jonas Profit, fisher, and Richard Keale, fishmonger, formed part of
Smith's company (p. 29, above).
4. See the True Relation, sig. C1r.
5. Cf. the Map of Va., 15, with the spelling "stingraies." Here the word should
probably read "Stingray." Samuel Purchas has a pertinent marginal note on the subject:
"A Stingray very hurtfull, one in Foulenes [presumably Foulness Island, E of Southend]
was so swolne with the sting of a Ray thorow his thicke fishermans-boots, that he therof
died. An. 1613. and was so swolne that they could not bring his coffin out of the dore
but brake the wall (as they told me) for that purpose" (Pilgrimes, IV, 1714). For an
expanded version of Smith's accident, see the Generall Historie, 59, 63, where Bagnall is
erroneously credited with the cure.
6. Ratcliffe.
THE 20.7
with 12. men their names were
The winde beeing contrary caused our stay 2. or 3. || daies at
Kecoughtan the werowans feasting us with much mirth, his people
were perswaded we went purposely to be revenged of the
In the evening we firing 2. or 3. rackets, so terrified the
poore Salvages, they supposed nothing impossible wee attempted,
and desired to assist us. The first night we ancored at Stingeray Ile,
the nexte day crossed Patawomecks river, and hasted for the river
Bolus, wee went not much farther before wee might perceive the Bay
to devide in 2. heads, and arriving there we founde it devided in 4,
all which we searched so far as we could saile them; 2. of them wee
found uninhabited, but in crossing the bay to the other, wee
7. or 8. Canowes-full of Massawomecks.9
to assault us, left our oares and made way with our saile to
incounter them, yet were we but five (with our captaine) could stand;
for within 2. daies after wee left Kecoughtan, the rest (being all of
the last supply) were sicke almost to death, (untill they were seasoned
to the country) having shut them under our tarpawling, we put their
hats upon stickes by the barge side to make us seeme many, and so
we thinke the Indians supposed those hats to be men, for they fled
sailing of our barge, till we anchored right against them. Long it was
ere we could drawe them to come unto us, at last they sent 2 of their
company unarmed in a Canowe, the rest all followed to second them
if need required; These 2. being but each presented with a bell,
brought aborde all their fellowes, presenting the captain with
beares flesh, fish, bowes, arrows, || clubs, targets, and
wee understood them nothing at all but by signes, whereby
they signified unto us they had been at warres with the Tockwoghs
the which they confirmed by shewing their green wounds; but the
night parting us, we imagined they appointed the next morning to
meete, but after that we never saw them.
[37]
admire
the Bay.
with the
[38]
Entring the River of Tockwogh the Salvages all armed in a
fleete of Boates round invironed us; it chanced one of them could
speake the language of Powhatan who perswaded the rest to a
friendly parly: but when they see us furnished with the
weapons, and we faining the invention of Kecoughtan to
have taken them perforce; they conducted us to their pallizadoed
towne, mantelled with the barkes of trees, with Scaffolds like mounts,
brested about with Barks very formally,1
children, with dances, songs, fruits, fish, furres, and what they had
kindly entertained us, spreading mats for us to sit on, stretching their
best abilities to expresse their loves.
with the
Many hatchets, knives, and peeces of yron, and brasse, we see,
which they reported to have from the Sasquesahanockes2
people, and mortall enimies with the Massawomeckes; the
inhabit upon the chiefe spring of these 4.3
higher then our Barge could passe for rocks. Yet we prevailed with
the interpreter to take with him an other interpreter to perswade the
Sasquesahanocks to come to visit us, for their language are different:
3. or 4. daies we expected their returne then 60. of these
came downe with presents of venison, Tobacco || pipes,
Baskets, Targets, Bowes and Arrows. 5 of their Werowances came
boldly abord us, to crosse the bay for Tockwogh, leaving their men
and Canowes, the winde being so violent that they durst not passe.
[39]
Our order was, dayly to have prayer, with a psalm, at which
done, they were long busied with consultation till they had contrived
their businesse; then they began in most passionate manner to hold
up their hands to the sunne4
the Captaine, they began to adore him in like manner, though
he rebuked them, yet they proceeded til their song was finished,
which don with a most strange furious action, and a hellish voice
began an oration of their loves; that ended, with a great painted
beares skin they covered our Captaine, then one ready with a chaine
of white beads (waighing at least 6 or 7 pound) hung it about his
necke, the others had 18 mantles made of divers sorts of skinnes sowed
together, all these with many other toyes, they laid at his feet,
their ceremonious handes about his necke for his creation to be
their governour, promising their aids, victuals, or what they had to
bee his, if he would stay with them to defend and revenge them of the
Massawomecks; But wee left them at Tockwogh, they much
for our departure, yet wee promised the next yeare againe to
visit them; many descriptions and discourses they made us of 5
Massawomecke, and other people, signifying they
inhabit the river of Cannida, and from the French to have their
hatchets, and such like tooles by trade, || these knowe no more of the
territories of Powhatan then his name, and he as little of them.
offer
to the English.
[40]
Thus having sought all the inlets and rivers worth noting, we
returned to discover the river of Pawtuxunt, these people we found
very tractable, and more civill then any. Wee promised them, as also
the Patawomecks, the next yeare to revenge them of the
Our purposes were crossed in the discoverie of the river of
Toppahannock, for wee had much wrangling with that peevish
nation; but at last they became as tractable as the rest. It is an
pleasant, well inhabited, fertill, and a goodly navigable river,
toward the head thereof; it pleased God to take one of our sicke
(called Master Fetherstone) where in Fetherstons bay we buried him
in the night with a volly of shot; the rest (notwithstanding their ill
diet, and bad lodging, crowded in so small a barge in so many
dangers, never resting, but alwaies tossed to and againe) al well
recovered their healthes; then we discovered the river of
and set saile for James Towne; but in crossing the bay in a faire
calme, such a suddaine gust surprised us in the night with thunder
and raine, as wee were halfe imployed in freeing out water, never
we made land by the flashes of fire from heaven, by which light only
we kept from the splitting shore, until it pleased God in that black
darknes to preserve us by that light to find Point Comfort, and arived
safe at James Towne, the 7 of September, 1608.6
Master Skrivener and diverse others well recovered, many dead,
some sicke. The late President prisoner for || muteny, by the honest
diligence of Master Skrivener the harvest gathered, but the stores,
provision, much spoiled with raine. Thus was that yeare (when
wanted) consumed and spent and nothing done; (such was the
government of Captain Ratliffe) but only this discoverie, wherein to
expresse all the dangers, accidents, and incounters this small number
passed in that small barge, with such watrie diet in these great waters
and barbarous Countries (til then to any Christian utterly
I rather referre their merit to the censure7
and experienced reader, then I would be tedious, or partiall, being
a partie;
River.
River.
buried.
discovered.
at James
Towne.
[41]
7. Read: "The 24 of July" (Generall Historie, 59). They did not return to Jamestown
until July 21, as stated on p. 35, above.
8. Bagnall was a chirurgeon, or surgeon (Generall Historie, 60). "The chirurgeons
did strictly 'cutting' and as a result learned their trade by an apprenticeship to an older
chirurgeon" (Raach, Directory of Physicians, 10-11; and p. 28n, above).
9. Apparently the English learned that the Indians were Massawomekes after they
crossed the bay to the Tockwough River (see p. 38, below). This tribe spoke an Iroquoian
language.
1. This early 17th-century military jargon means, "they conducted us to their town,
which had a palisade around it covered with barks of trees, with wooden scaffolds like
defensive earthworks, those also protected by barks, according to the principles of
military science."
2. The "Sasquesahanocks" were also an Iroquoian-speaking people, whose nearest
important post was in Lancaster Co., Pennsylvania. Communication must have been
uncertain, since Smith needed a Tockwough interpreter who spoke Powhatan and
another interpreter to make sense in Tockwough of what the Susquehannas said. On
the other hand, Smith had faced a similar problem in the Ottoman Empire (see the True
Travels, 24n; and Introduction to Fragment J, in Vol. III).
3. They were situated at the head of the chief spring of the four leading into the bay.
4. There are hints of sun worship among the Iroquois, and possibly also the
(see the brief mention in John R. Swanton, "Sun Worship in the Southeast,"
American Anthropologist, N.S., XXX [1928], 212-213).
5. According to the Smith/Hole map, the Atquanachukes lived to the NE of the
head of Chesapeake Bay. They were shown as living in central to central-eastern New
Jersey on Dutch maps, beginning with Adriaen Block's manuscript map of 1614 (see
W. P. Cumming, R. A. Skelton, and D. B. Quinn, The Discovery of North America [New
York, 1972], 264-265).
6. This is the first mention of (Old) Point Comfort in Smith's works, although it
had been named (probably by Gabriel Archer, who had a penchant for such names) on
Apr. 28, 1607 (Barbour, Jamestown Voyages, I, 135; modern New Point Comfort is about
25 km. [over 15 mi.] to the N, at the mouth of Mobjack Bay). Although there is an
interesting study in "Tales of Old Fort Monroe," No. 10 (Fort Monroe Casemate
Fort Monroe, Va., 1962), the fact that Point Comfort was an island in 1607 seems
to have been stated only by the Irish sailor Francis Magnel (Barbour, Jamestown Voyages,
I, 151). It is perhaps worth noting here that in his reprint of the Proceedings, Samuel
Purchas omitted all the material added to this passage in the Generall Historie, 64-65,
explaining, "For feare of tediousnesse I have left out the most" (Pilgrimes, IV, 1716).
7. Judgment, expressed opinion, estimation.
THE 10. of September 1608. by the election of the Councel, and
request of the company Captaine Smith received the letters
patents, and tooke upon him the place of President, which till then
by no meanes he would accept though hee were often importuned
thereunto. Now the building of Ratcliffes pallas staide as a thing
needlesse; The church was repaired, the storehouse recovered;8
buildings prepared for the supply we expected. The fort reduced to
the forme of this figure,9
Satturday exercised in a fielde prepared for that purpose; the boates
trimmed for trade which in their Journey encountred the second
supply,10
How, or why, Captaine Newport obtained such a private
as not to returne without a lumpe of gold, a certainty of the
south sea or one of the lost company of Sir Walter Rawley I know
not,1
that south sea, till we had borne her over the mountaines: which how
farre they extend is yet unknowne. As for the coronation of 2
and his presents of Bason, Ewer, Bed, Clothes, and such costly
novelties, they had bin much better well spared, then so ill spent. For
we had his favour much better, onlie for a poore peece of Copper,
till this stately kinde of soliciting made him so much overvalue
that he respected us as much as nothing at all; as for the hiring
of the Poles and Dutch to make pitch and tarre, glasse milles,3
sope-ashes, was most necessarie and well. But to send them and
seaventy more without victuall to worke, was not so well considered;
yet this could not have hurt us, had they bin 200. (though then we
were 130 that wanted for our selves.) For we had the Salvages in that
Decorum, (their harvest beeing newly gathered) that we feared not
to get victuall sufficient had we bin 500. Now was there no way to
make us miserable but to neglect that time to make our provision,
whilst it was to be had; the which was done to perfourme this strange
discovery, but more strange coronation; to loose that time, spend
that vi- || ctuall we had, tire and starve our men, having no means to
carry victuall, munition, the hurt or sicke, but their owne backs.
How or by whom they were invented I know not; But Captaine
had so gilded all our hopes, with great promises, that both company
and Councel concluded4
then our estates, to conclude his conclusion, against al the
the foreseeing President alleadged. There was added
to the councell one Captaine Waldo, and Captaine Winne two
ancient souldiers and valiant gentlemen, but ignorant of the busines
(being newly arrived). Ratcliffe was also permitted to have his voice,
and Master Scrivener desirous to see strange countries, so that
Smith was President, yet the Councell had the authoritie,
and ruled it as they listed; as for cleering Smiths objections, how
pitch, and tarre, wanscot, clapbord, glasse, and sope ashes, could be
provided to relade the ship; or provision got to live withal, when
none was in the Country and that which we had, spent before the
ships departed; The answer was, Captaine Newport undertook to
fraught the Pinnace with corne, in going and returning in his
and to refraught her againe from Werawocomoco; also
promising a great proportion of victuall from his ship, inferring that
Smiths propositions were only devises to hinder his journey, to effect
it himselfe; and that the crueltie Smith had used to the Salvages, in
his absence, might occasion them to hinder his designes;5
al workes were left; and 120 chosen men were appointed for his
guard, || and Smith, to make cleere these seeming suspicions, that the
Salvages were not so desperat, as was pretended by Captaine
and how willing he was to further them to effect their projects,
(because the coronation would consume much time) undertooke
their message to Powhatan, to intreat him to come to James Towne
to receive his presents. Accompanied only with Captaine Waldo,
Master Andrew Buckler, Edward Brinton, and Samuell Collier;
with these 4 hee went over land, against Werawocomoco, there
passed the river of Pamaunke in the Salvages Canowes, Powhatan
being 30 myles of, who, presently was sent for, in the meane time his
women entertained Smith in this manner.
QUERE, 8.
[42]
scorne when
his curtesie
was most
deserved.
one to
the
busines.
[43]
[44]
with 4 goeth to
Powhatan.
In a faire plaine field they made a fire, before which he sitting
uppon a mat; suddainly amongst the woods was heard such a hideous
noise and shriking, that they betooke them to their armes, supposing
Powhatan with all his power came to surprise them;6
which were many, men, women, and children, satisfied the
Captaine there was no such matter, being presently presented with
this anticke, 30 young women came naked out of the woods (only
painted, some white, some red, some black, some partie colour, but
every one different; their leader had a faire paire of stagges hornes
on her head, and an otter skinne at her girdle, another at her arme,
a quiver of arrowes at her backe, and bow and arrowes in her hand,
the next in her hand a sword, another a club, another a pot-stick, all
hornd alike, the rest every one with their severall devises. These
feindes with most hellish || cries, and shouts rushing from amongst
the trees, cast themselves in a ring about the fire, singing, and
with excellent ill varietie, oft falling into their infernall passions,
and then solemnely againe to sing, and daunce. Having spent neere
an houre, in this maskarado; as they entered; in like manner
having reaccommodated themselves, they solemnely invited
Smith to their lodging, but no sooner was hee within the house, but
all these Nimphes more tormented him then ever, with crowding,
and pressing, and hanging upon him, most tediously crying, love you
not mee? This salutation ended, the feast was set, consisting of fruit
in baskets, fish, and flesh in wooden platters, beans and pease there
wanted not (for 20 hogges) nor any Salvage daintie their invention
could devise; some attending, others singing and dancing about
them; this mirth and banquet being ended, with firebrands (instead
of torches) they conducted him to his lodging.
entertainement
at
[45]
The next day came Powhatan; Smith delivered his message of
the presents sent him, and redelivered him Namontack,7
him come to his Father Newport to accept those presents, and
their revenge against the Monacans, whereunto the subtile
Salvage thus replied.
message.
If your king have sent me presents, I also am a king, and this
my land, 8 daies I will stay to receave them. Your father is to come
to me, not I to him, nor yet to your fort, neither will I bite at such a
baite: as for the Monacans, I can revenge my owne injuries, and as
for Atquanuchuck, where you say your brother was slain, it is a
way from those parts you suppose it.8
beyond the mountaines, the relations you have had from my people
are false.
answer.
[46]
Wherupon he began to draw plots upon the ground (according to
his discourse) of all those regions; many other discourses they had
(yet both desirous to give each other content in Complementall
courtesies) and so Captaine Smith returned with this answer.
Upon this Captaine Newport sent his presents by water, which
is neare 100 miles;9
him over. All things being fit for the day of his coronation, the
presents were brought, his bason, ewer, bed and furniture set up, his
scarlet cloake and apparel (with much adoe) put on him (being
perswaded by Namontacke they would doe him no hurt.) But a
fowle trouble there was to make him kneele to receave his crowne,
he neither knowing the majestie, nor meaning of a Crowne, nor
bending of the knee, indured so many perswasions, examples, and
instructions, as tired them all. At last by leaning hard on his shoulders,
he a little stooped, and Newport put the Crowne on his head. When
by the warning of a pistoll, the boates were prepared with such a
volly of shot, that the king start1
was well, then remembring himselfe, to congratulate2
he gave his old shoes and his mantle to Captain Newport. But
perceiving his purpose was to discover the Monacans, hee laboured to
divert his resolution, refusing to lend him either men, or guids, more
then Namontack, and so (after some complementall3
both sides) in requitall of his presents, he presented Newport with a
heape of wheat eares, that might contain some 7 or 8 bushels, and as
much more we bought ready dressed in the towne, wherewith we
returned to the fort.
Coronation.
[47]
The ship having disburdened her selfe of 70 persons, with the
Captaine Newport with al the Councell, and 120 chosen men, set
forward for the discovery of Monacan, leaving the President at the
fort with 80. (such as they were) to relade the shippe. Arriving at the
falles, we4
and so returned downe the same path we went. Two townes wee
of the Monacans, the people neither using us well nor ill, yet
for our securitie wee tooke one of their pettie Werowances, and lead
him bound, to conduct us the way. And in our returne searched
many places wee supposed mynes, about which we spent some time
in refining, having one William Callicut a refiner, fitted for that
purpose. From that crust of earth wee digged hee perswaded us to
beleeve he extracted some smal quantitie of silver (and not unlikely
better stuffe might bee had for the digging) with this poore trial
being contented to leave this faire, fertill, well watred countrie.
to the Falles, the Salvages fained there were diverse ships come
into the Bay to kill them at James Towne. Trade they would not,
and find their corn we could not, for they had hid it in the woods, and
being thus deluded we arrived at James Towne, halfe sicke, all
and tired with toile, famine, and dis- || content, to have
only but discovered our gilded hopes, and such fruitlesse certaineties,
as the President foretold us.
of Monacan.
[48]
No sooner were we landed, but the President dispersed many as
were able, some for glasse, others for pitch, tarre and sope ashes,
leaving them, (with the fort) to the Councels oversight. But 30 of us
he conducted 5. myles from the fort to learn to make clapbord, cut
downe trees, and ly in woods; amongst the rest he had chosen
Gabriell Beadell, and John Russell the only two gallants of this last
supply, and both proper gentlemen: strange were these pleasures to
their conditions, yet lodging eating, drinking, working, or playing
they doing but as the President, all these things were carried so
pleasantly, as within a weeke they became Masters, making it their
delight to heare the trees thunder as they fell, but the axes so oft
blistered there tender fingers, that commonly every third blow had
a lowd oath to drowne the eccho; for remedy of which sin the
devised howe to have everie mans oathes numbred, and at
night, for every oath to have a can of water powred downe his sleeve,
with which every offender was so washed (himselfe and all) that a
man should scarse heare an oath in a weeke.
for swearing.
By this, let no man think that the President, or these gentlemen
spent their times as common wood-hackers at felling of trees, or such
like other labours, or that they were pressed to any thing as hirelings
or common slaves, for what they did (being but once a little inured)
5
Yet 30 or 40 of such voluntary || Gentlemen would doe more in a day
then 100 of the rest that must bee prest to it by compulsion. Master
Scrivener, Captaine Waldo, and Captaine Winne at the fort, every
one in like manner carefully regarded their charge. The President
returning from amongst the woodes, seeing the time consumed, and
no provision gotten, (and the ship lay Idle, and would do nothing)
presently imbarked himselfe in the discovery barge, giving order to
the Councell, to send Master Persey after him with the next barge
that arrived at the fort; 2. barges, he had himselfe, and 20. men, but
arriving at Chickahamina, that dogged nation was too wel
with our wants, refusing to trade, with as much scorne and
insolencie as they could expresse. The President perceiving it was
Powhatans policy to starve us, told them he came not so much for
their corne, as to revenge his imprisonment,6
men murdered by them, and so landing his men, and ready to charge
them, they immediatly fled; but then they sent their imbassadours,
with corne, fish, fowl, or what they had to make their peace, (their
corne being that year bad) they complained extreamly of their owne
wants, yet fraughted our boats with 100 bushels of corne, and in like
manner Master Persies, that not long after us arrived; they having
done the best they could to content us, within 4. or 5. daies we
returned to James Towne.
[49]
better
then 20
lubbers.
forced to
contribution.
Though this much contented the company (that then feared
nothing but starving) yet some so envied his good successe, that they
rather desired to starve, then his paines should prove so much more
effectuall then || theirs; some projects there was, not only to have
deposed him but to have kept him out of the fort, for that being
President, he would leave his place, and the fort without their
but their hornes were so much too short to effect it,7
themselves more narrowly escaped a greater mischiefe.
for well doing.
[50]
All this time our old taverne made as much of all them that had
either mony or ware as could bee desired; and by this time they were
become so perfect on all sides (I meane Souldiers, Sailers, and
as there was ten-times more care to maintaine their damnable
and private trade, then to provide for the Colony things that were
necessary. Neither was it a small pollicy in the mariners, to report in
England wee had such plenty and bring us so many men without
victuall, when they had so many private factors in the fort, that
8
chissels, mattocks, and pickaxes scarce 20 could be found, and for
pike-heads, knives, shot, powder, or any thing (they could steale
from their fellowes) was vendible; They knew as well (and as secretly)
how to convay them to trade with the Salvages, for furres, baskets,
mussaneekes,9
them with the sailers, for butter, cheese, biefe, porke, aquavitæ,
beere, bisket, and oatmeale; and then faine, all was sent them from
their friends. And though Virginia afford10
one mariner in one voyage hath got so many, as hee hath confessed
to have solde in England for 301
in Virginia.
masters and
sailers.
Those are the Saint-seeming worthies of Virginia, || that have
notwithstanding all this, meate, drinke, and pay, but now they begin
to grow weary, their trade being both perceived and prevented; none
hath bin in Virginia (that hath observed any thing) which knowes
not this to be true, and yet the scorne, and shame was the poore
souldiers, gentlemen and carelesse governours, who were all thus
bought and solde, the adventurers cousened, and the action
by their false excuses, informations, and directions, by this
let all the world Judge, how this businesse coulde prosper, being thus
abused by such pilfering occasions.
[51]
8. This work had been begun before Nelson arrived, in Apr., but apparently little
was done during Smith's 14 weeks of exploration.
9. As mentioned in Barbour, Jamestown Voyages, II, 410n, "quere, 8" is evidently
one of several printer's queries, here not deleted: "Where is the figure?" Purchas noted
that "The figure is left out" (Pilgrimes, IV, 1717), and the Generall Historie makes amends
by stating that it was in "a five-square forme" (p. 66). Archaeological evidence can
prove nothing, for the undoubted site has been washed into the James River, but it seems
to be generally agreed that the fort was triangular, and not pentagonal (see John L.
Cotter, Archeological Excavations at Jamestown, Virginia National Park Service,
Research Series, No. 4 [Washington, D.C., 1958], 11-17).
10. Alexander Brown estimated that Smith was president for 19 days before
arrived with the second supply (The First Republic in America: An Account of the Origin
of This Nation [Boston, 1898], 69).
1. Here Smith's protests against company policy begin in earnest.
2. Purchas's marginal comments here bear quoting: "Civility is not the way to win
Savages, nor magnificence and bounty to reclaime Barbarians. Children are pleased
with toyes and awed with rods; and this course of toies and feares hath always best
with wilde Indians either to doe them, or to make them good to us or themselves.
This vanity of ours made Powhatan overvalue himselfe, his Corne, etc." (Pilgrimes, IV,
1717).
3. See J. C. Harrington's illuminating monograph, Glassmaking at Jamestown:
America's First Industry (Richmond, Va., 1952), and J. Paul Hudson's well-illustrated
Glassmaking at Jamestown: One of the First Industries in America, Jamestown Foundation
(Jamestown, Va., n.d.). See also Barbour, Jamestown Voyages, II, 411n, which mentions
the production of pitch, tar, and soap ashes as a colonial objective since 1584; only the
glassmills were a new idea. For the Poles and Dutch, see p. 53, below.
4. A rare use of "conclude" in the sense of "decided (in favor of)."
5. Newport was not the type not to retaliate.
6. The Generall Historie, 67, inserts here: "But presently [quickly, immediately]
Pocahontas came, willing him to kill her if any hurt were intended. ..." The
which is described below, was not without parallel in North Carolina years later,
when 30-odd women and girls danced for John Lawson (John Lawson, A New Voyage to
Carolina, ed. Hugh Talmage Lefler [Chapel Hill, N.C., 1967], 44-45).
7. Newport had taken Namontack to England in Apr. (see p. 19, above) and had
just brought him back.
8. Smith, misunderstanding what he heard, had thought it was near the head of the
Chickahominy River, where he was captured (see p. 39n, above; and the True Relation,
sig. C2r).
9. Purchas begins a long marginal notation at this point (Pilgrimes, IV, 1718). It is
worth reproducing as illustrative of pious thinking in England in 1625:
"So much was done to buy repentance with more cost then worship. If we seeke
Savages we loose them, if wee force them to seeke us, wee shal finde these shadowes of men
close at our feet. I have read more stories of them then perhaps any man, and finde that
a cruell mercy in awing Savages to feare us is better then that mercifull cruelty, which
by too much kindenes hath made us feare them, or else by too much confidence to loose
our selves. [This was written after the massacre. Ed.] Smith and Newport may by their
examples teach the just course to be taken with such: the one breeding awe and dread,
without Spanish or Panike terror, the other disgraced in seeking to grace with offices of
humanity, those which are gracelesse. Neither doth it become us to use Savages with
savagenesse, nor yet with too humaine usage, but in a middle path (medio tutissimus
ibis) to goe and doe so that they may admire and feare us, as those whom God, Religion,
Civility, and Art, have made so farre superior; yet to abuse them (unprovoked) as hostile
slaves, or as meere beasts, with cruell and beastly severity, whom nature hath equally
made men. This breedes desperate depopulations, as in the Spanish Indies hath been
seene; that gentlenesse and unequall equity makes them proud and treacherous, as
wofull experience hath taught in the late massacre. Our temperance and justice should
be qualified with prudence and fortitude. Neither must wee make them beasts, nor yet
value them as Christians, till we have made them such; and the way to make them
Christian men, is first to make them civill men, to file off the rust of their humanity,
which as children (the like in taming wilde Beasts) must be done with severe gentlenesse,
and gentle severity, which may breede in them a loving awe, or awfull love, at least a
just dread toward us, that feare may make them know us, and then the fault is ours if
they see no cause to love us."
1. "Start" is a strong past tense that survived in English well into the 1600s.
2. "To express his pleasure at. ..."
3. Additional and ceremonial.
4. Obviously not written by Smith. Chaps. 7-9 are signed by Richard Wiffin,
William Phettiplace, and Anas Todkill, so that it is impossible to know which of the
three (if any) wrote this account.
5. An interesting sidelight on the English gentleman of the day. Smith could only
succeed in getting the gentlemen to work by diversionary tactics of this sort.
6. Smith seems to have understood that Powhatan was at the root of the
embargo on trade with the English. For the Indians, as well as for the English,
revenge was "a sort of wild justice" (Francis Bacon, "Of Revenge," in The Essays, or
Counsels, civil and moral ...). They would understand it.
7. Read: "their horns were much too short to effect it"; that is, the grumbling
minority was too weak. See p. 21, above, for a similar reference.
8. I.e., return to Virginia.
9. Possibly gray squirrels, which looked very different from the English red variety
(see Barbour, "Earliest Reconnaissance," Pt. II, 38).
10. The Generall Historie, 70, has "afforded."
1. Smith's letter to the treasurer, sent to London with Newport but omitted here,
appears in the Generall Historie, 70-72. Both the letter and the list of names that follows
were omitted by Purchas (Pilgrimes, IV, 1719-1720).
Master Scrivener was sent with the barges and Pinas to
where he found the Salvages more ready to fight then trade,
but his vigilancy was such, as prevented their projectes, and by the
meanes of Namontack got 3. or 4. hogshead of corne, and as much
Red paint which (then) was esteemed an excellent die.
voiage to
Captaine Newport being dispatched with the tryals of pitch,
tarre, glasse, frankincense, and sope ashes, with that clapbord and
wainscot could bee provided met with Master Scrivener at point
Comfort, and so returned for England, leaving us in all 200. with
those hee brought us.1
The names of those in this supply are these.
Mistresse Forest and Anne Buras her maide, 8. Dutchmen, and
Poles4
Those poore conclusions so affrighted us all with famine; that
the President provided for Nansamund, tooke with him Captaine
Winne and Master Scrivener (then returning from Captaine
These people also || long denied him trade, (excusing
to bee so commanded by Powhatan) til we were constrained
to begin with them perforce, and then they would rather sell us some,
then wee should take all; so loading our boats, with 100. bushels we
parted friends, and came to James Towne, at which time, there was
a marriage betweene John Laydon and Anna Burrowes, being the
first marriage we had in Virginia.
forced to
[54]
Long he staied not, but fitting himselfe and captaine Waldo
with 2. barges, from Chawopo, Weanocke and all parts there, was
found neither corne nor Salvage, but all fled (being Jealous of our
intents) till we discovered the river and people of Appametuck,
where we founde little that they had, we equally devided, betwixt
the Salvages and us (but gave them copper in consideration). Master
Persie and Master Scrivener went also abroad but could finde
nothing.
discovered.
The President seeing this procrastinating of time, was no course
to live, resolved with Captaine Waldo, (whom he knew to be sure in
time of need) to surprise Powhatan, and al his provision, but the
of Captaine Winne, and Master Scrivener (for some
private respects) did their best to hinder their project: But the
whom no perswasions could perswade to starve, being invited
by Powhatan to come unto him, and if he would send him but men
to build him a house, bring him a grinstone, 50. swords, some peeces,
a cock and a hen, with copper and beads, he would loade his shippe
with corne. The President not ignoraunt of his devises, yet unwilling
English (having no vi- || ctuals to imploy them, all for want therof
being idle) knowing there needed no better castel,5
to surprize Powhatan, to effect this project he took order with
Waldo to second him if need required; Scrivener he left his
substitute; and set forth with the Pinnas 2. barges and six and forty
men which only were such as voluntarily offered themselves for his
journy, the which (by reason of Master Scriveners ill successe) was
censured very desperate, they all knowing Smith would not returne
empty howsoever, caused many of those that he had appointed, to
finde excuses to stay behinde.
[55]
THE 29 of December hee set forward for Werawocomoco, his
company were these.
4. Dutchmen and Richard Salvage were sent by land, to build the
house for Powhatan against our arrivall.
This company being victualled but for 3. or 4. daies || lodged
the first night at Weraskoyack, where the President tooke sufficient
provision. This kind Salvage did his best to divert him from seeing
Powhatan, but perceiving he could not prevaile, he advised in this
maner.
[57]
Captaine Smith, you shall finde Powhatan to use you kindly, but
trust him not, and bee sure hee hath no opportunitie to seaze on your
armes, for hee hath sent for you only to cut your throats.
counsell of
Weraskoyack.
The Captaine thanked him for his good counsell, yet the better to try
his love, desired guides to Chowanoke, for he would send a present
to that king to bind him his friend. To performe this journey, was
sent Michael Sicklemore, a very honest, valiant, and painefull
souldier, with him two guids, and directions howe to search for the
lost company of Sir Walter Rawley, and silke grasse:1
and left with him Samuell Collier his page to learne the language.
The next night being lodged at Kecoughtan 6 or 7 daies, the
extreame wind, raine, frost, and snowe, caused us to keepe 2
amongst the Salvages, where wee were never more merrie, nor
fedde on more plentie of good oysters, fish, flesh, wild foule, and good
bread, nor never had better fires in England then in the drie warme
smokie houses of Kecoughtan. But departing thence, when we found
no houses, we were not curious3
together upon any shore under the trees by a good fire. 148 fowles
the President, Anthony Bagly,4
shoots. At Kiskiack the frost forced us 3 or 4 daies also to suppresse
the insolencie of those || proud Salvages; to quarter in their houses,
and guard our barge, and cause them give us what wee wanted, yet
were we but 12 with the President, and yet we never wanted harbour
where we found any houses. The 12 of Januarie5
Werawocomoco, where the river was frozen neare halfe a mile from
the shore; but to neglect no time, the President with his barge, so
farre had approached by breaking the Ice as the eb left him amongst
those oozie shoules, yet rather then to lie there frozen to death, by
his owne example hee taught them to march middle deepe, more
then a flight shot through this muddie frore6
floted he appointed 2 or 3 to returne her abord the Pinnace, where
for want of water in melting the salt Ice7
in this march Master Russell (whome none could perswade to stay
behind) being somewhat ill, and exceeding heavie, so overtoiled
him selfe, as the rest had much adoe (ere he got a shore) to regaine
life, into his dead benummed spirits. Quartering in the next8
we found, we sent to Powhatan for provision, who sent us plentie of
bread, Turkies, and Venison. The next day9
his ordinarie manner, he began to aske, when we would bee gon,
faining hee sent not for us, neither had hee any corne, and his people
much lesse, yet for 40 swords he would procure us 40 bushels. The
message and conditions, asked him how it chaunced he became so
forgetful, thereat the king concluded the matter with a merry
laughter, asking for our commodities, but none he liked without
gunnes and swords, || valuing a basket of corne more pretious then a
basket of copper, saying he could eate his corne, but not his copper.
victuall.
killed at 3
shoots.
[58]
subteltie.
[59]
Captaine Smith seeing the intent of this subtil Salvage began
to deale with him after this manner,
Powhatan, though I had many courses to have made my provision,
yet beleeving your promises to supply my wants, I neglected all, to
satisfie your desire, and to testifie my love, I sent you my men for
your building, neglecting my owne: what your people had you have
engrossed, forbidding them our trade, and nowe you thinke by
the time, wee shall consume for want, not having to fulfill
your strange demandes. As for swords, and gunnes, I told you long
agoe, I had none to spare. And you shall knowe, those I have, can
keepe me from want, yet steale, or wrong you I will not, nor dissolve
that friendship, wee have mutually promised, except you constraine
mee by your bad usage.
Smithes
to
Powhatan.
The king having attentively listned to this discourse; promised,
that both hee and his Country would spare him what they could, the
which within 2 daies, they should receave.
reply and
flattery.
Yet Captaine Smith, (saith the king) some doubt I have of your
comming hither, that makes me not so kindly seeke to relieve you as
I would; for many do informe me, your comming is not for trade,
but to invade my people and possesse my Country, who dare not
come to bring you corne, seeing you thus armed with your men. To
cleere us of this feare, leave abord your weapons, for here they are
needlesse we being all friends and for ever Powhatans.
With many such discourses they spent the day, quartring that
night in the kings houses. The next day he reviewed1
which hee little intended should proceed; for the Dutchmen finding
his plenty, and knowing our want, and perceived2
surprise us, little thinking wee could escape both him and famine, (to
obtaine his favour) revealed to him as much as they knew of our
estates and projects, and how to prevent them; one of them being of
so good a judgement, spirit, and resolution, and a hireling that was
certaine of wages for his labour, and ever well used, both he and his
countrimen, that the President knewe not whome better to trust, and
discover Powhatans intent, then little doubting his honestie, nor
could ever be certaine of his villany, till neare halfe a yeare after.
Whilst we expected the comming in of the countrie, we wrangled
out of the king 10 quarters of corne for a copper kettle, the which the
President perceived him much to affect, valued it at a much greater
rate, but (in regard of his scarcety) hee would accept of3
more the next yeare, or else the country of Monacan, the king
liberall of that hee had not yeelded him Monacan.
each seeming well contented; Powhatan began to expostulate
the difference betwixt peace and war, after this manner.
Captaine Smith you may understand, that I, having scene the
death of all my people thrice,4
but my selfe, I knowe the difference of peace and warre, better
then any in my || Countrie. But now I am old, and ere long must die,
my brethren, namely Opichapam, Opechankanough, and
my two sisters, and their two daughters, are distinctly each
others successours, I wish their experiences no lesse then mine, and
your love to them, no lesse then mine to you; but this brute from
Nansamund5
affrighteth all my people, as they dare not visit you; what will it
availe you, to take that perforce, you may quietly have with love, or
to destroy them that provide you food? what can you get by war,
when we can hide our provision and flie to the woodes, whereby you
must famish by wronging us your friends; and whie are you thus
jealous of our loves, seeing us unarmed, and both doe, and are
still to feed you with that you cannot get but by our labours?
think you I am so simple not to knowe, it is better to eate good meate,
lie well, and sleepe quietly with my women and children, laugh and
be merrie with you, have copper, hatchets, or what I want, being
your friend; then bee forced to flie from al, to lie cold in the woods,
feed upon acorns, roots, and such trash, and be so hunted by you,
that I can neither rest, eat, nor sleepe; but my tired men must watch,
and if a twig but breake, everie one crie there comes Captaine Smith,
then must I flie I knowe not whether, and thus with miserable feare
end my miserable life; leaving my pleasures to such youths as you,
which through your rash unadvisednesse, may quickly as miserably
assure you of our loves and everie yeare our friendly trade shall
furnish you || with corne, and now also if you would come in friendly
manner to see us, and not thus with your gunnes and swords, as to
invade your foes.
of peace
and warre.
[61]
[62]
To this subtil discourse the President thus replied.
Seeing you will not rightly conceave of our words, wee strive to
make you knowe our thoughts by our deeds. The vow I made you of
my love, both my selfe and my men have kept. As for your promise
I finde it everie daie violated, by some of your subjects, yet wee
your love and kindnesse (our custome is so far from being
that for your sake only, wee have curbed our thirsting
desire of revenge, else had they knowne as wel the crueltie we use to
our enimies as our true love and curtesie to our friendes. And I thinke
your judgement sufficient to conceive as well by the adventures we
have undertaken, as by the advantage we have by our armes of
yours: that had wee intended you anie hurt, long ere this wee coulde
have effected it; your people comming to me at James towne, are
entertained with their bowes and arrowes without exception; we
esteeming it with you, as it is with us, to weare our armes as our
apparell. As for the dangers of our enimies, in such warres consist our
chiefest pleasure, for your riches we have no use, as for the hiding
your provision, or by your flying to the woods, we shall so unadvisedly
starve as you conclude,6
for we have a rule to finde beyond your knowledge.
Smiths reply.
Manie other discourses they had, til at last they began to trade,
but the king seing his will would not bee admitted as a lawe, our
gard dispersed, nor our men || disarmed, he (sighing) breathed his
mind, once more in this manner.
[63]
Captaine Smith, I never used anie of7
as your selfe; yet from you I receave the least kindnesse of anie.
Newport gave me swords, copper, cloths, a bed, tooles, or what
I desired, ever taking what I offered him, and would send awaie his
gunnes when I intreated him: none doth denie to laie at my feet (or
do) what I desire, but onelie you, of whom I can have nothing, but
what you regard not, and yet you wil have whatsoever you demand.
Captain Newport you call father, and so you call me, but I see for all
content you: but if you intend so friendlie as you saie, sende hence
your armes that I may beleeve you, for you see the love I beare you,
doth cause mee thus nakedlie forget my selfe.
importunitie
for to have
them unarmed,
to betray them.
Smith seeing this Salvage but trifled the time to cut his throat:
procured the Salvages to breake the ice, (that his boat might come
to fetch both him and his corne) and gave order for his men to come
ashore, to have surprised8
time till his men landed, and to keepe him from suspition,
the time with this reply.
Powhatan, you must knowe as I have but one God, I honour
but one king; and I live not here as your subject, but as your friend,
to pleasure you with what I can: by the gifts you bestowe on me, you
gaine more then by trade; yet would you visite mee as I doe you,
you should knowe it is not our customes to sell our curtesie as a
vendible commoditie. Bring all your Country || with you for your
gard, I will not dislike of it as being over jealous. But to content you,
to morrow I will leave my armes, and trust to your promise. I call
you father indeed, and as a father you shall see I will love you, but
the smal care you had of such a child, caused my men perswade me
to shift for my selfe.
Smiths
to delay
time, that hee
might surprise
Powhatan.
[64]
By this time Powhatan having knowledge, his men were readie:
whilst the ice was breaking, his luggage9
and to avoid suspition, left 2 or 3 of his women talking with the
Captaine, whilst he secretly fled, and his men as secretlie beset the
house, which being at the instant discovered to Captaine Smith, with
his Pistol, Sword and Target, he made such a passage amongst those
naked divels, that they fled before him some one waie some another,
so that without hurt he obtained the Corps du-guard; when they
perceived him so well escaped, and with his 8 men (for he had no
more with him), to the uttermost of their skill, they sought by
to dissemble the matter, and Powhatan to excuse his flight, and
the suddaine comming of this multitude, sent our Captaine a greate
bracelet, and a chaine of pearle, by an ancient Orator that bespoke
us to this purpose, (perceiving them from our Pinnace, a barge and
men departing and comming unto us.)
plot to have
murdered
Smith.
perle for a
present.
Captaine Smith, our Werowans is fled, fearing your guns, and
when the ice was broken there would come more men, sent those
of his to guard his corne from the pilfrie,1
he is your friend, and so wil continue: and since the ice is open hee
would have you send a- || waie your corne; and if you would have his
companie send also your armes, which so affrighteth his people, that
they dare not come to you, as he hath promised they should.
[65]
Nowe having provided baskets for our men to carrie the corne, they
kindlie offered their service to gard our armes, that none should
to steale them. A great manie they were, of goodlie well appointed
as grim as divels; yet the verie sight of cocking our matches
against them, and a few words, caused them to leave their bowes and
arrowes to our gard, and beare downe our corne on their own backes;
wee needed not importune them to make quick dispatch. But our
own barge being left by the ebb, caused us to staie, till the midnight
tide carried us safe abord, having spent that halfe night with such
mirth, as though we never had suspected or intended any thing, we
left the Dutchmen to build, Brinton to kil fowle for Powhatan (as by
his messengers he importunately desired) and left directions with our
men to give Powhatan all the content they could, that we might
injoy his company at our returne from Pamaunke.
kill our men
loded with
baskets we
forced the
Salvages carrie
them.
2. The identity of Master Hunt is uncertain. He may have been the Thomas Hunt
who was listed as an adventurer in the 1609 charter.
3. This appears to have been the artisan Henry Powell, listed on p. 56, below.
4. Regarding the Poles, see p. 81, below.
5. Here in the sense of "visionary project or scheme."
6. The Generall Historie, 74, curiously, has "Nathanael Graves" by mistake; Powell
is confirmed below (p. 66).
7. Bourne is erroneously listed as Browne in the Generall Historie, 74.
8. Anthony Baggly, Serg[eant], is an error for Anthony Bagnall, Surgeon, as shown
in various references.
9. Edward Pising was in the barge (see p. 55, above).
1. Thomas Harriot and others had discovered fibrous plants on the small islands
around Roanoke Island, North Carolina, before or about Sept. 1585. These were said
to yield "silk grass" -- a potentially valuable commodity. See David Beers Quinn, ed.,
The Roanoke Voyages, 1584-1590 (Hakluyt Society, 2d Ser., CIV-CV [London, 1955]),
I, 325n, for suggestions as to the plants concerned. The Indians are known to have used
ramie fiber from stingless nettles and fibers from milkweed and yucca for making textiles
(see A. C. Whitford, "Textile Fibers Used in Eastern Aboriginal North America," Anthro-
pological Papers of the American Museum of Natural History, XXXVIII, Pt. I [New York,
1941], 9-13).
2. The Christmas season lasted until Twelfth Night. Six or seven days beginning
Dec. 30 would include most of the period.
3. Eager.
4. Again an error for Bagnall; see p. 56n, above.
5. 1609.
6. Intensely cold, frozen.
7. The Generall Historie, 75, clarifies this: "in melting the ice, they made fresh water,
for the river there was salt."
8. Nearest.
9. Jan. 13, 1609; Smith seldom supplies dates.
1. The Generall Historie, 75, has "renewed."
2. Ibid., "perceiving."
3. Ibid., "he would accept it, provided we should have as much more the next
yeare. ..."
4. Powhatan is apparently referring to drastic reverses or epidemics in his lifetime
of which we have now little or no record.
5. The bruit, or rumor, from Nansemond "that from the Chesapeack Bay a Nation
should arise, which should dissolve and give end to his Empier" was confirmed by
William Strachey (The Historie of Travell into Virginia Britania, ed. Louis B. Wright and
Virginia Freund [Hakluyt Soc., 2d Ser., CIII (London, 1953)], 104).
6. Read: "we shall not so unadvisedly starve. ..." Smith was retorting to Powhatan's
insinuation that the English "never knowe how to find" sustenance (p. 61), with his own
insinuation that he had some tricks up his sleeve, too.
7. Both the Generall Historie and Purchas's Pilgrimes omit "of"; perhaps the original
had "of my" or "of the."
8. The Generall Historie, 76, has "to surprise."
9. Ibid., 77, "with his luggage."
1. "Pilfering"; obsolete. Above, read: "knowing that when the ice was broken. ..."
WEE had no sooner set saile, but Powhatan returned, and sent
Adam and Francis (2. stout Dutch men) to the fort, who
to Captaine Winne that al things were well, and that Captaine
Smith had use for their armes, wherefore they requested newe || (the
which were given them) they told him their comming was for some
extraordinary tooles and shift of apparell; by this colourable excuse,
they obtained 6. or 7. more to their confederacie, such expert theefes,
that presently furnished them with a great many swords, pike-heads,
peeces, shot, powder and such like. They had Salvages at hand ready
to carry it away, the next2
their confederates to follow, and in the interim, to convay them a
competencie of all things they could, for which service they should
live with Powhatan as his chiefe affected: free from those miseries
that would happen the Colony. Samuell their other consort,
kept for their pledge, whose diligence had provided them, 300.
of their kinde of hatchets, the rest, 50. swords, 8. peeces, and 8. pikes:
Brinton, and Richard Salvage seeing the Dutch-men so strangly
to accommodate the Salvages these weapons3
daies we arrived at Pamaunke: the king as many daies, entertained
us with feasting and much mirth: and the day he appointed to begin
our trade, the President, with Master Persie, Master West, Master
Russell, Master Beheathland, Master Powell, Master Crashaw,
Master Ford, and some others to the number of 15. went up to
Opechancanougs house (near a quarter of a mile from the river,)
where we founde nothing, but a lame fellow and a boy, and all the
houses about, of all things abandoned; not long we staide ere the
king arrived, and after him came divers of his people loaded with
bowes and arrowes, but such pinching commodities, and those
esteemed at such a va- || lue, as our Captaine beganne with him in
this manner.
deceave
Smith.
[66]
noughs
abandoned.
[67]
Opechancanough the great love you professe with your tongue,
seemes meere deceipt by your actions; last yeare you kindly fraughted
our ship, but now you have invited me to starve with hunger. You
know my want, and I your plenty, of which by some meanes I must
have part, remember it is fit for kings to keepe their promise. Here
are my commodities, wherof take your choice; the rest I will
fit bargaines for your people.
to
The king seemed kindly to accept his offer; and the better to
colour his project, sold us what they had to our own content;
the next day, more company, better provided; (the barges, and
Pinnas being committed to the charge of Master Phetiplace) the
President with his old 15 marched up to the kings house, where we
found 4 or 5 men newly come with great baskets, not long after came
the king, who with a strained cheerefulnes held us with discourse,
what paines he had taken to keepe his promise; til Master Russell
brought us in news that we were all betraied: for at least 6. or 700.
of well appointed Indians had invironed the house and beset the
fields. The king conjecturing what Russell related, we could wel
how the extremity of his feare bewrayed his intent: whereat
some of our companie seeming dismaide with the thought of such a
multitude; the Captaine incouraged us after this manner.
beset the
English being
but 16.
Worthy countrymen were the mischiefes of my seeming friends,
no more then the danger of these enemies, I little cared, were they as
many more, if you || dare do, but as I. But this is my torment, that
if I escape them, our malicious councell with their open mouthed
minions, will make mee such a peace-breaker (in their opinions) in
England, as wil break my neck; I could wish those here, that make
these seeme Saints, and me an oppressor. But this is the worst of all,
wherin I pray aide me with your opinions; should wee begin with
them and surprize this king, we cannot keep him and defend well our
selves. If we should each kill our man and so proceede with al in this
that are slaine, and then starve for victuall: as for their fury it is the
least danger; for well you know, (being alone assaulted with 2 or 300
of them) I made them compound to save my life, and we are now
16 and they but 700. at the most, and assure your selves God wil so
assist us, that if you dare but to stande to discharge your peeces, the
very smoake will bee sufficient to affright them; yet howsoever (if
there be occasion) let us fight like men, and not die like sheep; but
first I will deale with them, to bring it to passe, we may fight for some
thing and draw them to it by conditions. If you like this motion,
promise me youle4
to his company.
[68]
The time not permitting any argument, all vowed to execute
he attempted, or die; whereupon the captaine, approaching
the king bespoke him in this manner.
I see Opechancanough your plot to murder me, but I feare it
not, as yet your men and mine, have done no harme, but by our
directions. Take therefore your arms; you see mine; my body shalbe
as naked as yours; || the Ile in your river is a fit place, if you be
and the conqueror (of us two) shalbe Lord and Master over
all our men; otherwaies drawe all your men into the field; if you
have not enough take time to fetch more, and bring what number
you will, so everie one bring a basket of corne, against all which I
will stake the value in copper; you see I have but 15 men, and our
game shalbe the conquerer take all.
to
[69]
The king, being guarded with 50 or 60 of his chiefe men, seemed
kindly to appease Smiths suspition of unkindnesse, by a great present
at the dore, they intreated him to receive. This was to draw him
without the dore where the present was garded with at the least 200
men and 30 lying under a greate tree (that lay thwart as a Barricado)
each his arrow nocked ready to shoot; some the President
to go and see what kinde of deceit this was, and to receive
the present, but they refused to do it, yet divers offered whom he
would not permit; but commanding Master Persie and Master West
to make good the house, tooke Master Powell and Master
to guard the dore, and in such a rage snatched the king by his
vambrace5
his brest: thus he led the trembling king, (neare dead with feare)
amongst all his people,6
little dreaming anie durst in that manner have used their king; who
then to escape himselfe, bestowed his presents in goodsadnesse.7
having caused all his multitude to approach disarmed; the President
argued with them to this effect.
noughs devise
to betray
Smith.
I see you Pamaunkies the great desire you have to cut my throat;
and my long suffering your injuries, have inboldened you to this
The cause I have forborne your insolencies, is the promise
I made you (before the God I serve) to be your friend, till you give
me just cause to bee your enimie. If I keepe this vow, my God will
keepe me, you cannot hurt me; if I breake it he will destroie me. But
if you shoot but one arrow, to shed one drop of blood of any of my
men, or steale the least of these beades, or copper, (I spurne before
me with my foot) you shall see, I wil not cease revenge, (if once I
begin) so long as I can heare where to find one of your nation that
will not deny the name of Pamaunke; I am not now at Rasseweac8
(halfe drownd with mire) where you tooke me prisoner, yet then for
keeping your promise, and your good usage, and saving my life, I
so affect you, that your denials of your treacherie, doth half
me to mistake my selfe. But if I be the marke you aime at, here
I stand, shoote hee that dare. You promised to fraught my ship ere
I departed, and so you shall, or I meane to load her with your dead
carkases; yet if as friends you wil come and trade, I once more
promise not to trouble you, except you give me the first occasion.
[70]
to the
Pamaunkies.
Upon this awaie went their bowes and arrowes, and men, women,
and children brought in their commodities, but 2 or three houres
they so thronged about the President, and so overwearied him, as
he retired himself to rest, leaving Master Beheathland and Master
Powel to accept their presents; but some Salvage perceiving him fast
asleepe, and the guard carelesly dispersed, 40 or 50 of their choice
men || each with an English sword in his hand, began to enter the
house, with 2 or 300 others that pressed to second them. The noise
and hast they made in, did so shake the house, as they awoke him
from his sleep, and being halfe amazed9
betooke him straight to his sword and target,10
some other charging in like manner, they thronged faster backe, then
before forward. The house thus clensed, the king and his ancients,
was spent with much kindnesse, the company againe renuing their
presents of their best provision. And what soever we gave them, they
seemed well contented with it.
dissemble their
intent.
[71]
and
Now in the meane while since our departure, this hapned at the
fort, Master Scrivener willing to crosse1
9 daies after the Presidents departure, would needs visit the Ile of
hogges, and took with him Captaine Waldo (though the President
had appointed him to bee readie to second his occasions)2
Master Anthony Gosnoll3
wind (that extreame frozen time) that the boat sunke, but where or
how, none doth knowe, for they were all drowned; onlie this was
knowne, that the Skiffe was much overloaded, and would scarse have
lived in that extreame tempest, had she beene emptie; but by no
perswasion hee could bee diverted, though both Waldo and 100
others doubted as it hapned.4
their bodies, which so much the more encouraged them to effect
their projects. To advertise the President of this heavie || newes, none
could bee found would undertake it, but the journey was often
of all in the fort, untill Master Wiffin undertooke alone the
performance thereof; wherein he was encountred with many dangers
and difficulties, and in all parts as hee passed (as also that night he
lodged with Powhatan) perceived such preparation for warre, that
assured him, some mischiefe was intended, but with extraordinarie
bribes, and much trouble, in three daies travell5
us in the midst of these turmoiles. This unhappie newes, the President
swore him to conceale from the rest, and so dissembling his sorrow,
with the best countenance he could, when the night approached,
went safely abord with all his companie.
Master
Skrivener and
others with a
Skiffe.
[72]
his journey to
the President.
Now so extreamely Powhatan had threatned the death of his
men, if they did not by some meanes kill Captaine Smith, that the
next day they appointed the Countrie should come to trade
yet unwilling to be treacherous, but that they were
hating fighting almost as ill as hanging, such feare they had
of bad successe. The next morning the sunne had not long appeared,
but the fieldes appeared covered with people, and baskets to tempt
us ashore. The President determined to keepe abord, but nothing
was to bee had without his presence, nor they would not indure6
sight of a gun; then the President seeing many depart, and being
barges with Ambuscadoes, as only with Master Persie, Master West,
and Master Russell armed, he went ashore, others unarmed he
to receive what was brought; the Salvages floc- || ked before
him in heapes, and (the bancke serving as a trench for retreat) hee
drewe them faire open to his ambuscadoes, for he not being to be
perswaded to go to visit their king, the King came to visit him with
2 or 300 men, in the forme of two halfe moons, with some 20 men,
and many women loaded with great painted baskets; but when they
approached somewhat neare us, their women and children fled; for
when they had environed and beset the fieldes in this manner, they
thought their purpose sure; yet so trembled with fear as they were
scarse able to nock their arrowes; Smith standing with his 3 men
readie bent beholding them, till they were within danger of our
who, upon the word discovered themselves, and he retiring
to the banke;7
fled, esteeming their heeles for their best advantage.
his
men to be
trecherous.
attempt to
betray us.
[73]
That night we sent to the fort Master Crashaw and Master
Foard, who (in the mid-way betweene Werawocomoco and the fort)
met 4 or 5. of the Dutch mens confederates going to Powhatan, the
which (to excuse8
Salvages) returned to the fort and there continued.
The Salvages hearing our barge depart in the night were so
terriblie affraide, that we sent for more men,9
threatned their ruine, and the rasing of their houses, boats, and
canowes) that the next day the king sent our Captaine a chaine of
pearle to alter his purpose; and stay his men, promising (though they
wanted themselves) to fraught our ship, and bring it abord to avoid
suspition, so that 5 or 6 daies after, || from al parts of the countrie
within 10 or 12 miles, in the extreame cold frost, and snow, they
brought us provision on their naked backes.
pearle sent to
obtaine peace.
[74]
Yet notwithstanding this kindnesse and trade; had their art and
poison bin sufficient, the President with Master West and some
others had been poysoned;1
Wecuttanow a stout yong fellow, knowing hee was suspected for
bringing this present of poison, with 40 or 50. of his choice
(seeing the President but with a few men at Potauncac) so
which the President perceiving in the midst of his companie did not
onlie beat, but spurned him like a dogge, as scorning to doe him anie
worse mischiefe; whereupon all of them fled into the woods, thinking
they had done a great matter, to have so well escaped; and the
townsmen remaining, presentlie fraughted our barge, to bee rid of
our companies, framing manie excuses to excuse Wecuttanow (being
son to their chiefe king but Powhatan2
them him that brought the poyson, they would deliver him to us to
punish as wee pleased.
Poysoned.
The offender
punished.
Men maie thinke it strange there should be this stir for a little
corne, but had it been gold with more ease we might have got it; and
had it wanted, the whole collonie had starved. We maie be thought
verie patient, to indure all those injuries; yet onlie with fearing them,
we got what they had. Whereas if we had taken revenge, then by
their losse we should have lost our selvs.3
of Youghtanund and || Mattapamient, where the people
that little they had, with such complaints and tears from
women and children; as he had bin too cruell to be a Christian that
would not have bin satisfied, and moved with compassion. But had
this happened in October, November, and December, when that
discoverie of Monacan was made,4
a ship of 40 tuns, and twice as much might have bin had from the
rivers of Toppahannock, Patawomeck, and Pawtuxunt. The maine
occasion of our temporizing with the Salvages was to part friends,
(as we did) to give the lesse cause of suspition to Powhatan to fly; by
whom we now returned, with a purpose, to have surprised him and
his provision. For effecting whereof, (when we came against the
towne) the President sent Master Wiffin and Master Coe ashore to
discover and make waie for his intended project. But they found that
those damned Dutch-men had caused Powhatan to abandon his new
house, and Werawocomoco, and to carrie awaie all his corne and
provision; and the people, they found (by their means so ill affected),
that had they not stood well upon their guard, they had hardlie
escaped with their lives. So the President finding his intention thus
frustrated, and that there was nothing now to be had, and therefore
an unfit time to revenge their abuses,5
l of copper 50l of Iron and
beads) kept 40 men 6. weekes,6
flesh, fish, and fowle, everie man having for his reward (and in
of his commodities) a months provision; (no trade being
allowed but for the store,) and we || delivered at James Towne to the
Cape-Marchant 279 bushels of corne.
[75]
want and
poverty.
did much hurt.
[76]
Those temporall proceedings to some maie seeme too
to such a dailie daring trecherous people: to others unpleasant
that we washed not the ground with their blouds, nor shewed such
strange inventions, in mangling, murdering, ransaking, and
(as did the Spaniards) the simple bodies of those ignorant soules;
nor delightful because not stuffed with relations of heaps, and mines
of gold and silver, nor such rare commodities as the Portugals and
Spaniards found in the East and West Indies. The want wherof hath
begot us (that were the first undertakers) no lesse scorne and
then their noble conquests and valiant adventures
with it) praise and honor. Too much I confesse the world cannot
attribute to their ever memorable merit. And to cleare us from the
worlds blind ignorant censure, these fewe words may suffise to any
reasonable understanding.
It was the Spaniards good hap to happen in those parts, where
were infinite numbers of people, whoe had manured the ground with
that providence, that it afforded victuall at all times: and time had
brought them to that perfection, they had the use of gold and silver,
and the most of such commodities, as their countries afforded, so
that what the Spaniard got, was only the spoile and pillage of those
countrie people, and not the labours of their owne hands. But had
those fruitfull Countries, beene as Salvage, as barbarous, as ill
peopled, as little planted, laboured and manured as Virginia, their
proper labours (it is likely) would have || produced as small profit as
ours. But had Virginia bin peopled, planted, manured, and adorned,
with such store of pretious Jewels, and rich commodities, as was the
Indies: then, had we not gotten, and done as much as by their
might bee expected from us, the world might then have
traduced us and our merits, and have made shame and infamy our
recompence and reward.
[77]
But we chanced in a lande, even as God made it. Where we
found only an idle, improvident, scattered people; ignorant of the
knowledge of gold, or silver, or any commodities; and carelesse of
any thing but from hand to mouth, but for bables of no worth;
nothing to encourage us, but what accidentally wee found nature
afforded. Which ere wee could bring to recompence our paines,
our charges, and satisfie our adventurers, we were to discover
the country, subdue the people, bring them to be tractable, civil, and
might make us recompence, or plant such colonies of our owne that
must first make provision how to live of themselves, ere they can
bring to perfection the commodities of the countrie, which doubtles
will be as commodious for England, as the west Indies for Spaine, if
it be rightly managed; notwithstanding all our home-bred opinions,
that will argue the contrarie, as formerly such like have done against
the Spaniards and Portugals. But to conclude, against all rumor of
opinion, I only say this, for those that the three first yeares began this
plantation, notwithstanding al their factions, mutenies, and miseries,
so gently corrected, || and well prevented: peruse the Spanish
the relations of Master Hacklut,7
with such smal meanes, as a barge of 2 Tunnes; sometimes with
7. 8. 9, or but at most 15 men did ever discover so many faire and
navigable rivers; subject so many severall kings, people, and nations,
to obedience, and contribution with so little bloud shed.
[78]
And if in the search of those Countries, wee had hapned where
wealth had beene, we had as surely had it, as obedience and
but if wee have overskipped it, we will not envy them that
shall chance to finde it. Yet can wee not but lament, it was our ill
fortunes to end, when wee had but only learned how to begin, and
found the right course how to proceed.
2. The Generall Historie, 78, has "and the next. ..."
3. Ibid., "with weapons ..." Below, the "king" at "Pamaunke" was
4. An obsolete form of "you'll."
5. Forearm armor; see the Generall Historie, 79.
6. Here again Purchas unburdens himself in an interesting marginal note (Pil-
grimes, IV, 1724): "Opechancanough taken prisoner amids his men. If this course had bin
taken by others Virginia by this had bin out of her cradle, and able to goe alone, yea to
trade or fight. But names of peace have bred worse then wars, and our confidence hatched
the miserable massacre by this perfidious Savage. And would God a Dale or Smith, or
some such spirit were yet there [in 1625] to take this, that is the onely right course with
those which know not to doe right, further for feare of suffering it enforceth. ..."
7. Soberly or with dignity, and evidently sadly (usually written as two words).
8. See the True Relation, sigs. B4r, C1r.
9. Stupefied.
10. Buckler.
1. Probably "to thwart"; certainly somehow to get in Smith's way.
2. "To second his needs; to back him up."
3. Bartholomew's brother.
4. "Feared that was what would happen."
5. Three days may be considered remarkably little; under the best of circumstances
it would have taken him a day and a half.
6. Here, though the usage seems odd, the "not" is far from pleonastic; this is a case
of outright double negative for emphasis.
7. The Generall Historie, 81, has "Barge."
8. "To seek to remove. ..."
9. Read: "that we had sent for more men." Below, the Generall Historie, 81, has
"wires," i.e., "weirs," instead of "canowes"; the "king" is Opechancanough.
1. Archer's "Relatyon" mentions a "Roote wherewith they [the Powhatan Indians]
poisen their Arrowes" (Barbour, Jamestown Voyages, I, 90), but this seems not to have
been identified; neither does the "poisonous substance" said to have been invented by
the Nanticoke Indians on the Eastern Shore, Smith's Nantaquacks (see Frederick Webb
Hodge, ed., Handbook of American Indians North of Mexico, Smithsonian Institution, Bureau
of American Ethnology, Bulletin 30, II [Washington, D.C., 1910], 125).
2. Powhatan's successor (presumably a "brother") was Opichapam (p. 61, above),
also known as Itoyatin, Taughaiten, etc. (see Strachey, Historie, 69; and John Pory in
Smith's Generall Historie, 143). Otherwise, the "chiefe king but Powhatan" might have
been Opechancanough or Katataugh, Powhatan's other "brothers."
3. "Fearing" was often used in the causative sense of "frightening, causing to fear."
As to revenge, again, see Barbour, Jamestown Voyages, II, 437n: "Smith was one of the
few colonists who realized that trade or barter with the Indians was a sine qua non of
survival. Therefore, they must neither be exterminated nor driven away."
4. The "unhappie discoverie" was the disastrous expedition to explore the Monacan
territory.
5. Smith's forays were designed to benefit the colony, not merely to vent his rage
on the Indians.
6. Six weeks from Dec. 29, 1608 (p. 55, above), would have been Feb. 9, 1609.
Above, read: "copper and 50l of Iron and beads."
7. The "Spanish Decades" probably refers to Peter Martyr d'Anghiera's Decades,
trans. Richard Eden (1555) and augmented by Richard Willes (1577); the "relations of
Master Hacklut" were of course the Principal Navigations.
8. The Generall Historie, 83, adds the name of Jeffrey Abbot.
WHEN the shippes departed,9
that the President had gotten) was so rotten with the last somers
rain, and eaten with rats, and wormes, as the hogs would scarsely
eat it, yet it was the souldiers diet, till our returnes: so that wee found
|| nothing done, but victuall spent, and the most part of our tooles,
and a good part of our armes convayed to the Salvages. But now,
casting up the store, and finding sufficient till the next harvest, the
feare of starving was abandoned; and the company divided into
tennes, fifteenes, or as the businesse required, 4 houres each day was
of the greatest number, caused the President to make a
generall assembly, and then he advised them as followeth.
[79]
Countrimen, the long experience of our late miseries, I hope is
sufficient to perswade every one to a present correction of himselfe;
and thinke not that either my pains, or the adventurers purses, will
ever maintaine you in idlenesse and sloth; I speake not this to you
all, for diverse of you I know deserve both honor and reward, better
then is yet here to bee had: but the greater part must be more
or starve, howsoever you have bin heretofore tolerated by the
authoritie of the Councell from that I have often commanded you,
yet seeing nowe the authoritie resteth wholly in my selfe,10
obay this for a law, that he that will not worke shall not eate1
by sicknesse he be disabled) for the labours of 30 or 40 honest and
industrious men shall not bee consumed to maintaine 150 idle
varlets. Now though you presume the authoritie here is but a
and that I dare not touch the lives of any, but my own must
answer it; the letters patents each week shall be read you, whose
contents will tell you the contrary. I would wish you therefore
contempt seeke to observe these orders || set downe: for there are
nowe no more Councells2
Therefore hee that offendeth let him assuredly expect his due
advise to the
company.
[80]
Hee made also a table as a publike memoriall of every mans deserts,
to encourage the good, and with shame to spurre on the rest to
amendment. By this many became very industrious, yet more by
severe punishment performed their businesse; for all were so tasked,
that there was no excuse could prevaile to deceive him, yet the
consorts so closely still convaid3
tooles, that though we could find the defect, we could not find by
whom it was occasioned, till it was too late.
All this time the Dutchmen remaining with Powhatan, received
them, instructing the Salvages their use. But their consorts not
them as they expected, to knowe the cause, they sent Francis
their companion (a stout young fellow) disguised Salvage like to the
glasse-house, (a place in the woods neere a myle from James Towne)4
where was the randavus for all their unsuspected villany. 40 men
they procured of Powhatan to lie in Ambuscadoe for Captaine
him, who found he was gon, yet to crosse his returne to
Captaine Smith presently dispatched 20 shot after him, and
then returning but from the glasse-house alone, hee incountred the
king of Paspaheigh, a most strong stout Salvage, whose perswasions
not being able to perswade him to his ambush, seeing him only armed
but with a fauchion, attempted to have shot him; but the President
prevented his shot || by grapling with him, and the Salvage as well
prevented him for drawing his fauchion, and perforce bore him into
the river to have drowned him; long they struggled in the water,
from whence the king perceiving two of the Poles5
would have fled; but the President held him by the haire and throat
til the Poles came in; then seeing howe pittifully the poore Salvage
begged his life, they conducted him prisoner to the fort. The
ere long was also brought in, whose villany, though all this time
it was suspected, yet he fained such a formall excuse, that for want
of language, Win6
dealings with Powhatan, that to save their lives they were
to accommodate7
to have detained them perforce; and that hee made this
escape with the hazard of his life. and meant not to have returned,
but only walked in the woods to gather walnuts: yet for all this faire
tale (there was so smal appearance of truth) hee went by the heeles;8
the king also he put in fetters, purposing to regaine the Dutch-men,
by the saving his life; the poore Salvage did his best, by his daily
messengers to Powhatan, but all returned that the Dutchmen would
not returne, neither did Powhatan stay them, and bring them fiftie
myles on their backes they were not able; daily this kings wives
children, and people, came to visit him with presents, which hee
liberally bestowed to make his peace, much trust they had in the
Presidents promise, but the king finding his gard negligent (though
fettered) yet escaped. Captaine Win thinking to pur- || sue him,
found such troopes of Salvages to hinder his passages, as they
many volies of shot for flights of arrowes. Captaine Smith
hearing of this, in returning to the fort tooke two Salvages prisoners,
9
in the countrie; with those, Captaine Win, and 50 chosen men
attempted that night to have regained the king, and revenged his
injurie and so had done if he had followed his directions, or bin
advised by those two villaines, that would have betraied both their
king and kindred for a peece of copper, but hee trifling away the
night, the Salvages the next morning by the rising of the sunne,
braved him come a shore to fight, a good time both sides let flie at
other, but wee heard of no hurt, only they tooke two Canows, burnt
the kings house and so returned.
plot to
murder
Smith.
[81]
[82]
The President fearing those bravadoes would but incourage the
Salvages, begun himselfe to trie his conclusions; whereby 6 or 7
Salvages were slaine, as many made prisoners; burnt their houses,
tooke their boats with all their fishing weares, and planted them at
James Towne for his owne use; and nowe resolved not to cease till he
had revenged himselfe upon al that had injured him. But in his
journey passing by Paspaheigh towards Chickahamina, the Salvages
did their best to draw him to their ambuscadoes; but seeing him
regardlesly passe their Countrey, all shewed themselves in their
bravest manner, to trie their valours; he could not but let flie, and
ere he could land, the Salvages no sooner knewe him, but they threw
downe their armes and desired peace; their Orator was a stout young
man || called Ocanindge, whose worthie discourse deserveth to be
remembred; and this it was.
[83]
Captaine Smith, my master is here present in this company
thinking it Captaine Win, and not you; and of him hee intended to
have beene revenged, having never offended him: if hee have
offended you in escaping your imprisonment; the fishes swim, the
fowles flie, and the very beastes strive to escape the snare and live;
then blame not him being a man, hee would entreat you remember,
your being a prisoner, what paines he tooke to save your life;10
since he hath injured you he was compelled to it, but howsoever, you
have revenged it with our too great losse. We perceive and well
knowe you intend to destroy us, that are here to intreat and desire
your friendship, and to enjoy our houses and plant our fields, of
whose fruit you shall participate, otherwise you will have the worst
by our absence, for we can plant any where, though with more
labour, and we know you cannot live if you want our harvest, and
that reliefe wee bring you; if you promise us peace we will beleeve
Upon these tearmes the President promised them peace, till they did
us injurie, upon condition they should bring in provision, so all
good friends, and so continued till Smith left the Countrie.
Ariving at James Towne, complaint was made to the President
that the Chickahaminos, who al this while continued trade, and
seemed our friendes, by colour thereof were the only theeves, and
amongst other things, a pistol being stolne, and the theefe fled, there
|| were apprehended 2 proper young fellows that were brothers,
knowne to be his confederats. Now to regain this pistoll, the one we
imprisoned, the other was sent to returne againe within 12 houres,
or his brother to be hanged, yet the President pittying the poore
naked Salvage in the dungeon, sent him victuall and some charcole
for fire;1
poore Salvage in the dungeon was so smothered with the smoke he
had made, and so pittiously burnt, that wee found him dead, the
other most lamentably bewailed his death, and broke forth in such
bitter agonies, that the President (to quiet him) told him that if
herafter they would not steal, he wold make him alive againe, but
little thought hee could be recovered, yet (we doing our best with
aquavitæ and vineger) it pleased God to restore him againe to life,2
but so drunke and affrighted that he seemed lunaticke, not
any thing hee spoke or heard, the which as much grieved
and tormented the other, as before to see him dead; of which maladie
(upon promise of their good behaviour afterward) the President
promised to recover him and so caused him to be laid by a fire to
sleepe, who in the morning (having well slept) had recovered his
senses; and then being dressed of his burning, and each a peece
of copper given them, they went away so well contented, that this
was spread amongst all the Salvages for a miracle, that Captaine
Smith could make a man alive that is dead; these and many other
such pretty accidents, so amazed and affrighted both Powhatan and
all his people that from all parts with presents they desired peace,
|| returning many stolne things which wee neither demaunded nor
thought of. And after that, those that were taken stealing (both
and his people) have sent them backe to James Towne to
receive their punishment, and all the countrie became absolutely as
free for us, as for themselves.
[84]
[85]
9. The date is not known; the editor has suggested the week of Nov. 27 to Dec. 3,
1608 (Barbour, Jamestown Voyages, II, 440n).
10. Of the original councillors, Smith was the only one still surviving in Virginia.
1. The source of this is 2 Thess. 3:10.
2. The Generall Historie, 83, has "Counsellers."
3. Variant spelling of "conveyed."
4. Archaeological excavations started by the National Park Service in the fall of
1948 located the site just off the Old Road (and modern Colonial Parkway) about a mile
from Jamestown.
5. Although there may have been as many as four Poles in Jamestown at the time,
only these two have been mentioned in Smith's works. Ever since about 1927 Polish
Americans have been attempting to identify these first Polish immigrants, culminating
about the time of the 350th anniversary celebrations in Jamestown. A few years later,
and after thorough investigation on both sides of the Atlantic, the editor presented the
known facts of the case in "The Identity of the First Poles in America," WMQ, 3d Ser.,
XXI (1964), 77-92. It needs to be stated here only that their identity is still unknown;
not even their names have survived.
6. Capt. Peter Winne; see p. 89n, below.
7. Read: "to supply him with"; a rare and obsolete use of "accommodate."
8. I.e., was put in irons.
9. A mistake of some sort for "Tassore" (see p. 86, below; and various references in
the Generall Historie).
10. This is hardly substantiated in the True Relation, though there is a reference to
"the King of Paspahegh" (sig. B4v).
1. Purchas, Pilgrimes, IV, 1727, has a marginal note: "Charcole-smoke [is] an
murtherer by oversight, where no vent is left to it." He may have meant "usual,"
rather than "unusual."
2. A second Purchas comment appears a few lines below: "Perhaps the Jesuites wits
have (besides meere lies) hatched many of their Indian Miracles from as unlikely egs as
this by conjoyning industrie and opportunitie" (ibid.).
Now wee so quietly followed our businesse, that in 3 monthes we
made 3 or 4 last3
triall of glasse, made a well in the forte of excellent sweete water
(which till then was wanting) built some 20 houses, recovered our
Church, provided nets and weares for fishing (and to stop the
of our disorderly theeves and the Salvages) built a blocke
house in the necke of our Ile, kept by a garrison, to entertaine the
Salvages trade, and none to passe nor repasse, Salvage, nor Christian,
without the Presidents order. 30 or 40 acres of ground we digged,
and planted; of 3 sowes in one yeare increased 60 and od pigges, and
neere 500 chickens brought up themselves (without having any
meate given them) but the hogges were transported to Hog Ile,4
where al- || so we built a blocke house with a garrison, to give us
notice of any shipping, and for their exercise they made clapbord,
wainscot, and cut downe trees against the ships comming. We built
also a fort for a retreat, neare a convenient river upon a high
hill,5
but ere it was halfe finished this defect caused a stay; in searching
our casked corne, wee found it halfe rotten, the rest so consumed with
the many thousand rats (increased first from the ships) that we knewe
not how to keepe that little wee had. This did drive us all to our wits
ende, for there was nothing in the countrie but what nature afforded.
Untill this time Kemps and Tassore, were fettered prisoners, and
daily wrought, and taught us how to order and plant our fields.
Whome now (for want of victuall) we set at libertie, but so wel were
they used, that they little desired it; and to express their loves, for 16
daies continuance, the Countrie6
of squirrils, Turkies, Deare, and other wild beastes; but this want of
corne occasioned the end of all our workes, it being worke sufficient
to provide victuall. 60 or 80 with Ensigne Laxon were sent downe
the river to live upon oysters, and 20 with leiftenant Percie to trie for
fishing at Point-Comfort, but in 6 weekes, they would not agree once
to cast out their net.7
in the store every one had their equall proportion. Till this present
(by the hazard and endeavour of some 30 or 40) this whole number
had ever been fed. Wee had more Sturgeon then || could be devoured
by dogge and man; of which the industrious, by drying and
mingled with caviare, sorrel, and other wholsome hearbs, would
make bread and good meate;8Tock-
wough roots in a day, as would make them bread a weeke, so that of
those wilde fruites, fish and berries, these lived very well, (in regard
of such a diet). But such was the most strange condition of some 150,
that had they not beene forced nolens volens perforce to gather and
prepare their victuall they would all have starved, and have eaten
one another. Of those wild fruites the Salvages often brought us: and
for that the President would not fulfill the unreasonable desire of
those distracted lubberly gluttons, to sell, not only our kettles, howes,
tooles, and Iron, nay swords, peeces, and the very ordenance, and
houses, might they have prevailed but to have beene but idle, for
those salvage fruits they would have imparted all to the Salvages;
especially for one basket of corne they heard of, to bee at Powhatans,
50 myles from our fort, though he bought neere halfe of it to satisfie
their humours, yet to have had the other halfe, they would have sold
their soules, (though not sufficient to have kept them a weeke).
Thousands were their exclamations, suggestions, and devises, to
force him to those base inventions, to have made it an occasion to
abandon the Countrie. Want perforce constrained him to indure
their exclaiming follies till he found out the author, one Dyer, a most
craftie knave, and his ancient maligner, whom he worthely punished,
and with the rest he argued the case in this manner.
[36]
[87]
Fellow souldiers, I did little thinke any so false to report, or so
many so simple to be perswaded, that I either intend to starve you,
or that Powhatan (at this present) hath corne for himselfe, much
lesse for you; or that I would not have it, if I knewe where it were to
be had. Neither did I thinke any so malitious as nowe I see a great
many, yet it shall not so much passionate me, but I will doe my best
for my worst maligner. But dreame no longer of this vaine hope from
Powhatan; nor that I wil longer forbeare to force you from your
Idlenesse, and punish you if you raile. You cannot deny but that by
the hazard of my life, many a time I have saved yours, when, might
your owne wils have prevailed, you would have starved, and will doe
still whether I will or no. But I protest by that God that made me,
since necessitie hath not power to force you to gather for your selvs
those fruits the earth doth yeeld, you shall not only gather for your
store then the worst of you; and all my English extraordinarie
that I have, you shall see mee devide among the sick. And this
Salvage trash, you so scornfully repine at, being put in your mouthes
your stomacks can digest it, and therefore I will take a course you
shall provide it. The sicke shal not starve, but equally share of all
our labours, and every one that gathereth not every day as much as
I doe, the next daie shall be set beyond the river, and for ever bee
banished from the fort, and live there or starve.
[88]
This order many murmured, was very cruell, but it caused the
most part so well bestir themselves, that || of 200 men (except they
were drowned) there died not past 7 or 8. As for Captaine Win, and
Master Ley, they died ere this want happened,9
for want of such as preserved the rest. Many were billitted among
the Salvages, whereby we knewe all their passages, fieldes, and
howe to gather and use their fruits, as well as themselves.
[89]
So well those poore Salvages used us, (that were thus Billited)
as divers of the souldiers ran away, to search Kemps our old prisoner.
Glad was this Salvage to have such an occasion to testifie his love.
For insteed of entertaining them, and such things as they had stolne,
with all the great offers and promises they made them, to revenge
their injuries upon Captaine Smith, First he made himselfe sport, in
shewing his countrymen (by them) how he was used; feeding them
with this law who would not worke must not eat, till they were neere
starved, continuallie threatning to beate them to death, neither
could they get1
that so well contented him, and punished them: as manie
others that intended also to have followed them, were rather
to labour at home, then adventure to live Idle among the
Salvages, (of whom there was more hope to make better christians
and good subjects, then the one halfe of those that counterfeited
themselves both.) For so afeard were all those kings and the better
sorte of their people, to displease us, that some of the baser sort that
we have extreamelie hurt and punished for their villanies, would
hire us, we should not tell it to their kings or countrymen, who would
also repunish || them, and yet returne them to James Towne to
the President, by that testimonie of their loves.
[90]
Master Sicklemore well returned from Chawonock, but found
little hope and lesse certainetie of them were left by Sir Walter
Rawley.2
them there. But nothing could we learne but they were all dead. This
honest, proper, good promis-keeping king,3
best affect us, and though to his false Gods he was yet very zealous,
yet he would confesse, our God as much exceeded his, as our guns
did his bowe and arrowes, often sending our President manie presents
to praie to his God for raine, or his corne would perish, for his Gods
were angrie. All this time to reclaime the Dutchmen, and one
Bentley an other fugitive, we imploied one William Volda (a Switzer
by birth) with pardons and promises to regaine them. Litle we then
suspected this double villaine, of anie villanie, who plainlie taught
us, in the most trust was the greatest treason. For this wicked
by the seeming hate he bore to the lewd condition of his cursed
countrimen, having this opportunitie by his imploiment to regaine
them, conveighed them everie thing they desired to effect their
project to destroie the colonie. With much devotion they expected
the Spanyard, to whom they intended to have done good service.
But to begin with the first oportunitie, they seeing necessitie thus
us to disperse our selves; importuned Powhatan to lend them
but his forces, and they would not onlie destroie our hogs, fire our
towne, and be- || traie our Pinnas; but bring to his service and
the most part of our companies.4
acquainted manie discontents and manie were agreed to their
divelish practise. But on Thomas Dowse and Thomas Mallard,
whose christian harts much relenting at such an unchristian act,
voluntarily revealed it to Captaine Smith: who did his best it might
be concealed, perswading Dowse and Malard to proceed in the
onlie to bring the irreclamable Dutch men, and
Salvages in such a maner amongst his ambuscadoes as he had
prepared, as not manie of them shoulde ever have returned from out
our peninsula. But this brute comming to the ears of the impatient
as amongst manie that offered to cut their throates before the
face of Powhatan.5
or shoot them; but these Dutch men made such excuses accusing
Volday whom they supposed had revealed their project, as Abbot
would not, yet Wiffin would, perceiving it but deceipt. The king
understanding of this their imploiment, sent presentlie his
to Captaine Smith to signifie it was not his fault to detaine
them, nor hinder his men from executing his command, nor did he
nor would he maintaine them, or anie to occasion his displeasure.
But ere this busines was brought to a point, God having scene our
misery sufficient, sent in Captaine Argall6
ship well furnished with wine and bisket, which though it was not
sent us, such were our occasions we tooke it at a price, but left him
sufficient to || returne for England, still dissembling Valdo his 7
but certainlie hee had not escaped had the President
[91]
[92]
By this you may see, for all those crosses, treacheries, and
howe he wrastled and overcame (without bloud shed) all
that hapned. Also what good was done, how few died, what food the
country naturally affordeth, what small cause there is men shoulde
starve, or be murdered by the Salvages, that have discretion to
manage this8
adventures he had oft brought the Salvages to a tractable trade, yet
you see how the envious authority ever crossed him, and frustrated
his best endeavours. Yet this wrought in him that experience and
estimation among the Salvages, as otherwaies it had bin impossible
he had ever effected that he did; though the many miserable yet
generous9
in some parts of Africa, and America, as in the most partes of Europe
and Asia10
much a doe having obtained, it was his ill chance to end, when hee
had but onlie learned how to begin. And though hee left these
difficulties, (made easie and familiar) to his unlawfull
whoe onlie by living in James Towne, presumed to know
more then al the world could direct them; though they had all his
souldiers with their triple power, and twise triple better meanes, by
what they have done in his absence, the world doth see: and what
they would have done in his || presence, had he not prevented their
indiscretions:11
them for England. But they have made it more plaine since their
returne, having his absolute authoritie freely in their power, with all
the advantages, and opportunity that his labours had effected. As I
am sorry their actions have made it so manifest, so I am unwilling to
say what reason doth compell me to make apparant the truth, least
I should seeme partial, reasonlesse, or malitious.
[93]
3. A last of pitch was 12 or sometimes 14 barrels (OED).
4. Across the river and slightly downstream from Jamestown.
5. The reference is apparently to Smith's "New Fort," across the James River and
just E of Gray's Creek.
6. The Generall Historie, 86, has "Countrie people."
7. The Generall Historie, 86, adds "he being sicke and burnt sore with Gunpouder."
8. "Meat," as here, in Smith's day usually referred to solid food in general, not just
animal flesh. On Tockwough roots, see the Map of Va., 13n.
9. What appears to be Peter Winne's last letter to London was dated Nov. 26, 1608
(see Barbour, Jamestown Voyages, I, 245-246); he died early in 1609.
1. I.e., "get away from. ..."
2. Purchas adds a comment of his own to Smith's account: "Powhatan confessed
that hee had bin at the murther of that Colonie: and shewed to Captain Smith a Musket
barrell and a brasse Morter, and certaine peeces of Iron which had bin theirs" (Pil-
grimes, IV, 1728). Long before Smith could have passed this information on to Purchas,
however, Newport had brought word to London not only about Powhatan and the
Roanoke colony, but also about survivors. In the instructions given to Sir Thomas Gates
by the Virginia Council in May 1609, there is a long paragraph about a desirable seat at
Oconahoen, in the neighborhood of which is Peccarecamicke, "where you shall finde
foure of the englishe alive, left by Sir Walter Rawely which escaped from the slaughter
of Powhaton of Roanocke" (Susan Myra Kingsbury, ed., The Records of the Virginia
Company of London [Washington, D.C., 1906-1935], III, 17). A summary of the whole
subject is available in Philip L. Barbour, "Ocanahowan and Recently Discovered
Fragments from Southern Virginia, c. 1650," in William Cowan, ed., Papers of the
Seventh Algonquian Conference (Ottawa, 1976), 2-17.
3. Possibly the same "Choapock" who is mentioned in a marginal manuscript note
to the True Relation, sig. B1r.
4. The Generall Historie, 88, has "company." The sense of the preceding passage is
that the conspirators were hoping for help from Spanish ships, but seeing the company
temporarily vulnerable, they hoped to get Powhatan's assistance for an immediate
attack.
5. The sentence is completed in the Generall Historie, 88: "the first was Lieutenant
Percy, and Master John Cuderington, two Gentlemen of as bold resolute spirits as could
possibly be found."
6. There is a fairly comprehensive account of Samuel Argall in Philip L. Barbour,
Pocahontas and Her World (Boston, 1970), especially pp. 66-76, 215-224, but consult the
index. Argall was commissioned on Apr. 2, 1609, by the London Council for Virginia
"to sett forward," as captain of the Mary and John, on "a fishing voiage to Virginia," on
which he was "to shape his Course Sowthewest or neere thereunto and therby to beat it
up the straytest way he can, accordinge to his offer made unto us, unto James Towne in
Virgynya ..." (see Dorothy S. Eaton, "A Voyage of 'ffishinge and Discovery,'" The
Library of Congress, Quarterly Journal of Current Acquisitions, X [1953], 181-184). For
further details, see the Generall Historie, 88n.
7. The Generall Historie, 88, clarifies the text somewhat: "The villany of Volday we
still dissembled." Yet the true cause of so much infighting, as it is called today, still
obscures what really happened -- or was on the verge of happening. Smith's, or his
associates', next paragraph reflects contemporary bewilderment.
8. The Generall Historie, 89, has "mannage them with courage and industrie."
9. Here, "gallant, courageous."
10. See the True Travels, chaps. 1-20.
11. In other words, "though his successors have better means for achieving success,
by what they have done in his absence the world doth see what they would have done in
his presence, had he not prevented their indiscretions."
To redresse those jarres and ill proceedings, the Councell in
altered the governement and devolved the authoritie to
the Lord De-la-ware.12
and Sir George Somers, with 9 ships and 500 persons, they set saile
from England in May 1609. A smal catch perished at sea in a
Herycano. The Admirall,13
their new commission, their bils of loading with al manner of
and the most part of their provision arived not. With the other
7 (as Captaines) arived Ratliffe, whose right name was Sickelmore,
Martin, and Archer. Who as they had been troublesome at sea,
againe to marre all ashore. For though, as is said, they were
formerly deposed and sent for England: yet now || returning againe,
graced by the title of Captaines of the passengers, seeing the admirall
wanting, and great probabilitie of her losse, strengthned themselves
with those newe companies, so railing and exclaiming against
Who understanding by his scouts the arivall of such a fleet (little
dreaming of any such supply) supposing them Spaniards, hee so
determined and ordered his affaires, as wee little feared their arivall,
nor the successe of our incounter, nor were the Salvages any way
negligent or unwilling, to aide and assist us with their best power.
Had it so beene, wee had beene happy. For we would not have
trusted them but as our foes, whereas receiving those as our
and friends, they did their best to murder our President, to
surprise the store, the fort, and our lodgings, to usurp the
and make us all their servants, and slaves to our owne merit.
To 1000 mischiefes those lewd1
wherein were many unruly gallants packed thether by their friends
to escape il destinies, and those would dispose and determine of the
governement, sometimes one,2
commission, to morrow the new, the next day by neither. In fine,
they would rule all or ruine all; yet in charitie we must endure them
thus to destroy us, or by correcting their follies, have brought the
worlds censure upon us to have beene guiltie of their bloods. Happy
had we bin had they never arrived; and we for ever abandoned, and
(as we were) left to our fortunes, for on earth was never more
or miserie, then their factions occasioned.
[94]
The President seeing the desire those braves had to rule, seeing
how his authoritie was so unexpectedly changed, would willingly have
left all and have returned for England, but seeing there was smal
hope this newe commission would arive, longer hee would not suffer
those factious spirits to proceed. It would bee too tedious, too strange,
and almost incredible, should I particularly relate the infinite
dangers, plots, and practises, hee daily escaped amongst this factious
crue, the chiefe whereof he quickly laid by the heeles, til his leasure
better served to doe them justice; and to take away al occasions of
further mischiefe, Master Persie had his request granted to returne
for England, and Master West with 120 went to plant at the falles.
Martin with neare as many to Nansamund, with their due
of all provisions, according to their numbers.
[95]
Now the Presidents yeare being neere expired,3
President, who knowing his own insufficiencie, and the companies
scorne, and conceit of his unworthinesse, within 3 houres resigned it
againe to Captaine Smith, and at Nansamund thus proceeded. The
people being contributers4
poore naked king, with his monuments,5
and there fortified himselfe, but so apparantly distracted
with fear, as imboldned the Salvages to assalt him, kill his men,
redeeme their king, gather and carrie away more then 1000 bushels
of corne, hee not once daring to intercept them. But sent to the
then at the Falles for 30 good shotte, which from James || towne
immediatly were sent him, but hee so well imploid them, as they did
just nothing, but returned, complaining of his childishnesse, that
with them fled from his company, and so left them to their fortunes.
[96]
Master West having seated his men at the Falles, presently
returned to revisit James Towne, the President met him by the way
as he followed him to the falles: where he found this company so
inconsiderately seated, in a place not only subject to the rivers
but round invironed with many intollerable
For remedy whereof, he sent presently to Powhatan to sell
him the place called Powhatan, promising to defend him against the
Monacans, and these should be his conditions (with his people) to
resigne him the fort and houses and all that countrie for a proportion
of copper: that all stealing offenders should bee sent him, there to
receive their punishment: that every house as a custome should pay
him a bushell of corne for an inch square of copper, and a proportion
of Pocones as a yearely tribute to King James, for their protection as
a dutie: what else they could spare to barter at their best discreation.
But both this excellent place and those good conditions did
those furies refuse, contemning both him, his kind care and
The worst they could to shew their spite, they did. I doe more
then wonder to thinke how only with 5 men, he either durst, or would
adventure as he did, (knowing how greedy they were of his blood) to
land amongst them and commit to imprisonment the greatest spirits
amongst them, till by their multitudes being 120. they forced him to
retire; || yet in that retreate hee surprised one of the boates,
hee returned to their shippe, wherein was their provisions,
which also hee tooke. And well it chaunced hee found the marriners
so tractable and constant, or there had beene small possibility he had
ever escaped. Notwithstanding there were many of the best, I meane
of the most worthy in Judgement, reason or experience, that from
their first landing hearing the generall good report of his old
and seeing with their eies his actions so wel managed with
discretion, as Captaine Wood, Captaine Web, Captaine Mone,
Captaine Phitz-James, Master Partridge, Master White, Master
Powell and divers others.6
rested his faithfull friends: But the worst was, the poore Salvages that
dailie brought in their contribution to the President. That
company so tormented those poore naked soules, by
their corne, robbing their gardens, beating them, breaking their
houses, and keeping some prisoners; that they dailie complained to
Captaine Smith he had brought them for protectors worse enimies
then the Monocans themselves; which though till then, (for his love)
they had indured: they desired pardon, if hereafter they defended
themselves, since he would not correct them, as they had long
he would: so much they importuned him to punish their
as they offered (if hee would conduct them) to fight for
him against them. But having spent 9. daies in seeking to reclaime
them, shewing them how much they did abuse themselves || with
their great guilded hopes of seas, mines, commodities, or victories
they so madly conceived. Then (seeing nothing would prevaile with
them) he set saile for James Towne: now no sooner was the ship under
saile but the Salvages assaulted those 120 in their fort, finding some
stragling abroad in the woods they slew manie, and so affrighted the
rest, as their prisoners escaped, and they scarse retired, with the
swords and cloaks of these they had slaine. But ere we had sailed a
league our shippe grounding, gave us once more libertie to summon
them to a parlie. Where we found them all so stranglie amazed with
this poore simple assault, as they submitted themselves upon anie
tearmes to the Presidents mercie. Who presentlie put by the heeles
6 or 7 of the chiefe offenders, the rest he seated gallantlie at
in their Salvage fort they built7
poles and barkes of trees sufficient to have defended them from all
the Salvages in Virginia, drie houses for lodgings 300 acres of grounde
readie to plant, and no place so strong, so pleasant and delightful in
Virginia, for which we called it Nonsuch.8
presentlie appeased; redelivering to every one their former losses.
Thus al were friends, new officers appointed to command, and the
President againe readie to depart. But at that Instant arrived Master
West, whose good nature with the perswasions and compassion of
those mutinous prisoners was so much abused, that to regaine their
old hopes new turboiles9
victuall munition and everie thing, they grew to that height in their
former factions, as there the President || left them to their fortunes,
they returning againe to the open aire at West Fort, abandoning
hapned him in that Journie.
[97]
[98]
[99]
Sleeping in his boat, (for the ship was returned 2 daies before,)
accidentallie, one fired his powder bag, which tore his flesh from his
bodie and thighes, 9. or 10. inches square in a most pittifull manner;
but to quench the tormenting fire, frying him in his cloaths he leaped
over bord into the deepe river, where ere they could recover him he
was neere drownd. In this estat, without either Chirurgion, or
chirurgery he was to go neare 100. miles.10
causing all things to bee prepared for peace or warres to obtain
whilest those things were providing, Martin, Ratliffe, and
Archer, being to have their trials, their guiltie consciences fearing a
just reward for their deserts, seeing the President unable to stand,
and neare bereft of his senses by reason of his torment, they had
plotted to have murdered him in his bed. But his hart did faile him
that should have given fire to that mercilesse pistol. So, not finding
that course to be the best they joined togither to usurp the
thereby to escape their punishment, and excuse themselves by
accusing him. The President, had notice of their projects: the which
to withstand, though his old souldiers importuned him but permit
them to take of their heads that would resist his commaund, yet he
would not permit them, But sent for the masters of the ships and
tooke order with them for his returne for England. Seeing there was
neither chirurgion, nor chirur- || gery in the fort to cure his hurt, and
the ships to depart the next daie, his commission to be suppressed1
he knew not why, himselfe and souldiers to be rewarded he knew not
how, and a new commission graunted they knew not to whom, the
which so disabled that authority he had, as made them presume so
oft to those mutinies and factions as they did. Besides so grievous
were his wounds, and so cruell his torment, few expected he could
live, nor was hee able to follow his businesse to regaine what they had
lost, suppresse those factions and range the countries for provision as
he intended, and well he knew in those affaires his owne actions and
presence was as requisit as his experience, and directions, which now
could not be; he went presently abord, resolving there to appoint
them governours, and to take order2
Who seeing him gone, perswaded Master Persie (to stay)
and be their President, and within lesse then an howre was this
mutation begun and concluded. For when the company understood
Smith would leave them, and see the rest in Armes called Presidents
and councellors, divers began to fawne on those new commanders,
who after many salt and bitter repulses, that their confusion should
not be attributed to him for leaving the country without government
and authority; having taken order to bee free from danger of their
malice; he was not unwilling they should steale it from him, but
never consented to deliver it to any. But had that unhappy blast not
hapned, he would quickly have quallified the heate of || those
humors and factions, had the ships but once left them and us to our
fortunes, and have made that provision from among the Salvages, as
we neither feared Spanyard, Salvage, nor famine: nor would have
left Virginia, nor our lawfull authoritie, but at as deare a price as we
had bought it, and paid for it. What shall I say? but thus we lost
him, that in all his proceedings, made Justice his first guid, and
his second; ever hating basenesse, sloth, pride, and
more then any dangers; that never allowed more for himselfe,
then his souldiers with him; that upon no danger would send them
where he would not lead them himselfe; that would never see us
want what he either had, or could by any meanes get us; that would
rather want then borrow, or starve then not pay; that loved actions
more then wordes, and hated falshood and cousnage3
death: whose adventures were our lives, and whose losse our deathes.
Leaving us thus with 3 ships, 7 boates, commodities ready to trade,
the harvest newly gathered, 10 weekes provision in the store, 490 and
odde persons, 24 peeces of ordinances, 300 muskets, snaphances and
fire lockes, shot, powder, and match sufficient, curats,4
and moryons5
wel knowne to 100 well trained and expert souldiers; nets for
fishing, tooles of all sortes to worke, apparell to supply our wants,
6 mares and a horse, 5 or 600 swine, as many hens and chickens;
some goates, some sheep; what was brought or bread there remained,
but they regarded nothing but from hand to mouth, to consume that
we had, tooke care for no- || thing but to perfit6
against Captaine Smith, for effecting whereof, 3 weekes
longer they stayed the 6 ships7
time and charge might much better have beene spent, but it suted
well with the rest of their discreations.
[100]
[101]
[102]
Now all those Smith had either whipped, punished, or any way
disgraced, had free power and liberty to say or sweare any thing, and
from a whole armefull of their examinations this was concluded.
The mutiners at the Falles, complained hee caused the Salvages
assalt them, for that hee would not revenge their losse, they being but
120, and he 5 men and himselfe, and this they proved by the oath of
one hee had oft whipped for perjurie and pilfering. The dutch-men
that he had appointed to bee stabd for their treacheries, swore he
sent to poison them with rats baine. The prudent Councel, that he
would not submit himselfe to their stolne authoritie. Coe and Dyer,
that should have murdered him, were highly preferred8
they heard one say, he heard Powhatan say, that he heard a man
say: if the king would not send that corne he had, he should not long
enjoy his copper crowne, nor those robes he had sent him: yet those
also swore hee might have had corne for tooles but would not. The
truth was, Smith had no such ingins as the king demanded, nor
any corne. Yet this argued he would starve them. Others
hee would not let them rest in the fort (to starve) but forced
them to the oyster bankes, to live or starve, as he lived himselfe. For
though hee had of his owne private provisi- || ons sent from England,
sufficient; yet hee gave it all away to the weake and sicke, causing
the most untoward (by doing as he did) to gather their food from the
unknowne parts of the rivers and woods, that they lived (though
hardly) that otherwaies would have starved, ere they would have
left their beds, or at most the sight of James Towne to have got their
own victuall. Some propheticall spirit calculated hee had the
in such subjection, hee would have made himselfe a king, by
marrying Pocahontas, Powhatans daughter. It is true she was the
very nomparell of his kingdome, and at most not past 13 or 14 yeares
of age.9
Captaine Smith, that ever loved and used all the Countrie well, but
her especially he ever much respected: and she so well requited it,
that when her father intended to have surprized him, shee by stealth
in the darke night came through the wild woods and told him of it.
But her marriage could no way have intitled him by any right to the
kingdome, nor was it ever suspected hee had ever such a thought, or
more regarded her, or any of them, then in honest reason, and
he might. If he would he might have married her, or have
done what him listed. For there was none that could have hindred
his determination. Some that knewe not any thing to say, the Councel
instructed, and advised what to sweare. So diligent they were in this
businesse, that what any could remember, hee had ever done, or said
in mirth, or passion, by some circumstantiall oath, it was applied to
their fittest use, yet not past 8 or 9 could say much and that nothing
10
untrue. Many got their passes by promising in England to say much
against him. I have presumed to say this much in his behalfe for that
I never heard such foule slaunders, so certainely beleeved, and urged
for truthes by many a hundred, that doe still not spare to spread
them, say them and sweare them, that I thinke doe scarse know him
though they meet him, nor have they ether cause or reason, but their
wills, or zeale to rumor or opinion. For the honorable and better sort
of our Virginian adventurers I think they understand it as I have
writ it. For instead of accusing him, I have never heard any give him
a better report, then many of those witnesses themselves that were
sent only home to testifie against him.
[103]
[104]
When the ships departed Captaine Davis2
with some 16 proper men more, to those were added a company
from James Towne under the command of Captaine Ratliffe to
inhabit Point-Comfort. Martin and Master West having lost their
boates, and neere halfe their men amongst the Salvages, were
to James Towne, for the Salvages no sooner understood of
Captaine Smiths losse, but they all revolted, and did murder and
spoile all they could incounter. Now were we all constrained to live
only of that which Smith had only for his owne company, for the rest
had consumed their proportions. And now have we 20 Presidents
with all their appurtenances, for Master Persie was so sicke he could
not goe nor stand. But ere all was consumed, Master West and
each with a pinnace, and 30 or 40 men wel appointed, sought
abroad || to trade, how they carried the businesse I knowe not, but
Ratliffe and his men were most slaine by Powhatan, those that
escaped returned neare starved in the Pinnace. And Master West
finding little better successe, set saile for England. Now wee all found
the want of Captaine Smith, yea his greatest maligners could then
curse his losse. Now for corne, provision, and contribution from the
Salvages; wee had nothing but mortall wounds with clubs and
arrowes. As for our hogs, hens, goats, sheep, horse, or what lived, our
commanders and officers did daily consume them, some small
(sometimes) we tasted till all was devoured, then swords,
arrowes, peeces, or any thing we traded to the Salvages, whose
bloody fingers were so imbrued in our bloods, that what by their
crueltie, our Governours indiscreation, and the losse of our ships; Of
most miserable and poore creatures.34
endured; but the occasion5
industrie, and governement, and not the barrennesse and
defect of the countrie, as is generally supposed, for till then in 3 yeares
(for the numbers were landed us) we had never landed sufficient
provision for 6 months; such a glutton is the sea, and such good
fellowes the marriners, wee as little tasted of those great proportions
for their provisions, as they of our miseries, that notwithstanding
ever swaid and overruled the businesse: though we did live as is said,
3 yeares chiefly of what this good countrie naturally affordeth: yet
now had we beene in Paradice it selfe (with those gover- || nours) it
would not have beene much better with us, yet was there some
amongst us, who had they had the governement, would surely have
kept us from those extremities of miseries, that in 10 daies more would
have supplanted us all by death.
[105]
[106]
But God that would not it should bee unplanted, sent Sir
Thomas Gates, and Sir George Sommers, with a 150 men, most
happily preserved by the Berondoes6
say how miraculously they were preserved, in a leaking ship, in those
extreame stormes and tempests in such overgrowne seas 3 daies and
3 nights by bayling out water. And having given themselvs to death,
how happily when least expected that worthy Captaine Sir George
Somers, having line all that time cuning7
swalowing waves, discovered those broken Iles, where how
they lived with fish and flesh, what a paradice this is to inhabit,
what industrie they used to build their 2 ships, how happily they did
transport them to James Towne in Virginia, I refer you to their owne
printed relations.
But when those noble knights did see our miseries (being
strangers in the country) and could understand no more of the cause
but by their conjecture, of our clamors and complaints, of accusing
or excusing one an other, they imbarked us with themselves, with the
best means they could, and abandoning James Towne set saile for
England.8
But yet God would not so have it, for ere wee left the river we
met the Lord de-la-ware, then governour for the countrie, with 3
againe returned them to the abandoned James Towne, the 9. of
June, 1610. accompanied with Sir Ferdinando Wainman, and divers
other gentlemen of sort. Sir George Somers, and Captaine Argall he
presentlie dispatcheth to require the Bermondas to furnish them with
provision: Sir Thomas Gates for England to helpe forward their
himselfe neglected not the best was in his power for the
of the busines and regaining what was lost. But even in the
beginning of his proceedings, his Lordship had such an incounter
with a scurvy sickenesse, that made him unable to weld9
his body, much lesse the affaires of the colonie, so that after 8.
monthes sicknesse, he was forced to save his life by his returne for
England.
[107]
In this time Argall not finding the Bermondas, having lost Sir
George Somers at sea, fell on the coast of Sagadahock,10
himselfe, found a convenient fishing for Cod. With a tast
whereof hee returned to James towne, from whence the Lord
sent him to trade in the river of Patawomecke, where finding an
English boy those people had preserved from the furie of Powhatan,
by his acquaintance had such good usage of those kind Salvages, that
they fraughted his ship with corne, wherewith he returned to James
Towne, and so for England with the Lord governour; yet before his
returne, the adventurers had sent Sir Thomas Dale with 3 ships,
men and cattell, and all other provisions necessarie for a yeare, all
which arived the 10 of May, 1611.
Againe, to second him with all possible expedition || there was
prepared for Sir Thomas Gates, 6 tall ships with 300 men, and 100
kyne, with other cattel, with munition and all manner of provision
could bee thought needfull, and they arived about the 1 of August
next after safely at James towne.
[108]
Sir George Somers all this time was supposed lost: but thus it
hapned, missing the Bermondas, hee fell also as did Argall with
Sagadahock, where being refreshed, would not content himselfe with
that repulse, but returned againe in the search; and there safely
arived. But overtoiling himselfe on a surfeit died.1
ship built by his owne directions, and partly with his owne hands,
that had not in her any iron but only one bolt in her keele, yet well
endured thus tossed to and againe in this mightie Ocean, til with his
dead body she arived in England at fine, and at Whitchurch in
Dorsetshire, his body by his friends was honourably buried, with
was bestowed this Epitaph
Since there was a ship fraughted with provision, and 40 men,
and another since then with the like number and provision to stay in
the Countrie 12 months with Captaine Argall.3
[109]
The Lord governour himselfe doth confidently determine to
goe with the next, or as presently as hee may in his owne person, with
sundry other knights and gentlemen, with ships and men so farre as
their meanes will extend to furnish: as for all their particular actions
since the returne of Captaine Smith, for that they have beene printed
from time to time, and published to the world, I cease farther to
trouble you with any repetition of things so well knowne, more then
are necessarie. To conclude the historie, leaving this assurance to all
posteritie, howe unprosperously things may succeed, by what
changes or chances soever. The action is honorable and worthie to
bee approved, the defect whereof hath only beene in the managing
the businesse; which I hope now experience hath taught them to
amend, or those examples may make others to beware, for the land
is as good as this booke doth report it.
Captaine Smith I returne you the fruit of my labours, as Master
Croshaw4
and hearing the relations of such which have walked, and observed
the land of Virginia with you. The pains I took was great: yet did
give me exceeding content. I cannot finde there is any thing, but
what they all affirme, or cannot contradict: the land is good: as there
is no citties, so no sonnes of Anak:5
wise inhabitant: and my prayer shall ever be, that so faire a land,
may bee inhabited by those that professe and love the Gospell.
[110]
12. For a succinct account of what happened, see Barbour, Jamestown Voyages, II,
249-250. It only needs to be stated here that of the fleet of nine ships, the flagship with
Gates, Somers, and Newport aboard was wrecked on a Bermuda reef, and a small ketch
was lost at sea. The remaining seven ships straggled up the James River with three of
Smith's ancient antagonists among the personnel and without any authorized person in
command, or even a copy of any authoritative document.
13. I.e., the flagship.
1. Unprincipled, good-for-nothing.
2. Read: "sometimes one way. ..."
3. The president of the council took office annually on Sept. 10. Smith was
trying to preserve some semblance of law and order.
4. Tribute payers.
5. Temples or ossuaries where the dried bodies of chiefs and other eminences were
preserved on raised platforms (see Henry Spelman's "Relation of Virginea," in Arber,
Smith, Works, cx).
6. Other than the notice in Kingsbury, Va. Co. Records, III, 13, of the appointment
of "Captaine Woode" to the council in Virginia, nothing is known about these mariners.
7. The Generall Historie, 92, has "in that Salvage Fort, readie built, and prettily
fortified. ..."
8. Henry Spelman left a badly written and distorted account of this in his "Relation"
(see Arber, Smith, Works, cii).
9. Possibly a misprint of "garboils" (brawls); if not, it could be a distortion of
"troubles" or "turmoils" (unrecorded in OED). The meaning at the beginning of the
sentence is that West's compassion and good nature led him to be persuaded by the
mutinous prisoners.
10. From Jamestown to Powhatan village is about 74 mi. (120 km.) by modern
charts (see Barbour, Jamestown Voyages, II, 465).
1. This would imply that it was not yet Sept. 10; but in so much confusion that date
may have been overlooked.
2. Take measures, make arrangements.
3. Variant spelling of "cozenage."
4. "Cuirasses."
5. "Morions" were a kind of helmet without beaver or visor.
6. Obsolete spelling of "perfect." The meaning is: "they did nothing but to develop
their complaints against Smith and held up the departure of the ships an extra three
weeks for that purpose."
7. Three weeks from Sept. 10 would have been Oct. 1.
8. Probably "recommended" here.
9. I.e., in 1609; Pocahontas was probably born in 1595 or 1596 (see Barbour,
Pocahontas, xix).
10. Circumstantial evidence.
1. This is surely for William Phettiplace.
2. This seems to have been Capt. James Davies of the Sagadahoc colony in Maine,
later a resident of Virginia (see the Biographical Directory). The pinnace Virginia had
been built in Maine and was the first ship built by Englishmen on this side of the Atlantic
(see Barbour, Jamestown Voyages, II, 280).
3. This entire story is confirmed and embellished independently by George Percy
("Relacyon," MS copy in The Free Library of Philadelphia, printed with some slips in
Tyler's Quarterly Historical and Genealogical Magazine, III [1922], 259-282).
4. Base, disgusting; obsolete variant of "vile."
5. Cause; i.e., fault.
6. The Bermudas.
7. Also spelled "con"; "to direct the steering of a ship." Above, "line" should be
"lain."
8. Only Sir Thomas Gates had prevented the colonists from burning Jamestown to
the ground (Percy, "Relacyon," MS copy, p. 18, and Tyler's Qtly., III [1922], 269).
9. Control, manage; obsolete variant of "wield."
10. See "A briefe Relation of the Discovery and Plantation of New England," in
James Phinney Baxter, ed., Sir Ferdinando Gorges and His Province of Maine (Boston, 1890),
207-208. The "English boy" mentioned below was Henry Spelman.
1. Apparently of overwork and overeating; cf. the Generall Historie, 176.
2. "Showers."
3. The opening of this paragraph should read: "Since the supply of August 1611,
another ship came freighted with provision and 40 men, and then still another. ..."
This paragraph and the peroration that follows seem to be by another hand or hands,
the peroration perhaps by William Symonds.
4. Despite Arber, Smith, Works, 174, the editor believes this refers to the Rev.
William Crashaw, who has very kind words for John Smith and the entire 1612 book in
his "Epistle Dedicatorie" addressed to Ralph, Lord Eure, lord president of Wales, in
Alexander Whitaker's Good Newes from Virginia (London, 1613), sig. C4v.
5. The sons of Anak were giants (Numbers 13: 27-28, 33).
6. William Symonds.
The page numbers below refer to the boldface numerals in the margins of the present
text, which record the pagination of the original edition used as copy text. The word
or words before the bracket show the text as emended by the editor; the word or
words after the bracket reproduce the copy text. The wavy dash symbol used after
the bracket stands for a word that has not itself been changed but that adjoins a
changed word or punctuation mark. The inferior caret, also used only after the
bracket, signifies the location of missing punctuation in the copy text.
The following lists have been inserted at the request of the editorial staff of the
Institute of Early American History and Culture. The list immediately below
records possible compound words that were hyphenated at the end of the line in the
copy text. In each case the editor had to decide for the present edition whether to
print the word as a single word or as a hyphenated compound. The material before
the bracket indicates how the word is printed in the present edition; the material
after the bracket indicates how the word was broken in the original. The wavy dash
symbol indicates that the form of the word has been unchanged from the copy text.
Numerals refer to the page number of the copy text (the boldface numerals in the
margin in this edition) and to the line number (counting down from the boldface
number) in the present edition.
The list below contains words found as hyphenated compounds in the copy text that
unavoidably had to be broken at the end of the line at the hyphen in the present text.
In quoting or transcribing from the present text, the hyphen should be retained for
these words. Numerals refer to the page number of the copy text (the boldface
numerals in the margin in this edition) and line number (counting down from the
boldface number).
1616
While Smith's Map of Virginia was in press, meddlesome rumors were again
sweeping over London about the disastrous conditions in the Jamestown
colony. On July 9, 1612, for example, that diligent letter writer John
Chamberlain, in the course of informing his friend Sir Dudley Carleton
about a return visit of Don Pedro de Zúñiga as special ambassador to
surmised that the latter would "expostulate" to King James "about
our planting in Virginia." Chamberlain added tartly, "Wherin there will
need no great contestation, seeing it is to be feared that that action will fall
to the ground of it self, by the extreem beastly idleness of our nation, which
... will rather die and starve then be brought to any labor or industrie to
maintain themselves."1
back a colony in Bermuda indicated that quicker and surer profit was to be
had there than in the slothful atmosphere of tidewater Virginia.
When the opportunity to invest in a Bermuda independent of the
Company came in November, however, Smith had no funds available
for that sort of "adventure."2
skin again in the American wilderness, and after deciding that appeals to the
Virginia Company were an exercise in futility, he set about looking
At about this time, 1611, Sir Ferdinando Gorges's interest in
was reawakened. He had originally become interested in the English
colonization of America in 1605, when five Abenaki Indians accidentally
arrived in Plymouth, England, where Gorges was governor of the fort.3
years later he received another Indian, Epenow (this time from Martha's
Vineyard), from Capt. Edward Harlow, a veteran of the Sagadahoc colony,
who had just returned from the New England region. Gorges still had with
him an Indian from the 1605 "accident," one Sassacomoit, who acted as a
themselves had been solved.
Even before that, however, in March 1611, one Marmaduke Rawdon
(or Roydon), a rich young merchant, married a still wealthier heiress and,
with even more cash in his coffers, began looking for means to increase his
income further through worldwide trade. Sir Ferdinando's new Indian,
Epenow, by then had begun to talk about gold mines on Cape Cod -- on the
logical assumption that he would be sent home to help the English find them.
That there were none was beside the point. Word of this golden disclosure
naturally reached the ears of shipmaster Thomas Hunt, who seems to have
been as unscrupulous as John Smith was guileless. Hunt somehow painted
himself into a picture that made his participation in the venture plausible to
Rawdon and Smith.
Whatever the details, Rawdon and his associates fitted out a small fleet
for Smith (and Hunt), which sailed in March 1614, just about the time that
Gorges started once more to plan in earnest. Gorges's aim was specifically
Epenow's gold mine on Cape Cod, though to his associate backers he
a sounder source of revenue from fishing. But to the dismay of the
good Plymouth merchants, Epenow managed to escape to Cape Cod
providing any clue to the whereabouts of the nonexistent mines, and the
captain and crew were so discomfited that they turned tail and fled back to
England without stopping even to fish. At that, Gorges lost heart, as well as
money.
Smith, returning from his Rawdon-sponsored voyage, arrived in
soon after this debacle, bringing such evidence of success, albeit modest,
that Gorges's enthusiasm was revivified. Nevertheless, between private
of interest in London, as well as Plymouth, and even more serious
of purpose, nothing more significant came out of Smith's design than
a "fleet" of two ships that would fish for a cargo while Smith with sixteen
companions found a place somewhere in New England to settle in for the
winter.
On the heels of this attenuation of much grander plans, bad luck so
plagued Smith's venture that he barely escaped with his life (and his notes
for the Description of New England), while his other ship sailed on, under the
command of Capt. Thomas Dermer, to return eventually to England
anything further being recorded or known today. In the face of Smith's
failure, the editor cannot but join in the philosophical reflection that "it
may be that his contribution to the future of the country which stirred him
so greatly was thus as important as it would have been had he succeeded in
his original plan to test the New England winter. The Description of New
England did much to focus attention on that part of the New World."4
The significance of the commendatory verses written for the Description
of New England should not be overlooked. Verses, good, bad, and indifferent,
were often prefixed to published works in Smith's day. For the historian they
can be useful for the light they may throw on the subject in hand. In the case
of Smith's Description of New England, passing over the friendly testimonials
of no consequence, the following can be noted about the versifiers: John
Davies was a poet of some small distinction, a writing master at Oxford, and
one of the first authors to refer to Shakespeare (1603); Richard Gunnell was
an actor, a dramatist, and a theatre manager, to whom Smith had certainly
recounted tales of adventure in eastern Europe; George Wither was a
champion of liberty and toleration; and the two ex-soldiers who
close the book were companions of Smith's in Transylvania.5
Admittedly, there are few facts to go on for all periods of Smith's life,
but this early book contains many hints that the years from the successful
publication of his 1612 book until he all but spent himself on the Generall
Historie saw many unrecorded or little-known experiences and personal
that attest to a more significant career than has generally been credited
to him. Such inconspicuous witnesses as these versifiers form some of the
"other men" who vouched for Smith and whom Thomas Fuller had not
troubled to notice.6
It is proper to point out here that this work is in a sense Smith's first
solid opus -- the first book in which we see his character as explorer, narrator,
and ethnographer merged with his vision, his propagandist bent, and his
retrospective self-discovery. Here for the first time he lets drop, or indirectly
introduces, a word or two of his experiential schooling in seamanship,
soldiering, and surviving. These matters would form the core of his True
Travels in 1629.
In conclusion, while it would be to little purpose to attempt to locate
all the sources Smith used for side information after 1612, it is worth
out here that he did base his plans on knowledge available in printed
books, as well as some in manuscript. His first recognizable reference to
sources is found here,7
material for statistics or other pertinent data.8
less specifically, sidelights on social conditions in England found in Smith
are substantiated in such works as Robert Burton's Anatomy of Melancholy
(first published in 1612) and the poems of John Taylor and Richard
(1580-1653 and 1588?-1673, respectively) -- all three of these writers
being personally known to Smith. Finally, the Description of New England tells
9
from Spanish and Italian bear witness to some knowledge of those 10
Smith, with little formal schooling, had at last found his métier.
Despite its rambling structure the Description of New England shows at least
some conception of organization (for a man of action the handling of a quill
pen must have been an ordeal). It broaches a more complicated subject than
the straight narration of the True Relation or the description of the land and
people in the Map of Virginia, in that it combines some of both, while tossing
in an element of propaganda that is new for Smith. While he had pleaded
for colonial Virginia on earlier occasions, in this work he began to "sell"
colonization with arguments he had not used before. He now took it for
granted that colonization was justifiable and necessary, and on that basis
went on to show that a colony -- especially one in New England -- could be
self-sustaining and even profitable from the outset, the harsh climate of New
England notwithstanding.
The subsequent record of New England fully justifies Smith's
Nevertheless, it took the determination of two disparate groups to
bring the idea to fruition, groups that had the financial backing, the
and the willingness to work that were essential: the Pilgrims in
1620 and the Puritans in 1630. Smith could only urge, preach, back, and
advise, while others slowly established what he so firmly believed in. His last
work, the Advertisements, reflects his disappointment over not taking part.
The Description of New England is therefore to be regarded as much for
what it preaches as for what it tells. Beginning with some fifteen pages of
physical description, Smith digressed on colonization for half that space
before returning to his subject. Then he indulged in another digression of a
similar nature (pp. 30-45), with Classical references on great states as well
as the very recent exploits of Spain and Portugal. A detailed narrative of his
unsuccessful attempt to return to New England in 1615 follows, including
details of his capture by French "pirates." Finally, the closing summation
treats Adam and Eve, the Pharisees and publicans, and the importance of
"planting of countries, and civilizing barbarous and inhumane Nations."
The whole work was reprinted in the Generall Historie, 203-227,
amplified so that the entire reprinted text is about one-sixth longer than
the original. Briefly put, the first four pages of the Generall Historie reprint
contain some material not in the first two pages of the Description of New
England, but pages 206-221 follow pages 3-45 of the latter almost verbatim.
Then there is some rearrangement and a few details added for the French
episode, until the last two pages of the reprint follow the last three of the
Description of New England closely.
[Smith's title of "Admiral of New England" seems to stem from 1617, when he was "contracted ...
to be Admirall" after he was unable to get away from Plymouth in that year (New Englands Trials [1622],
sig. B3r; and Advertisements, 16). There is obviously a chronological anomaly in his use of the title in the
summer of 1616, unless it was, perhaps jokingly, conferred on him on his return from defeat at the hands
of French privateers late in 1615. In the absence of substantiating evidence of any kind, the editor is inclined
to go along with the suggestion of Richard Arthur Preston that the title was more of a promise than a gift,
and that "if it was more than a figment of Smith's fervent imagination, [the promise] was never fulfilled"
(Gorges of Plymouth Fort: A Life of Sir Ferdinando Gorges, Captain of Plymouth Fort, Governor of New England, and
Lord of the Province of Maine [Toronto, 1953], 160).
It should be noted that Robert Clerke, mentioned at the bottom of the page, also engraved the
map of New England (see the caption to the map).
Two title pages with specially printed presentation inscriptions have come to light relatively recently.
One of these reads: "For the Right Honourable the/Lord Elesmore Lord High/Chancelor of England"
(Joseph Sabin et al., eds., A Dictionary of Books Relating to America, XX [New York, 1927-1928], 223); now
in the Huntington Library, San Marino, Calif The other has a similar inscription, "For the Right
Sir/Edward Coke, Lord Chiefe/Justice of England" and is now in the Folger Shakespeare Library,
Washington, D. C. (see the following page). To provide for the inscriptions the decoration and one of the
line dashes were omitted and the title lowered. The purpose of these inscriptions was obviously to obtain
support for Smith's plans to colonize New England, though neither worthy appears to have paid any heed.
In fact, "Lord Elesmore" (Sir Thomas Egerton, Baron Ellesmere) resigned from his office within a year
due to ill health and was succeeded early in 1618 by Sir Francis Bacon (see the "Letter to Bacon,"
following in this volume). Meanwhile, Smith proposed some sort of fishing-exploring expedition
under the aegis of King Christian IV of Denmark, King James's brother-in-law (see the Fragments, in Vol.
III). Verily, in those years Smith was "a voice crying in the wilderness."
The editor is grateful to the New York Public Library, Astor, Lenox and Tilden Foundations for
to reproduce this title page.]
[The editor is grateful to the Folger Shakespeare Library for permission to reproduce this title page.]
1. Norman Egbert McClure, ed., The Letters of John Chamberlain (Philadelphia, 1939), I, 367.
2. See Smith's appeal for some sort of "reward" for his services in Virginia as late as May 2,
1621, in Susan Myra Kingsbury, ed., The Records of the Virginia Company of London (Washington,
D.C., 1906-1935), I, 474.
3. Three of these Indians were given to Gorges by Capt. George Waymouth, who was
to Dartmouth in July 1605 from an expedition to Monhegan Island. (Though Plymouth is
only 30-odd mi. from Dartmouth, the reason for the gift is not known.) "This accident," Gorges
later wrote, "must be acknowledged the means under God of putting on foot and giving life to all
our plantations" (Sir Ferdinando Gorges, A Briefe Narration of the Originall Undertakings of the
Advancement of Plantations into the Parts of America ... [London, 1658] [Massachusetts Historical
Society, Collections, 3d Ser., VI (Boston, 1837)], 51). See also David B. Quinn and Alison M. Quinn,
eds., The English New England Voyages, 1602-1608 (Hakluyt Society, 2d Ser., CLXI (London, 1983).
4. Richard Arthur Preston, Gorges of Plymouth Fort: A Life of Sir Ferdinando Gorges, Captain of
Plymouth Fort, Governor of New England, and Lord of the Province of Maine (Toronto, 1953), 159.
5. For these and other versifiers, see the Biographical Directory.
6. Thomas Fuller, The History of the Worthies of England, new ed. (London, 1840 [orig. publ.
1744]), I, 276.
7. See the two "relations" mentioned on p. 4, below.
8. E.g., see p. 12n, below, and the highly probable debt to Tobias Gentleman's study of the
fishing industry mentioned on p. 20n, below.
9. See p. 52, below.
10. See the True Travels, 23, for borrowings from Italian; Smith's preference for Spanish forms
rather than French (e.g., "ambuscado," ibid., 12) seems significant.
* In this chronology both Old Style and New Style dates are given, since the English were using
the Julian (O.S.) calendar and the French the Gregorian (N.S.).
[¶2 r]
Sir:
So favourable was your most renowned and memorable Brother,
Prince Henry, to all generous designes; that in my discovery of
I presumed to call two namelesse Headlands after my
heires, Cape Henry, and Cape Charles.1
my chance to range some other parts of America, whereof I heere
present your Highness the description in a Map; my humble sute is,
you would please to change their Barbarous names, for such English,
as Posterity may say, Prince Charles was their Godfather. What here
in this relation I promise my Countrey, let mee || live or die the slave
of scorne and infamy, if (having meanes) I make it not apparent;
please God to blesse me but from such accidents as are beyond my
power and reason to prevent. For my labours, I desire but such
as were promised me out of the gaines; and that your
would daigne to grace this Work, by your Princely and
favourable respect2
[¶2 v]
1. According to George Percy, "The nine and twentieth day [of April 1607] we set
up a Crosse at Chesupioc Bay, and named that place Cape Henry" (Samuel Purchas,
Hakluytus Posthumus, or Purchas His Pilgrimes ... [London, 1625], IV, 1687; Philip L.
Barbour, ed., The Jamestown Voyages under the First Charter, 1606-1609 [Hakluyt Society,
2d Ser., CXXXVI-CXXXVII (Cambridge, 1969)], I, 135). Since Smith was then
"under restraint," it is doubtful that he had anything to do with the naming of that
promontory. He may well have named Cape Charles, however, since he was the first to
explore that region (see the Proceedings, 29; and cf. the Map of Va., 2).
2. Regard or consideration (of).
[¶3 r]
Seeing the deedes of the most just, and the writings of the most
wise, not onely of men, but of God himselfe, have beene diversly
traduced by variable judgements of the Times opinionists;3
shall such an ignorant as I expect? Yet reposing my selfe on your
favours, I present this rude45
though I am perswaded, that few do think there may be had from
New England Staple commodities, well worth 3 or 400000 pound a
yeare, with so small charge, and such facilitie, as this discourse will
acquaint you. But, lest your Honours, that know mee not, should
thinke I goe by hearesay or affection; I intreat your pardons to say
thus much of my selfe: Neere twice nine yeares,6
by lamentable experience, aswell in Europe and Asia, as Affrick, and
America, such honest adventures as the chance of warre doth cast
upon poore Souldiers. So that, if || I bee not able to judge of what I
have seene, contrived,7
or foure quarters.1
to finde a sure foundation to begin these ensuing projects: which
though I never so plainely and seriously propound; yet it resteth in
God, and you, still to dispose of. Not doubting but your goodnesse
will pardon my rudenesse, and ponder errours in the balance of good
will; No more: but sacring2
Prince, and Countrey, and submitting my selfe to the exquisit
of your renowned vertue, I ever rest
[¶3 v]
3. Holders of variant opinions (derogatory).
4. Rough, unpolished.
5. Interpretation, views, opinion.
6. I.e., since 1598, give or take a year.
7. Helped to bring about.
1. Limbs.
2. Dedicating.
[¶4 r]
If the little Ant, and the sillie3
good of their Commonwealth; much more ought Man. If they punish
the drones and sting them steales their labour;4
Little hony hath that hive, where there are more Drones then Bees:
and miserable is that Land, where more are idle then well imployed.
If the indeavours of those vermin be acceptable, I hope mine may be
excuseable; Though I confesse it were more proper for mee, To be
doing what I say, then writing what I knowe. Had I returned rich,
I could not have erred: Now having onely such fish as came to my
net, I must be taxed.5
their purses, as I, purse, life, and all I have: or as diligent
to furnish the charge, as I know they are vigilant to crop the fruits
of my labours. Then would I not doubt (did God please I might
safely arrive in New England, and safely returne) but to || performe
somewhat more then I have promised, and approve6
deeds, according to proportion.
[¶4 v]
I am not the first hath beene betrayed by Pirats: And foure men
of warre, provided as they were, had beene sufficient to have taken
Sampson, Hercules, and Alexander the great, no other way furnisht7
then I was. I knowe not what assurance any have do passe the Seas,
Not to bee subject to casualty as well as my selfe: but least this
disaster may hinder my proceedings, or ill will (by rumour) the
worke I pretend;8
to have concealed from any publike use, till I had made my returnes
speake as much, as my pen now doth.
But because I speake so much of fishing, if any take mee for such
a devote1
nothing is there to bee had which fishing doth hinder, but furder2
to obtaine. Now for that I have made knowne unto you a fit place
for plantation, limited within the bounds of your Patent and
having also received meanes, power, and authority by your
directions, to plant there a Colony, and make further search, and
discovery in those parts there yet unknowne: Considering, withall,
first those of his Majesties Councell, then those Cities above named,
and diverse others that have beene moved to lend || their assistance
to so great a worke, doe expect (especially the adventurers) the true
relation or event3
am inforced for all these respects, rather to expose my imbecillitie to
contempt, by the testimonie of these rude lines, then all should
me for so bad a Factor,4
account of my actions and designes.
[A1 r]
3. Insignificant.
4. Here, as often in Smith, the relative "that" has been dropped (see the beginning
of the next paragraph).
5. Censured, blamed.
6. "Prove," as often in Smith.
7. No better furnished.
8. "The useful work I plan."
1. "Devoted."
2. "Further," assist.
3. True story or factual outcome.
4. Agent.
[A1 v]
5. This sonnet was reprinted in the Generall Historie, 95. John Davies also contributed
the verses under the engraving of Smith in the corner of the map of New England (see the
Biographical Directory).
6. I.e., "in spite of" -- common in English between 1300 and 1700.
7. "Let" in the sense of "hinder" survives almost solely in the phrase "without let
or hindrance."
[A2 r]
8. "I'ave" was a frequent spelling of modern "I've."
9. John Codrinton (better, Codrington; also Cudderington) arrived in Jamestown
with the second supply in 1608 (see the Proceedings, 52; and the Biographical Directory,
s.v. "Codrington, John"). The verse was reprinted in the Generall Historie, 95.
1. Despite the stated relationship, the identity of "N. Smith" is far from certain
(see the Biographical Directory). Again, the acrostic was reprinted in the GeneralI Historie,
95.
2. The rhyme here is purely visual.
[A2 v]
3. Gallant, noble-minded.
4. Pelias was the half-brother of Jason's father. He sent Jason to Colchis, at the
eastern end of the Black Sea, in quest of the Golden Fleece. The reference seems to be to
John Smith's slavery in "Colchis" -- i.e., Tatary.
5. Undoubtedly Richard Gunnell, manager of the new Fortune Theatre in London,
and an actor and dramatist as well. For his friendship with Smith, see Philip L. Barbour,
"Captain John Smith and the London Theatre," Virginia Magazine of History and Biography,
LXXXIII (1975), 277-279; and the Biographical Directory. The verse is reprinted
in the Generall Historie, 201-202.
[A3 r]
6. The rhyme points to the pronunciation "yo" rather than "yew," which is borne
out by the spelling "yow" in many contemporary manuscripts as well as printed books.
7. Wither was a prominent poet and pamphleteer of Smith's day (see the
Directory).
[A3 v]
8. Perhaps read: "(what sometimes 'Albyon' knew)." Parentheses were "the general
way of indicating a short quotation" during the late i6th century and on into the early
17th century (Ronald B. McKerrow, An Introduction to Bibliography for Literary Students
[Oxford, 1965 (orig. publ. 1927)], 317). Here, the reason for the punctuation is not
clear.
1. See the Biographical Directory, s.v. "Crashaw, Rawley." The verse was reprinted
in the Generall Historie, 95-96.
[A4 r]
2. See the Biographical Directory (for Michael and William Phettiplace, s.v.
The verse was reprinted in the Generall Historie, 96.
3. Here "foil" is used in the sense of "defeat" -- Smith defeated the Indians, but
kept the land "unstained."
4. Cf. Smith's "dread Soveraigne Queene Elizabeth" (True Travels, 4).
5. Cower; the "-s" in "brings" is for rhyme only.
6. Skill.
[Simon van de Passe, the second son of the Dutch engraver Crispin van de Passe, seems to have drawn
the map and the portrait of John Smith, even though the word "sculpsit" (engraved) is used at the bottom
of the map. His work was probably accomplished between early Jan. and Mar. 24, 1617 -- witness the
details on the portrait, "Aetatis 37, Anno 1616" (Smith was baptized Jan. 9, 1580; and the legal year 1616
ended Mar. 24, 1617). About the same time van de Passe did a drawing of Pocahontas, which must have
been printed and in circulation before Feb. 22 (see Barbour, Pocahontas and Her World [Boston, 1970], 179).
In both instances van de Passe's drawings were engraved by another artist: Compton Holland in the latter
case, Robert Clerke in the former. Curiously, Clerke is little known either as an engraver or as a publisher
(see the title page). Even more curiously, when the map was again used as an illustration for the Generall
Historie in 1624, Clerke's name was erased. At the same time the name of the printer of the map was changed
from George Low (who may have died) to James Reeve. Note that Humphrey Lownes printed the book
but not the map.
The compass card shows orientation to the N. The scale of leagues, as in the map of Virginia, shows
20 leagues (60 mi.) to the degree of latitude (see the markings on the right and left margins). The latitudes
of the various geographical features themselves are notably accurate, generally; e.g., modern charts show
such sample readings as these: Aborden (upper right), identified with Penobscot village, modern Castine,
44° 25' N lat.; Smiths lies, modern Isles of Shoals, just below 43°; the mouth of the River Charles is at
42° 22'; and the top, or N, edge of Cape Cod is almost exactly right, at 42° 5'.
As a product of Smith's own surveying, the map of New England offers an interesting contrast with
the Smith/Hole map of Virginia, in which a certain amount of hearsay evidence (from Indians, especially)
was incorporated. For this map Smith struck out from the "Barty lies" (Monahiggan, modern Monhegan
Island) and headed to Lowmonds (Nusket, probably modern Naskeag Point), his farthest point to the NE.
From there he followed the coast SW and S to the bottom of Massachusetts Bay, back up to Cape Cod, and
then around and along the ocean side of the cape as far S as the rips and shoals, whence he scurried back to
his ship, at or near Monhegan Island. If we may assume that Smith's exploring, surveying, and trading
began about the middle of June (see the top of p. 2) and ended July 18 (see New Englands Trials [1620],
sig. B3r), in less than five weeks he had sailed roughly as far as he did on his Chesapeake Bay voyages
from June 2 to Sept. 7, 1608.
The map was by no means the first to be made, and some previous sketches were consulted by Smith
himself (apparently not Samuel de Champlain's Carte géographique de la Nouvelle France [Paris, 1612-1613]).
But Smith's map is the most detailed of the early ones that survive, for the area covered in it: the coast of
Maine W of Mount Desert Island, the narrow bit of New Hampshire, and E Massachusetts to the
of Cape Cod (see p. 5n, below). Champlain's map had included the vast region to the N and E, and
part of the area was covered in Sir William Alexander's map of 1624, which included the coast from
Island to the Straits of Belle Isle (in An Encouragement to Colonies ... [London, 1625]). This was
followed by a sketch map of the S part of New England appended to William Wood's New Englands
Prospect ... (London, 1634). Neither of these latter two maps rivaled the work of Champlain and Smith,
and Wood went so far as to refer his readers "to the thrice memorable discoverer of those parts [N of the
Bay] Captaine Smith, who hath likewise fully described the Southerne and North-east part of New England"
(ibid., 2).
It is unfortunate from the ethnological point of view that Smith listed only the English names that he
and Prince Charles gave to the Indian localities on the map itself. To offset this, the endpaper maps in this
edition show the locations of about two dozen Indian place-names mentioned in the text or listed in the
inserted sheet at the beginning.
The editor is grateful to the William L. Clements Library, Ann Arbor, Michigan, for permission to
reproduce the first state of this map, which appears here slightly reduced.]
7. This inserted leaf is found only in some copies. The copy of the Description of N.E.
carried by the Pilgrims in 1620 seems to have contained one (see n., following).
8. Of this, William Bradford wrote: "A word or two by the way of this cape. It was
thus first named [Cape Cod] by Captain Gosnold and his company, Anno 1602, and
after by Captain Smith was called Cape James; but it retains the former name amongst
seamen" (William Bradford, Of Plymouth Plantation, 1620-1647, ed. Samuel Eliot Morison
[New York, 1952], 60-61). Compare this insert with the reprint in the Generall Historie,
205, where "The Harbor at Cape Cod" is inserted one line below, opposite "Milforth
haven."
1. In Plymouth Plantation, Book II, chap. 11 (written after 1630), Bradford quotes
Smith's friend Thomas Dermer as writing that "Charlton" would be a better location
than Plymouth, "because there the savages are less to be feared" (Plymouth Plantation,
82). This is the present site of Boston, just S of the Charles River, but it is interesting to
note that "Charlton" had not been added to Smith's map before the eighth state, which
seems to be found first in a copy of the Advertisements (1631). The implications are that
the Pilgrims as late as c. 1631 were still interested enough in Smith's writings to have
noticed such late changes made in the map.
2. The first, and best-spelled, mention of Smith's mistress in Istanbul, Charatza
Trabigzanda (see the True Travels, 23).
3. This has nothing to do with modern Boston. Smith's Boston (Accominticus)
seems to have been at the foot of modern Mount Agamenticus, between York Beach and
Ogunquit, perhaps 40 mi. (65 km.) SW of Portland.
4. The Generall Historie adds a description but no "old name" -- "A good Harbor
within that Bay" (p. 205). The location was probably Back Cove, Portland.
5. Nusket (renamed for the Lomond Hills, which lie between the Firth of Forth
and the Firth of Tay, Scotland) would seem, in the editor's opinion, to be the Naskeag
Point at the E extremity of Penobscot Bay on modern maps. The Generall Historie, 205,
lists separately the three places that Smith named himself.
[1]
IN the moneth of Aprill, 1614. with two
Ships from London, of a few Marchants,1
I chanced to arrive in New-England, a
parte of Ameryca, at the Ile of 2
in 43 ¶ of Northerly latitude: our
plot was there to take Whales and make
tryalls of a Myne of Gold and Copper. If
those failed, Fish and Furres was then our
refuge,3
we found this Whale-fishing a costly
conclusion: we saw many, and spent much time in chasing them; but
could not kill any: They beeing a kinde of Jubartes,4
Whale that yeeldes Finnes and Oyle as wee expected. For our Golde,
it was rather the Masters1
then any knowledge hee had at all of any such matter. Fish and
Furres was now our guard: and by our late arrival, and long lingring
about the Whale, the prime of both those seasons were past ere wee
perceived it; we thinking that their seasons served at all times: || but
wee found it otherwise; for, by the midst of June, the fishing failed.
Yet in July and August some was taken, but not sufficient to defray
so great a charge as our stay required. Of dry fish we made about
2
with eight or nine others of them might best bee spared; Ranging the
coast in a small boat, wee got for trifles neer 1100 Bever skinnes, 100
Martins, and neer as many Otters; and the most of them within the
distance of twenty leagues.3
West much furder; but Eastwards our commodities were not
they were so neare the French who affords them better: and
right against us in the Main was a Ship of Sir Frances Popphames,
that had there such acquaintance, having many yeares used onely
that porte, that the most parte there was had by him.4
westwards were two French Ships, that had made there a great
voyage by trade, during the time wee tryed those conclusions, not
knowing the Coast, nor Salvages habitation. With these Furres, the
Traine,5
within six monthes after our departure from the Downes, we safe
arrived back.6
hundreth, the rest by ill usage betwixt three pound and fifty shillings.
The other Ship staied to fit herselfe for Spaine with the dry fish which
was sould, by the Sailers reporte that returned, at forty ryalls the
quintall, each hundred weighing two quintalls and a halfe.
to
[2]
New England is that part of America in the Ocean Sea opposite
to Nova Albyon7
Sir Francis Drake in his voyage about the worlde. In regarde
whereto this is stiled New England, beeing in the same latitude. New
France,8
adjoyning Continent, with New Granado, New Spain, New 9
and the West Indies. Now because I have beene so oft asked
spatious Tracts of land, how they can bee thus long unknown, or not
possessed by the Spaniard, and many such like demands; I intreat
your pardons, if I chance to be too plaine, or tedious in relating my
knowledge for plaine mens satisfaction.
New England.
Florida is the next adjoyning to the Indes, which
was attempted to bee planted by the French. A Country farre
bigger then England, Scotland, France and Ireland,10
knowne to any Christian, but by the wonderful endevours of
de Soto a valiant Spaniard: whose writings in this age is the
best guide knowne to search those parts.
Florida.
Virginia is no Ile (as many doe imagine)11
adjoyning to Florida; whose bounds may be stretched to the
magnitude thereof without offence to any Christian inhabitant. For
from the degrees of 30. to 45.1
patents, the Coast extending South-west and North-east aboute
15002
the least: of which, 20. miles is the most gives entrance into the Bay
of Chisapeak, where is the London plantation: within which is a
Country (as you may perceive by the description in a Booke and Map
printed in my name of that little I there discovered) may well suffice
300000 people to inhabit. And Southward adjoyneth that part
at the charge of Sir Walter Rawley, by Sir Ralph Lane, and
that learned Mathematician Master Thomas Heryot. Northward
six or seaven degrees3
the Westerne Colony, by that Honourable Patrone of vertue Sir John
Poppham, Lord chief Justice of England. Ther is also a relation
printed by Captaine Bartholomew Gosnould, of Elizabeths Iles: and
an other by Captaine Waymoth, of Pemmaquid.4
diligent observers, posterity may be bettered by the fruits of their
labours. But for divers others that long before and since have ranged
5
in one place some in another, I must entreat them pardon me for
omitting them; or if I offend in saying that their true descriptions are
concealed, or never well observed, or died with the Authors: so that
the Coast is yet still but even as a Coast unknowne and undiscovered.
I have had six or seaven severall plots of those Northren parts, so
each to other, and most so differing from any true proportion, or
resemblance of the Countrey, as they did || mee no more good, then
so much waste paper, though they cost me more. It may be it was not
my chance to see the best; but least others may be deceived as I was,
or throgh dangerous ignorance hazard themselves as I did, I have
drawen a Map from Point to Point, Ile to Ile, and Harbour to
with the Soundings, Sands, Rocks, and Land-marks as I passed
close aboard the Shore in a little Boat;6
things to bee observed which the haste of other affaires did cause me
omit: for, being sent more to get present commodities, then
by discoveries for any future good, I had not power to search as
I would: yet it will serve to direct any shall goe that waies, to safe
Harbours and the Salvages habitations: What marchandize and
commodities for their labour they may finde, this following discourse
shall plainely demonstrate.
Virginia.
[4]
[5]
Thus you may see, of this 2000. miles more then halfe is yet
to any purpose: no not so much as the borders of the Sea are
yet certainly discovered.7
the Land, wee are for most part yet altogether ignorant of them,
it bee those parts about the Bay of Chisapeack and Sagadahock:
but onely here and there wee touched or have seene a little the edges
of those large dominions, which doe stretch themselves into the
Maine, God doth know how many thousand miles; whereof we can
yet no more judge, then a stranger that saileth betwixt England and
France can describe the Harbors || and dangers by landing here or
there in some River or Bay, tell thereby the goodnesse and substances
you may perceive how much they erre, that think every one which
hath bin at Virginia understandeth or knowes what Virginia is: Or
that the Spaniards know one halfe quarter8
possesse; no, not so much as the true circumference of Terra
whose large dominions may equalize the greatnesse and goodnes
of America, for any thing yet known. It is strange with what small
power hee9
the truth of his strength in America: where he having so much to
keepe with such a pampered1
furie, in the Bermudas, Virginia, New France, or New England;
beyond whose bounds America doth stretch many thousand miles:
into the frozen partes whereof one Master Hutson an English Mariner
did make the greatest discoverie of any Christian I knowe of, where
he unfortunately died.2
ranged her unknowne parts, who would have sought for wealth
among those fryed Regions of blacke brutish Negers,3
all the wealth and admirable adventures and
more then 140 yeares, they knowe not one third of those
blacke habitations. But it is not a worke for every one, to manage
such an affaire as makes a discoverie, and plants a Colony: It
all the best parts of || Art, Judgement, Courage, Honesty,
Constancy, Diligence and Industrie, to doe but neere well. Some are
more proper for one thing then another; and therein are to be
and nothing breedes more confusion then misplacing and
misimploying men in their undertakings. Columbus, Cortez, Pitzara,
Soto, Magellanes, and the rest served more then a prentiship4
learne how to begin their most memorable attempts in the West
Indes: which to the wonder of all ages succesfully they effected, when
many hundreds of others farre above them in the worlds opinion,
beeing instructed but by relation, came to shame and confusion in
actions of small moment, who doubtlesse in other matters, were both
wise, discreet, generous, and couragious. I say not this to detract any
thing from their incomparable merits, but to answer those
5
their brave spirits that advanced themselves from poore Souldiers to
great Captaines, their posterity to great Lords, their King to be one
of the greatest Potentates on earth, and the fruites of their labours,
his greatest glory, power and renowne.
[6]
[7]
That part wee call New England is betwixt the degrees of 41.
and 45: but that parte this discourse speaketh of, stretcheth but from
Pennobscot to Cape Cod, some 75 leagues by a right line distant each
from other:6
habitations upon the Sea Coast, and sounded about 25 excellent
good Harbours;7
of ships of any burthen; in some of them for 5000:8
200 Iles overgrowne with good timber, of divers sorts of wood, which
doe make so many harbours as requireth a longer time then I had,
to be well discovered.9
of New
England.
[8]
The principall habitation Northward we were at, was 1
Southward along the Coast and up the Rivers we found
Mecadacut, Segocket, Pemmaquid, Nusconcus,2
and Aumoughcawgen; And to those Countries belong the
people of Segotago, Paghhuntanuck, Pocopassum,
Warbigganus, Nassaque, Masherosqueck, Wawrigweck,
Wakcogo, Passharanack,3
Countries of Aucocisco, Accominticus, Passataquack, Aggawom,
and Naemkeck:4
fashion, or government: though most be Lords of themselves, yet
5
amongst them.
Countries or
Governments.
The next I can remember by name are Mattahunts; two
Iles of groves, gardens and corne fields a league in the Sea from
the Mayne. Then Totant, Massachuset, Pocapawmet, Quonahassit,
Sagoquas, Nahapassumkeck, Topeent, Seccasaw, Totheet,
Accomack, Chawum;6
Pawmet and the Ile Nawset, of the language, and alliance of them
of Chawum: The others are called Massachusets;7
humor and condition: For their trade and marchandize; to
each of their habitations they have || diverse Townes and people
and by their relations and descriptions, more then 20
severall Habitations and Rivers that stretch themselves farre up into
the Countrey, even to the borders of diverse great Lakes,8
kill and take most of their Bevers and Otters. From Pennobscot to
Sagadahock this Coast is all Mountainous and Iles of huge Rocks,
but overgrowen with all sorts of excellent good woodes for building
houses, boats, barks or shippes; with an incredible abundance of
most sorts of fish, much fowle, and sundry sorts of good fruites for
mans use.
[9]
Betwixt Sagadahock and Sowocatuck there is but two or three
sandy Bayes, but betwixt that and Cape Cod very many: especialy
the Coast of the Massachusets is so indifferently mixed with high
clayie or sandy cliffes in one place, and then tracts of large long ledges
of divers sorts, and quarries of stones in other places so strangely
divided with tinctured veines of divers colours: as, Free stone for
building, Slate for tiling, smooth stone to make Fornaces and Forges
for glasse or iron, and iron ore sufficient,9
them: but the most part so resembleth the Coast of Devonshire, I
thinke most of the cliffes would make such lime-stone: If they be not
of these qualities, they are so like, they may deceive a better
then mine; all which are so neere adjoyning to those other
I observed in these parts, that if the Ore prove as good iron
and steele in those parts, as I know it is within the bounds of || the
Countrey, I dare engage my head (having but men skilfull to worke
10
and the rigging of shippes of any proportion, and good
for the fraught, within a square of 10 or 14 leagues: and
were it for a good rewarde, I would not feare to proove it in a lesse
limitation.
an excellent
soyle.
[10]
And surely by reason of those sandy cliffes and cliffes of rocks,
both which we saw so planted with Gardens and Corne fields, and
so well inhabited with a goodly, strong and well proportioned people,
besides the greatnesse of the Timber growing on them, the
of the fish and the moderate temper11
five, not any was sicke, but two that were many yeares diseased before
they went, notwithstanding our bad lodging and accidentall diet)
who can but approove this a most excellent place, both for health and
fertility? And of all the foure parts of the world that I have yet seene
not inhabited, could I have but meanes to transport a Colonie, I
would rather live here then any where: and if it did not maintaine
it selfe, were wee but once indifferently well fitted, let us starve.
an excellent
temper.
health.
The maine Staple, from hence to bee extracted for the present
to produce the rest, is fish; which however it may seeme a mean and
a base commoditie: yet who will but truely take the pains and
the sequell, I thinke will allow it well worth the labour. It is
strange to see what great || adventures the hopes of setting forth men
of war to rob the industrious innocent, would procure; or such massie
promises in grosse: though more are choked then well fedde with
such hastie hopes. But who doth not know that the poore Hollanders,
chiefly by fishing, at a great charge and labour in all weathers in the
open Sea, are made a people so hardy, and industrious? and by the
venting this poore commodity to the Easterlings1
is Wood, Flax, Pitch, Tarre, Rosin, Cordage, and such like (which
they exchange againe, to the French, Spaniards, Portugales, and
English, etc. for what they want) are made so mighty, strong and
rich, as no State but Venice, of twice their magnitude,2
furnished with so many faire Cities, goodly Townes, strong
and that aboundance of shipping and all sorts of
as well of Golde, Silver, Pearles, Diamonds, Pretious stones,
Silkes, Velvets, and Cloth of golde; as Fish, Pitch, Wood, or such
grosse commodities? What Voyages and Discoveries, East and West,
North and South, yea about the world, make they? What an Army
by Sea and Land, have they long maintained in despite of one of the
his Mynes of golde and Silver, pay his debts, his friends, and army,
halfe so truly, as the Hollanders stil have done by this contemptible
trade of fish. Divers (I know) may alledge many other assistances:
But this is their Myne; and the Sea the || source of those silvered
streames of all their vertue; which hath made them now the very
miracle of industrie, the pattern of perfection for these affaires: and
the benefit of fishing is that Primum mobile that turnes all their
Spheres to this height of plentie, strength, honour and admiration.
present.
[11]
fishing.
[12]
Herring, Cod, and Ling, is that triplicitie that makes their
wealth and shippings multiplicities, such as it is, and from which (few
would thinke it) they yearly draw at least one million and a halfe of
pounds starling; yet it is most certaine (if records be true): and in
this faculty they are so naturalized, and of their vents so certainely
acquainted, as there is no likelihood they will ever bee paralleld,
having 2 or 3000 Busses, Flat bottomes, Sword pinks, Todes,3
such like, that breedes them Saylers, Mariners, Souldiers and
never to be wrought out of that trade, and fit for any other.
I will not deny but others may gaine as well as they, that will use it,
though not so certainely, nor so much in quantity; for want of
And this Herring they take upon the Coast of Scotland and
England; their Cod and Ling, upon the Coast of Izeland4
North Seas.
fifteen hundred
thousand
pound.
Hamborough, and the East Countries, for Sturgion and
gets many thousands of pounds from England, and the Straites:56
yearely to Cape-blank,78
Puttargo:9
sayle of Ships with a sillie leane || skinny Poore-John,10
which at least yearely amounts to 3 or 400000 pound. If from all
those parts such paines is taken for this poore gaines of fish, and by
pitch, tarre, nets, leades, salt, hookes, nor lines, for shipping, fishing,
nor provision, but at the second, third, fourth, or fift hand, drawne
from so many severall parts of the world ere they come together to
be used in this voyage: If these I say can gaine, and the Saylers live
going for shares, lesse then the third part of their labours, and yet
spend as much time in going and comming, as in staying there, so
short is the season of fishing; why should wee more doubt, then
Portugale, Spaniard, French, or other, but to doe much better
then they, where there is victuall to feede us, wood of all sorts, to
build Boats, Ships, or Barks; the fish at our doores, pitch, tarre, masts,
yards, and most of other necessaries onely for making? And here are
no hard Landlords to racke us with high rents, or extorted fines to
consume us, no tedious pleas in law to consume us with their many
years disputations for Justice: no multitudes to occasion such
to good orders, as in popular States. So freely hath God and
his Majesty bestowed those blessings on them that will attempt to
obtaine them, as here every man may be master and owner of his
owne labour and land; or the greatest part in a small time. If hee
have nothing but his hands, he may set up this trade; and by
dustrie quickly grow rich; spending but halfe that time wel, which
in England we abuse in idlenes, worse or as ill. Here is ground also
as good as any lyeth in the height of forty one, forty two, forty three,
etc. which is as temperate and as fruitfull as any other paralell in the
world. As for example, on this side the line West of it in the South
Sea, is Nova Albion, discovered as is said, by Sir Francis Drake.1
from it, is the most temperate part of Portugale, the ancient
of Galazia,2
the olde, and the most moderatest of Castilia the new, and Valentia,
which is the greatest part of Spain: which if the Spanish Histories bee
true, in the Romanes time abounded no lesse with golde and silver
Mines, then now the West Indies; the Romanes then using the
Spaniards to work in those Mines, as now the Spaniard doth the
Indians.
[13]
[14]
the altitude
comparatively.
In France, the Provinces of Gasconie, Langadock, Avignon,
Province, Dolphine, Pyamont, and Turyne,3
which are the best and richest parts of France. In Italy, the provinces
of Genua, Lumbardy, and Verona, with a great part of the most
4
Ravenna, Bolognia, Florence, Pisa, Sienna, Urbine, Ancona,
and the ancient Citie and Countrey of Rome, with a great part of the
great Kingdome of Naples. In Slavonia, Istrya, and Dalmatia, with
the Kingdomes of Albania.5
Macedonia, Bulgaria, Thessalia, Thracia, or Romania, where is
seated || the most pleasant and plentifull Citie in Europe,
In Asia also, in the same latitude, are the temperatest parts
of Natolia, Armenia, Persia, and China, besides divers other large
Countries and Kingdomes in these most milde and temperate
of Asia. Southward, in the same height, is the richest of golde
Mynes, Chily and Baldivia,6
Plate, etc: for all the rest of the world in that height is yet unknown.
Besides these reasons, mine owne eyes that have seene a great part of
those Cities and their Kingdomes, as well as it,7
they have in nature, but this, They are beautified by the long
labour and diligence of industrious people and Art. This is onely as
God made it, when he created the worlde. Therefore I conclude, if
the heart and intralls8
were cultured, planted and manured by men of industrie,
and experience; what hope is there, or what neede they doubt,
having those advantages of the Sea, but it might equalize any of those
famous Kingdomes, in all commodities, pleasures, and conditions?
seeing even the very edges doe naturally afford us such plenty, as no
ship need returne away empty: and onely use but the season of the
Sea, fish will returne an honest gaine, beside all other advantages;
her treasures having yet never beene opened, nor her originalls
wasted, consumed, nor abused.
[15]
staple
that
may be had.
And whereas it is said, the Hollanders serve the Easterlings
themselves, and other parts that want, || with Herring, Ling, and wet
Cod; the Easterlings, a great part of Europe, with Sturgion and
Caviare; Cape-blanke, Spaine, Portugale, and the Levant, with
Mullet, and Puttargo; New found Land, all Europe, with a thin
Poore John: yet all is so overlaide with fishers, as the fishing decayeth,
and many are constrained to returne with a small fraught. Norway,
and Polonia, Pitch, Tar, Masts, and Yardes; Sweathland, and
Iron, and Oyle; Italy and Greece, Silks, and Fruites. I dare boldly
say, because I have seen naturally growing, or breeding in those parts
the same materialls that all those are made of, they may as well be
had here, or the most part of them, within the distance of 70 leagues
for some few ages,9
to have them that they doe, and with all those advantages.
[16]
First, the ground is so fertill, that questionless it is capable of
producing any Grain, Fruits, or Seeds you will sow or plant, growing
in the Regions afore named: But it may be, not every kinde to that
perfection of delicacy; or some tender plants may miscarie, because
the Summer is not so hot, and the winter is more colde in those parts
wee have yet tryed neere the Sea side, then we finde in the same
height in Europe or Asia; Yet I made a Garden upon the top of a
Rockie Ile in 43. ¶, 4 leagues10
well, as it served us for sallets in June and July. All sorts || of cattell
may here be bred and fed in the Iles, or Peninsulaes, securely for
nothing. In the Interim till they encrease if need be (observing the
seasons) I durst undertake to have corne enough from the Salvages
for 300 men, for a few trifles; and if they should bee untoward1
is most certaine they are) thirty or forty good men will be sufficient
to bring them all in subjection, and make this provision; if they
understand what they doe:2
yeare be imployed in making marchandable fish, till the rest provide
other necessaries, fit to furnish us with other commodities.
of ground
approoved.
[17]
In March, Aprill, May, and halfe June, here is Cod in
in May, June, July, and August Mullet and Sturgion; whose
roes doe make Caviare and Puttargo. Herring, if any desire them, I
have taken many out of the bellies of Cods, some in nets; but the
Salvages compare their store in the Sea, to the haires of their heads:
and surely there are an incredible abundance upon this Coast. In the
end of August, September, October, and November, you have Cod
againe, to make Cor fish, or Poore John: and each hundred is as good
as two or three hundred in the New-found Land. So that halfe the
labour in hooking, splitting, and turning,3
have your fish at what Market you will, before they can have any in
New-found Land; where their fishing is chiefly but in June and July:
whereas it is heere in March, Aprill, May, September, October, and
[18] || November, as is said. So that by reason of this plantation, the
worth consideration.
for fishing
approoved.
[18]
Your Cor-fish you may in like manner transport as you see
cause, to serve the Ports in Portugale (as Lisbon, Avera, Porta port,4
returne: They being tyed to the season in the open Sea; you having
a double season, and fishing before your doors, may every night
sleep quietly a shore with good cheare and what fires you will, or
when you please with your wives and familie: they onely, their ships
in the maine Ocean.
The Mullets heere are in that abundance, you may take them
with nets, sometimes by hundreds, where at Cape blank they hooke
them; yet those but one foot and a halfe in length; these two, three,
or foure, as oft I have measured: much Salmon some have found up
the Rivers, as they have passed: and heer the ayre is so temperate, as
all these at any time may well be preserved.
for poore
people and
fatherlesse
children.
Now, young boyes and girles Salvages, or any other, be they
never such idlers, may turne, carry, and return fish, without either
shame, or any great paine: hee is very idle that is past twelve yeares
of age and cannot doe so much: and she is very olde, that cannot spin
a thred to make engines to catch them.
For their transportation, the ships that go there to fish may
transport the first: who for their pas- || sage will spare the charge of
double manning their ships, which they must doe in the New-found
Land, to get their fraught; but one third part of that companie are
onely but proper to serve a stage,5
John: notwithstanding, they must have meate, drinke, clothes, and
passage, as well as the rest. Now all I desire, is but this; That those
that voluntarily will send shipping, should make here the best choise
they can, or accept such as are presented them, to serve them at that
rate: and their ships returning leave such with me, with the value of
that they should receive comming home, in such provisions and
necessarie tooles, armes, bedding and apparell, salt, hookes, nets,
lines, and such like as they spare of the remainings; who till the next
returne may keepe their boates and doe them many other profitable
offices: provided I have men of ability to teach them their functions,
and a company fit for Souldiers to be ready upon an occasion;6
of the abuses which have beene offered the poore Salvages, and
the liberty both French, or any that will, hath to deale with them as
the worse. Now such order with facilitie might be taken, with every
port Towne or Citie, to observe but this order, With free power to
convert the benefits of their fraughts to what advantage they please,
and increase their numbers as they see occasion; who ever as they are
able to subsist of themselves, may beginne the new Townes in || New
England in memory of their olde: which freedome being confined
but to the necessity of the generall good, the event (with Gods helpe)
might produce an honest, a noble, and a profitable emulation.
the plantation.
[19]
[20]
Salt upon salt7
yet till they bee provided this may be used: then the Ships may
Kine, Horse, Goates, course Cloath, and such commodities as
we want; by whose arrivall8
fraught the Ships that they stay not: and then if the sailers goe
for wages, it matters not. It is hard if this returne defray not the
charge: but care must be had, they arrive in the Spring, or else
be made for them against the Winter.
Of certaine red berries called Alkermes9
shillings a pound, but of these hath been sould for thirty or forty
shillings the pound, may yearely be gathered a good quantitie.
Of the Musk Rat may bee well raised gaines, well worth their
labour, that will endevor to make tryall of their goodnesse.
Of Bevers, Otters, Martins, Blacke Foxes, and Furres of price,
may yearely be had 6 or 7000: and if the trade of the French were
prevented, many more: 25000 this yeare were brought from those
Northren parts into France; of which trade we may have as good
part as the French, if we take good courses.
Of Mynes of Golde and Silver, Copper, and || probabilities of
Lead, Christall and Allum, I could say much if relations were good
assurances. It is true indeed, I made many trials according to those
instructions I had, which doe perswade mee I need not despaire, but
there are metalls in the Countrey: but I am no Alchymist, nor will
promise more then I know: which is, Who will undertake the 10
of an Iron forge, if those that buy meate, drinke, coals, ore, and
all necessaries at a deer rate gaine; where all these things are to be
[21]
Of woods seeing there is such plenty of all sorts, if those that
build ships and boates, buy wood at so great a price, as it is in
Spaine, France, Italy, and Holland, and all other provisions
for the nourishing of mans life; live well by their trade: when labour
is all required1
hazard will be here, but doe much better? And what commoditie in
Europe doth more decay2
ground, let us take it fertill, or barren, or as it is: seeing it is certaine
it beares fruites, to nourish and feed man and beast, as well as
and the Sea those severall sorts of fish I have related. Thus
seeing all good provisions for mans sustenance, may with this facility
be had, by a little extraordinarie labour, till that transported be
increased; and all necessaries for shipping, onely for labour: to which
may bee added the assistance of the Salvages, which may easily be
had, if they be discreetly handled in their || kindes;3
planting, and destroying woods. What gaines might be raised if this
were followed (when there is but once men to fill your store houses,
dwelling there, you may serve all Europe better and farre cheaper,
then can the Izeland fishers, or the Hollanders, Cape blank, or New
found Land: who must be at as much more charge, then you) may
easily be conjectured by this example.
[22]
2000. pound will fit out a ship of 200. and 1 of a 1004
dry fish they both make, fraught that of 200. and goe for Spaine, sell
it but at ten shillings a quintall; but commonly it giveth fifteen, or
twentie: especially when it commeth first, which amounts to 3 or
4000 pound: but say but tenne, which is the lowest, allowing the rest
for waste, it amounts at that rate, to 2000 pound, which is the whole
charge of your two ships, and their equipage: Then the returne of
the money, and the fraught of the ship for the vintage,5
voyage, is cleere gaine, with your shippe of a 100 tuns of Train oyle,6
at home within six monethes, if God please but to send an ordinarie
passage. Then saving halfe this charge by the not staying of your
ships, your victual, overplus of men and wages; with her fraught
thither of things necessarie for the planters, the salt being there made:
as also may the nets and lines, within a short time: if nothing were to
bee expected but this, it might in time equalize your Hollanders
gaines, if not exceed them: they returning but || wood, pitch, tarre,
Straits commodities,7
against such times as your shippes arrive with them. This would so
increase our shipping and sailers, and so employ and encourage a
great part of our idlers and others that want imployments fitting
their qualities at home, where they shame to doe that they would doe
abroad; that could they but once taste the sweet fruites of their owne
labours, doubtlesse many thousands would be advised by good
to take more pleasure in honest industrie, then in their humours
of dissolute idlenesse.8
the gains upon
every yeare or
six monethes
returne.
[23]
But, to returne a little more to the particulars of this Countrey,
which I intermingle thus with my projects and reasons, not being so
sufficiently yet acquainted in those parts, to write fully the estate of
the Sea, the Ayre, the Land, the Fruites, the Rocks, the People, the
Government, Religion, Territories, and Limitations, Friends, and
Foes: but, as I gathered from the niggardly9
language to my understanding, during the time I ranged those
Countries etc. The most Northren1
Pennobscot, which is East and West, North and South, more then
ten leagues:23
satisfied of them I found in the Bay, that the River ranne farre up
into the Land, and was well inhabited with many people, but they
were from their habitations, either fish- || ing among the Iles, or
the Lakes and Woods, for Deer and Bevers. The Bay is full of
great Ilands, of one, two, six, eight, or ten miles in length, which
divides it into many faire and excellent good harbours. On the East
of it, are the Tarrantines, their mortall enemies, where inhabit the
French, as they report that live with those people, as one nation or
family.45
to the high mountaines of Pennobscot, against whose feet
doth beat the Sea:6
you may well see them sixteene or eighteene leagues from their
Segocket is the next; then Nusconcus, Pemmaquid, and
Up this River where was the Westerne plantation7
Aumuckcawgen, Kinnebeck, and divers others, where there is
planted some corne fields. Along this River 40 or 50 miles, I saw
nothing but great high cliffes of barren Rocks, overgrowne with
wood: but where the Salvages dwelt there the ground is exceeding
fat and fertill. Westward of this River, is the Countrey of Aucocisco,
in the bottome of a large deepe Bay, full of many great Iles, which
divides it into many good harbours. Sowocotuck is the next, in the
edge of a large sandy Bay, which hath many Rocks and Iles, but few
good harbours, but for Barks, I yet know. But all this Coast to
and as farre I could see Eastward of it is nothing but such
high craggy Cliffy Rocks and stony || Iles that I wondered such great
trees could growe upon so hard foundations. It is a Countrie rather
to affright, then delight one. And how to describe a more plaine
spectacle of desolation or more barren I knowe not. Yet the Sea there
is the strangest fishpond I ever saw; and those barren lies so furnished
with good woods, springs, fruits, fish, and foule, that it makes mee
thinke though the Coast be rockie, and thus affrightable; the Vallies,
Plaines, and interior parts, may well (notwithstanding) be verie
fertile. But there is no kingdome so fertile hath not some part barren:
and New England is great enough, to make many Kingdomes and
Countries, were it all inhabited. As you passe the Coast still
Accominticus and Passataquack are two convenient harbors
for small barks; and a good Countrie, within their craggie cliffs.
Angoam is the next; This place might content a right curious
but there are many sands at the entrance of the harbor: and
the worst is, it is inbayed too farre from the deepe Sea. Heere are
many rising hilles, and on their tops and descents many corne fields,
and delightfull groves. On the East, is an Ile of two or three leagues
in length; the one halfe, plaine morish grasse fit for pasture, with
many faire high groves of mulberrie trees and gardens: and there is
also Okes, Pines, and other woods to make this place an excellent
habitation, beeing a good and safe harbor.
of the Countries
in particular,
and their
situations.
[24]
[25]
Naimkeck though it be more rockie ground (for Angoam is
sandie) not much inferior; neither for the || harbor, nor any thing I
could perceive, but the multitude of people. From hence doth stretch
into the Sea the faire headland Tragabigzanda, fronted with three
Iles called the three Turks heads:8
report a great River, and at least thirtie habitations, doo possesse
this Countrie. But because the French had got their Trade, I had no
leasure to discover it. The Iles of Mattahunts are on the West side of
this Bay, where are many lies, and questionlesse good harbors: and
then the Countrie of the Massachusets, which is the Paradise of all
those parts: for, heere are many Iles all planted with corne; groves,
mulberries, salvage gardens, and good harbors: the Coast is for the
most part, high clayie sandie cliffs. The Sea Coast as you passe,
shewes you all along large corne fields, and great troupes of well
people: but the French having remained heere neere sixe
weekes, left nothing, for us to take occasion9
relations, viz. if there be neer three thousand people upon these
Iles; and that the River doth pearce many daies journeies the intralles
of that Countrey. We found the people in those parts verie kinde; but
in their furie no lesse valiant. For, upon a quarrell wee had with one
of them, hee onely with three others crossed the harbor of 10
to certaine rocks whereby wee must passe; and there let flie
their arrowes for our shot, till we were out of danger.
[26]
Then come you to Accomack,1
land; and no want of any thing, but industrious people. After much
kindnesse, upon a small occasion, wee fought also with fortie or fiftie
of those: though some were hurt, and some slaine; yet within an
houre after they became friendes. Cape Cod is the next presents it
selfe: which is onely a headland of high hils of sand, overgrowne with
shrubbie23
all weathers. This Cape is made by the maine Sea on the one side,
and a great Bay on the other in forme of a sickle: on it doth inhabit
the people of Pawmet: and in the bottome of the Bay, the people of
Chawum. Towards the South and Southwest of this Cape, is found a
long and dangerous shoale of sands and rocks. But so farre as I
it, I found thirtie fadom water aboard4
shoale; where is the best and greatest fish to be had, Winter and
Summer, in all that Countrie. But, the Salvages say there is no
but that the shoales beginne from the maine at Pawmet, to the
Ile of Nausit; and so extends beyond their knowledge into the Sea.
The next to this is Capawack,5
copper, corne, people, and mineralls; which I went to discover this
last yeare: but because I miscarried by the way, I will leave them,
till God please I have better acquaintance with them.
[27]
The Massachusets, they report, sometimes have warres with the
Bashabes of Pennobskot;6
Chawun and their alliants: but now they are all friends, and have
each trade with other, so farre as they have societie, on each others
frontiers. For they make no such voiages as from Pennobskot to Cape
Cod; seldom to Massachewset.7
begunne to plant corne, whereof the South part hath such plentie, as
they have what they will from them of the North; and in the Winter
much more plenty of fish and foule: but both Winter and Summer
hath it in the one part or other all the yeare; being the meane and
most indifferent temper, betwixt heat and colde, of all the regions
betwixt the Lyne and the Pole: but the furs Northward are much
better, and in much more plentie, then Southward.
Countrie.
[28]
The remarkeablest Iles and mountains for Landmarkes are
these; The highest Ile is Sorico,8
three Iles and a rock of Matinnack are much furder in the Sea;
Metinicus is also three plaine Iles and a rock, betwixt it and
Monahigan is a rounde high Ile; and close by it Monanis,
betwixt which is a small harbor where we ride. In Damerils Iles is
such another: Sagadahock is knowne by Satquin, and foure or five
Iles in the mouth. Smyths Iles are a heape together, none neere them,
against Accominticus. The three Turks heads are three Iles seen far
to Sea-ward in regard of the headland.
The cheefe headlands are onely Cape Tragabigzanda and Cape
Cod.
The cheefe mountaines, them of Pennobscot; the twinkling1
high mountaine of Massachusit:2
Mappe; their places, formes, and altitude. The waters are most pure,
proceeding from the intrals of rockie mountaines; the hearbes and
fruits are of many sorts and kindes: as alkermes, currans, or a fruit
like currans, mulberries, vines, respices,3
walnuts, chesnuts, small nuts, etc. pumpions,4
beans, pease, and mayze; a kinde or two of flax, wherewith they
make nets, lines and ropes both small and great, verie strong for their
quantities.5
[29]
Oke, is the chiefe wood; of which there is great difference in
regard of the soyle where it groweth. firre, pyne, walnut, chesnut,
birch, ash, elme, cypresse, ceder, mulberrie, plumtree, hazell, 6
and many other sorts.
Eagles, Gripes,7
Cormorants, Ducks, Sheldrakes, Teale, Meawes, Guls, Turkies,
Dive-doppers,8
Whales, Grampus, Porkpisces,9
Haddock, Cole,1
Mullet, Base, Pinacks,23
Muskles, Wilkes,4
Moos, a beast bigger then a Stagge; deere, red, and Fallow;
Bevers, Wolves, Foxes, both blacke and other; Aroughconds,5
Beares, Otters, || Martins, Fitches, Musquassus,6
sorts of vermine, whose names I know not. All these and diverse
other good things do heere, for want of use, still increase, and
with little diminution, whereby they growe to that abundance.
You shall scarce finde any Baye, shallow shore, or Cove of sand,
where you may not take many Clampes,7
pleasure, and in many places lode your boat if you please; Nor Iles
where you finde not fruits, birds, crabs, and muskles, or all of them,
for taking, at a lowe water.8
fish, at the ships sterne, more then sixe or tenne can eate in a daie;
but with a casting-net, thousands when wee pleased: and scarce any
place, but Cod, Cuske, Holybut, Mackerell, Scate, or such like, a man
may take with a hooke or line what he will. And, in diverse sandy
Baies, a man may draw with a net great store of Mullets, Bases, and
diverse other sorts of such excellent fish, as many as his Net can drawe
on shore: no River where there is not plentie of Sturgion, or Salmon,
or both; all which are to be had in abundance observing but their
seasons. But if a man will goe at Christmasse to gather Cherries in
Kent, he may be deceived; though there be plentie in Summer: so,
heere these plenties have each their seasons, as I have expressed. We
for the most part had little but bread and vineger: and though the
most part of July when the fishing decaied they wrought all day, laie
abroade in the Iles || all night, and lived on what they found, yet
were not sicke: But I would wish none put himself long to such
plunges;9
starve that heere cannot live; if he have sense, strength and health:
for, there is no such penury of these blessings in any place, but that a
hundred men may, in one houre or two, make their provisions for a
day: and hee that hath experience to mannage well these affaires,
with fortie or thirtie honest industrious men, might well undertake
(if they dwell in these parts) to subject the Salvages, and feed daily
two or three hundred men, with as good corne, fish, and flesh, as the
earth hath of those kindes, and yet make that labor but their
provided that they have engins,10
[30]
[31]
Who can desire more content, that hath small meanes; or but
only his merit to advance his fortune, then to tread, and plant that
ground hee hath purchased by the hazard of his life? If he have but
the taste of virtue, and magnanimitie,1
more pleasant, then planting and building a foundation for his
gotte from the rude earth, by Gods blessing and his owne
industrie, without prejudice to any? If hee have any graine of faith
or zeale in Religion, what can hee doe lesse hurtfull to any; or more
agreeable to God, then to seeke to convert those poore Salvages to
know Christ, and humanitie, whose labors with discretion will triple
requite thy charge and paines? What so truely sutes with honour and
ho- || nestie, as the discovering things unknowne? erecting Townes,
peopling Countries, informing the ignorant, reforming things
teaching virtue; and gaine to our Native mother-countrie a
kingdom to attend her; finde imployment for those that are idle,
because they know not what to doe: so farre from wronging any, as
to cause Posteritie to remember thee; and remembring thee, ever
beginnings and endings of the Monarkies of the Chaldeans, the
Syrians, the Grecians, and Romanes, but this one rule; What was it
they would not doe, for the good of the commonwealth, or their
Mother-citie? For example: Rome, What made her such a
but onely the adventures of her youth, not in riots at home;
but in dangers abroade? and the justice and judgement out of their
experience, when they grewe aged. What was their ruine and hurt,
but this; The excesse of idlenesse, the fondnesse of Parents, the want
of experience in Magistrates, the admiration of their undeserved
honours, the contempt of true merit, their unjust jealosies, their
incredulities, their hypocriticall seeming goodnesse, and their
deeds of secret lewdnesse? finally, in fine, growing onely formall
temporists, all that their predecessors got in many years, they lost in
few daies. Those by their pains and vertues became Lords of the
world; they by their ease and vices became slaves to their servants.
This is the difference betwixt the use of Armes in the field, and on the
monuments of stones; || the golden age and the leaden age, prosperity
and miserie, justice and corruption, substance and shadowes, words
and deeds, experience and imagination, making Commonwealths
and marring Commonwealths, the fruits of vertue and the
of vice.
that have great
spirits, and
smal meanes.
[32]
[33]
Then, who would live at home idly (or thinke in himselfe any
worth to live) onely to eate, drink, and sleepe, and so die? Or by
that carelesly, his friends got worthily? Or by using that
miserably, that maintained vertue honestly? Or, for being descended
nobly, pine with the vaine vaunt of great kindred, in penurie? Or
(to maintaine a silly shewe of bravery) toyle out thy heart, soule, and
time, basely, by shifts,2
of others actions, sharke3
thy friends, by faire promises, and dissimulation, in borrowing
where thou never intendest to pay; offend the lawes, surfeit with
excesse, burden thy Country, abuse thy selfe, despaire in want, and
then couzen thy kindred, yea even thine owne brother, and wish thy
parents death (I will not say damnation) to have their estates?
though thou seest what honours, and rewards, the world yet hath for
them will seeke them and worthily deserve them.
I would be sory to offend, or that any should mistake my honest
meaning: for I wish good to all, hurt to none. But rich men for the
most part are growne to that dotage, through their pride in || their
wealth, as though there were no accident could end it, or their life.
And what hellish care do such take to make it their owne miserie,
and their Countries spoile, especially when there is most neede of
Prince and his honest subjects, even the vitall spirits of their powers
and estates: as if their Bagges,4
the malicious could not assault them; when they are the onely
baite, to cause us not to be onely assaulted; but betrayed and
in our owne security, ere we well perceive it.
[34]
May not the miserable ruine of Constantinople, their
walles, riches, and pleasures last taken by the Turke (which
are but a bit, in comparison of their now mightines) remember5
of the effects of private covetousness? at which time the good
held himselfe rich enough, to have such rich subjects, so
formall in all excesse of vanity, all kinde of delicacie, and prodigalitie.
His povertie when the Turke besieged, the citizens (whose
thoughts were onely to get wealth, little conceiving the
resolution of a valiant expert enemy) left the Emperour so
long to his conclusions,6
raw, discontented Souldiers; that sodainly he, they, and their citie
were all a prey to the devouring Turke. And what they would not
spare for the maintenance of them who adventured their lives to
defend them, did serve onely their || enemies to torment them, their
friends, and countrey, and all Christendome to this present day. Let
this lamentable example remember you that are rich (seeing there
are such great theeves in the world to robbe you) not grudge to lend
some proportion, to breed them that have little, yet willing to learne
how to defend you: for, it is too late when the deede is a-doing. The
Romanes estate hath beene worse then this: for, the meere
and extortion of a few of them, so mooved the rest, that not
having any imployment, but contemplation; their great judgements
grew to so great malice, as themselves were sufficient to destroy
by faction: Let this moove you to embrace imployment, for
those whose educations, spirits, and judgements, want but your
purses; not onely to prevent such accustomed dangers, but also to
gaine more thereby then you have. And you fathers that are either
so foolishly fond, or so miserably covetous, or so willfully ignorant,
or so negligently carelesse, as that you will rather maintaine your
children in idle wantonness, till they growe your masters; or become
so basely unkinde, as they wish nothing but your deaths; so that both
sorts growe dissolute: and although you would wish them any where
to escape the gallowes, and ease your cares; though they spend you
here one, two, or three hundred pound a yeer; you would grudge to
give halfe so much in adventure with them, to obtaine an estate,
which in a small time but with a little assistance of your || providence,
might bee better then your owne. But if an Angell should tell you,
not beleeve him, no more then Columbus was beleeved there was any
such Land as is now the well knowne abounding America; much
lesse such large Regions as are yet unknowne, as well in America, as
in Affrica, and Asia, and Terra incognita; where were courses for
gentlemen (and them that would be so reputed) more suiting their
qualities, then begging from their Princes generous disposition, the
labours of his subjects, and the very marrow of his maintenance.
of secure
covetousness.
[35]
[36]
I have not beene so ill bred, but I have tasted of Plenty and
Pleasure, as well as Want and Miserie: nor doth necessity yet, or
occasion of discontent, force me to these endeavors: nor am I
what small thanke I shall have for my paines; or that many
would have the Worlde imagine them to be of great judgement, that
can but blemish these my designes, by their witty objections and
yet (I hope) my reasons with my deeds, will so prevaile
with some, that I shall not want imployment in these affaires, to
make the most blinde see his owne senselesnesse, and incredulity;
Hoping that gaine will make them affect that, which Religion,
Charity, and the Common good cannot. It were but a poore device
in me, To deceive my selfe; much more the King, and State, my
Friends, and Countrey, with these inducements: which, seeing his
Majestie hath given || permission, I wish all sorts of worthie, honest,
industrious spirits, would understand: and if they desire any further
satisfaction, I will doe my best to give it: Not to perswade them to
goe onely; but goe with them: Not leave them there; but live with
them there. I will not say, but by ill providing and undue managing,
such courses may be taken, may make us miserable enough: But if
I may have the execution of what I have projected; if they want to
eate, let them eate or never digest Me.7
desire but that reward out of the gaines may sute my paines, quality,
and condition. And if I abuse you with my tongue, take my head for
satisfaction. If any dislike at the yeares end, defraying their charge,
by my consent they should freely returne. I feare not want of
sufficient, were it but knowne what I know of those Countries;
and by the proofe of that wealth I hope yearely to returne, if God
please to blesse me from such accidents, as are beyond my power in
reason to prevent: For, I am not so simple, to thinke, that ever any
other motive then wealth, will ever erect there a Commonweale; or
draw companie from their ease and humours at home, to stay in
New England to effect my purposes. And lest any should thinke the
toile might be insupportable, though these things may be had by
labour, and diligence: I assure my selfe there are who delight
in vaine pleasure, that take much more paines in England,
yet I thinke they should not have halfe such sweet content: for, our
pleasure here is still gaines; in England charges and losse. Heer
nature and liberty affords us that freely, which in England we want,
or it costeth us dearely. What pleasure can be more, then (being
tired with any occasion a-shore)8
in contriving their owne Grounds, to the pleasure of their owne
mindes, their Fields, Gardens, Orchards, Buildings, Ships, and other
works, etc. to recreate themselves before their owne doores, in their
owne boates upon the Sea, where man woman and childe, with a
small hooke and line, by angling, may take diverse sorts of excellent
fish, at their pleasures? And is it not pretty sport, to pull up two
pence, six pence, and twelve pence, as fast as you can hale and veare
a line?9
and line, one, two, or three hundred Cods: which dressed and dryed,
if they be sould there for ten shillings the hundred, though in England
they will give more then twentie; may not both the servant, the
master, and marchant, be well content with this gaine? If a man
worke but three dayes in seaven, he may get more then hee can spend,
unlesse he will be excessive. Now that Carpenter, Mason, Gardiner,
Taylor, Smith, Sailer, Forgers, or what other, may they not make
this a pretty recreation though they fish but an houre in a day, to take
more then they eate in a weeke: or if they will not eate it, because
there is so much better || choise; yet sell it, or change it, with the fisher
men, or marchants, for any thing they want. And what sport doth
yeeld a more pleasing content, and lesse hurt or charge then angling
with a hooke, and crossing the sweete ayre from Ile to Ile, over the
silent streames of a calme Sea? wherein the most curious may finde
pleasure, profit, and content. Thus, though all men be not fishers:
yet all men, whatsoever, may in other matters doe as well. For
doth in these cases so rule a Commonwealth, and each in their
severall functions, as their labours in their qualities may be as
because there is a necessary mutuall use of all.
conditions.
[37]
pleasures, and
profits.
[38]
[39]
For Gentlemen, what exercise should more delight them, then
ranging dayly those unknowne parts, using fowling and fishing, for
hunting and hauking? and yet you shall see the wilde haukes give
you some pleasure, in seeing them stoope1
another) an houre or two together, at the skuls2
harbours, as those a-shore at a foule; and never trouble nor torment
your selves, with watching, mewing, feeding, and attending them:
nor kill horse and man with running and crying, See you not a hauk?
chase sufficient, for any that delights in that kinde of toyle, or
but such beasts to hunt, that besides the delicacy of their bodies
for food, their skins are so rich, as may well recompence thy dayly
labour, with a Captains pay.
for gentlemen.
For labourers, if those that sowe hemp, rape, turnups, parsnips,
carrats, cabidge, and such like; give 20, 30, 40, 50 shillings yearely
for an acre of ground, and meat drinke and wages to use it, and yet
grow rich: when better, or at least as good ground, may be had and
cost nothing but labour; it seemes strange to me, any such should
there grow poore.
[40]
for labourers.
My purpose is not to perswade children from their parents; men
from their wives; nor servants from their masters: onely, such as
with free consent may be spared: But that each parish, or village, in
Citie, or Countrey, that will but apparell their fatherlesse children,
of thirteene or fourteen years of age, or young maried people, that
have small wealth to live on; heere by their labour may live
well: provided alwaies that first there bee a sufficient power to
command them, houses to receive them, meanes to defend them, and
meet provisions for them; for, any place may bee overlain:3
most necessarie to have a fortresse (ere this grow to practice) and
sufficient masters (as, Carpenters, Masons, Fishers, Fowlers,
Husbandmen, Sawyers, Smiths, Spinsters,4
and such like) to take ten, twelve, or twentie, or as ther is occasion,
for Apprentises. The Masters by this may quicklie growe rich; these
may learne their trades themselves, to doe the like; to a generall and
an incredible benefit, for King, and Countrey, Master, and Servant.
It would bee an historie of a large volume,5
of the Spanyards, and Portugals, their affronts, and defeats,
their dangers and miseries; which with such incomparable honour
and constant resolution, so farre beyond beleefe, they have attempted
and indured in their discoveries and plantations, as may well
us, of too much imbecillitie, sloth, and negligence: yet the
Authors of those new inventions, were held as ridiculous, for a long
time, as now are others, that doe but seek to imitate their unparalleled
vertues. And though we see daily their mountaines of wealth (sprong
from the plants of their generous indevours) yet is our sensualitie and
untowardnesse such, and so great, that wee either ignorantly beleeve
nothing; or so curiously contest, to prevent wee knowe not what
future events; that wee either so neglect, or oppresse and discourage
the present, as wee spoile all in the making, crop all in the blooming;
and building upon faire sand, rather then rough rockes, judge that
and for feare some should doe too well, force such against their willes
to be idle or as ill. And who is he hath judgement, courage, and any
industrie or qualitie with understanding, will leave his Countrie, his
hopes at home, his certaine estate, his friends, pleasures, libertie, and
the preferment sweete England doth afford to all degrees, were it not
to advance his fortunes by injoying his deserts? whose prosperitie
once appearing, will incourage others: but it must be cherish- || ed
as a childe, till it be able to goe, and understand it selfe; and not
nor oppressed above its strength, ere it knowe wherefore. A
child can neither performe the office, nor deedes of a man of strength,
nor indure that affliction He is able; nor can an Apprentice at the
first performe the part of a Maister. And if twentie yeeres bee
to make a child a man, seven yeares limited an apprentice for
his trade: if scarce an age be sufficient to make a wise man a States
man; and commonly, a man dies ere he hath learned to be discreet:
If perfection be so hard to be obtained, as of necessitie there must bee
practice, as well as theorick: Let no man much condemne this
opinion, to say, that halfe seaven yeeres is scarce sufficient, for a
good capacitie, to learne in these affaires, how to carrie himselfe:
and who ever shall trie in these remote places the erecting of a
Colony, shall finde at the ende of seaven yeares occasion enough to
use all his discretion: and, in the Interim all the content, rewards,
gaines, and hopes will be necessarily required, to be given to the
beginning, till it bee able to creepe, to stand, and goe, yet time enough
to keepe it from running, for there is no feare it wil grow too fast, or
ever to any thing; except libertie, profit, honor, and prosperitie there
found, more binde the planters of those affaires, in devotion to effect
it; then bondage, violence, tyranny, ingratitude, and such double
dealing, as bindes free men to become slaves, and honest men turne
knaves: which hath ever bin the ruine of the most popular ||
and is verie unlikelie ever well to begin in a new.6
[41]
the Spanyard.
[42]
[43]
Who seeth not what is the greatest good of the Spanyard, but
these new conclusions, in searching those unknowne parts of this
world? By which meanes hee dives even into the verie secrets
of all his Neighbours, and the most part of the world: and when the
Portugale and Spanyard had found the East and West Indies; how
many did condemn themselves, that did not accept of that honest
offer of Noble Columbus? who, upon our neglect, brought them to
it, perswading our selves the world had no such places as they had
found: and yet ever since wee finde, they still (from time to time)
have found new Lands, new Nations, and trades, and still daily dooe
finde both in Asia, Africa, Terra incognita, and America; so that
there is neither Soldier nor Mechanick, from the Lord to the begger,
Native soile, of so many thousands of all sorts, that else, by their sloth,
pride, and imperfections, would long ere this have troubled their
neighbours, or have eaten the pride of Spaine it selfe.
Spaine.
Now he knowes little, that knowes not England may well spare
many more people then Spaine, and is as well able to furnish them
with all manner of necessaries. And seeing, for all they have, they
cease not still to search for that they have not, and know not; It is
strange we should be so dull, as not maintaine that which wee have,
and pursue that wee || knowe. Surely I am sure many would taste7
ill, to bee abridged of the titles and honours of their predecessors:
when if but truely they would judge themselves; looke how inferior
they are to their noble vertues, so much they are unworthy of their
honours and livings: which never were ordained for showes and
shadowes, to maintaine idlenesse and vice; but to make them more
able to abound in honor, by heroycall deeds of action, judgement,
pietie, and vertue. What was it, They would not doe both in purse
and person, for the good of the Commonwealth? which might move
them presently to set out their spare kindred in these generous
Religion, above all things, should move us (especially the
Clergie) if wee were religious, to shewe our faith by our workes; in
converting those poore salvages, to the knowledge of God, seeing
what paines the Spanyards take to bring them to their adulterated
faith. Honor might move the Gentrie, the valiant, and industrious;
and the hope and assurance of wealth, all; if wee were that we would
seeme, and be accounted. Or be we so far inferior to other nations, or
our spirits so far dejected, from our auncient predecessors, or our
mindes so upon spoile, piracie, and such villany, as to serve the
Portugall, Spanyard, Dutch, French, or Turke (as to the cost of
Europe, too many dooe) rather then our God, our King, our Country,
and our selves? excusing our idlenesse, and our base complaints, by
want of imploiment; when heere is such choise of all sorts, and for all
degrees, in the plan- || ting and discovering these North parts of
America.
[44]
[45]
Now to make my words more apparent by my deeds; I was, the
last yeare, 1615. to have staied in the Countrie, to make a more
ample triall of those conclusions with sixteene men; whose names
were8
voyage to New
England.
I confesse, I could have wished them as many thousands, had
all other provisions bin in like proportion: nor would I have had so
fewe, could I have had meanes for more: yet (would God have
pleased wee had safely arrived) I never had the like authoritie,
and provision, to doe so well. The maine assistance next God,
I had to this small number, was my acquaintance among the
especially, with Dohannida,9
had lived long in England. By the meanes of this proud Salvage, I did
not doubt but quickly to have gotte that credit with the rest of his
friends, and alliants,10
any designe I intended, and that trade also they had, by such a kind
of exchange || of their Countrie commodities; which both with ease
and securitie in their seasons may be used. With him and diverse
others, I had concluded to inhabit, and defend them against the
Terentynes;1
tyranny did inforce them to imbrace my offer, with no small
And though many may thinke me more bolde then wise, in
regard of their power, dexteritie, treacherie, and inconstancie,
so desperately assaulted and betraied many others: I say but this
(because with so many, I have many times done much more in
Virginia, then I intended heere, when I wanted that experience
taught me) that to mee it seemes no daunger more then
ordinarie. And though I know my selfe the meanest of many
whose apprehensive inspection can pearce beyond the boundes
of my habilities, into the hidden things of Nature, Art, and Reason:
yet I intreate such give me leave to excuse my selfe of so much
as to say, that in these eight yeares which I have been
with these affairs, I have not learned there is a great
knowledge, and the superficiall conjecture of variable relation:
wherein rumor, humor, or misprision have such power, that oft times
one is enough to beguile twentie, but twentie not sufficient to keep
one from being deceived. Therefore I know no reason but to beleeve
my own eies, before any mans imagination, that is but wrested from
the conceits of my owne projects, and indea- || vours. But I honor,
with all affection, the counsell and instructions of judiciall directions,
or any other honest advertisement; so farre to observe, as they tie
mee not to the crueltie of unknowne events.
[46]
[47]
These are the inducements that thus drew me to neglect all
other imployments, and spend my time and best abilities in these
adventures. Wherein, though I have had many discouragements by
the ingratitude of some, the malicious slanders of others, the
of friendes, the trechery of cowards, and slownesse of
but chiefly by one Hunt,2
whom oft arguing these projects, for a plantation, however hee
seemed well in words to like it, yet he practiced to have robbed mee
of my plots, and observations,3
Ile, to the fury of famine, and all other extreamities (lest I should have
acquainted Sir Thomas Smith, my Honourable good friend, and the
Councell of Virginia) to the end, he and his associates, might secretly
ingrosse it, ere it were knowne to the State: Yet that God that alway
hath kept me from the worst of such practices, delivered me from the
worst of his dissimulations. Notwithstanding after my departure, hee
abused the Salvages where hee came, and betrayed twenty seaven
of these poore innocent soules, which he sould in Spaine for slaves, to
moove their hate against our Nation, as well as to cause my
to be so much the more difficult.
Now, returning in the Bark, in the fift4
at Plimouth: where imparting those my purposes to my honourable
friende Sir Ferdinando Gorge,5
and assured to have the managing their authoritie in those parts,
during my life, that I ingaged my selfe to undertake it for them.
Arriving at London, I found also many promise me such assistance,
that I entertained Michaell Cooper the Master,6
mee, and others of the company. How hee dealt with others, or
others with him I know not: But my publike proceeding gave such
the Southren Company, as these projects were liked,7
from London with foure ships at Sea, before they at Plimouth
had made any provision at all, but onely a ship cheefely set out by
sir Ferdinando Gorge; which upon Hunts late trecherie among the
Salvages, returned as shee went, and did little or nothing, but lost
her time. I must confesse I was beholden to the setters forth of the
foure ships that went with Cooper; in that they offered mee that
if I would accept it: and I finde, my refusall hath incurred
some of their displeasures, whose favor and love I exceedingly desire,
if I may honestly injoy it. And though they doe censure me as
to their proceedings; they shall yet still in all my words and deedes
finde, it is their error, not my fault, that occasions their dislike: for
having ingaged my selfe in this businesse to the West Countrie; I had
beene verie dishonest to have || broke my promise; nor will I spend
more time in discoverie, or fishing, till I may goe with a companie
for plantation: for, I know my grounds. Yet every one that reades
this booke can not put it in practice; though it may helpe any that
have seene those parts. And though they endeavour to worke me
even out of my owne designes, I will not much envy their fortunes:
but, I would bee sory, their intruding ignorance should, by their 8
bring those certainties to doubtfulnesse: So that the
businesse prosper, I have my desire; be it by Londoner, Scot, Welch,
or English, that are true subjects to our King and Countrey: the
good of my Countrey is that I seeke; and there is more then enough
for all, if they could bee content but to proceed.
[48]
[49]
At last it pleased Sir Ferdinando Gorge, and Master Doctor
Sutliffe,9
my former imployments, as induced them to make a new adventure
with me in those parts, whither they have so often sent to their
losse. By whose example, many inhabitants of the west
Country, made promises of much more then was looked for, but their
private emulations10
so that the burden lay principally on them, and some few
Gentlemen my friends, in London. In the end I was furnished with
shee broke all her masts; pumping each watch 5 or 6000 strokes:
onely her spret saile || remayned to spoon before the wind, till we had
re-accommodated a Jury mast, and the rest, to returne for Plimouth.
My Vice-admirall beeing lost, not knowing of this, proceeded her
voyage:1
in a small Barke of 60 tuns with 30 men (for this of 200 and provision
for 70) which were the 16 before named, and 14 other saylors for the
ship. With those I set saile againe the 24 of June: where what befell
me (because my actions and writings are so publicke to the world,
envy still seeking to scandalize my indeavours, and seeing no power
but death, can stop the chat2
mindes) lest my owne relations of those hard events, might by some
constructors, be made doubtfull, I have thought it best to insert the
examinations of those proceedings, taken by Sir Lewis Stukley a
worthie Knight, and Viceadmirall of Devonshire;3
followeth.
of my returne.
[50]
with pyrats
and
by the
French.
The examination of Daniel Baker,4
to Captaine John Smith in the returne of Plimouth;
taken before Sir Lewis Stukley, Knight,
the eight of December 1615.
his ship 140
tuns, 36 cast
peeces and
murderers, 80
men; of which
40, or 50.
were master
gunners.
Who saith, being chased two dayes by one Fry, an English
Pirate,5
Chambers, the Master, John Minter, his mate, Thomas Digby6
Pilot, and others importuned his saide Captaine to yeeld; houlding
it unpossible hee should defend || himselfe: and that the saide
should send them his boate, in that they had none: which at
last he concluded upon these conditions, That Fry the Pyrate should
vow not to take any thing from Captaine Smith, that might
his voyage, nor send more Pirats into his ship then hee liked
off; otherwaies, he would make sure of them he had, and defend
himselfe against the rest as hee could.
[51]
More: he confesseth that the quarter-masters and Chambers
received golde of those Pirats; but how much, he knoweth not: Nor
would his Captain come out of his Caben to entertaine them;
would have wafted us to the Iles of Flowers.7
At Fyall,8
us Amaine. Chambers, Minter, Digby, and others,
againe the Captaine to yeeld; alledging they were Turks, and
would make them all slaves: or Frenchmen, and would throw them
all over board if they shot but a peece; and that they were
to fish, and not to fight: untill the Captaine vowed to fire the
powder and split the ship, if they would not stand to their defence;
whereby at last wee went cleere of them, for all their shot.
the other 20.
140 tuns, 12
peeces, 12
murderers, 90
men, with
long pistols,
pocket
pistols,
musket, sword
and poniard,
the
100
tuns, the
60, the
other 80: all
had 250 men
most armed as
is said.
At Flowers, wee were chased by foure French men of warre;12
having provided for our defence, Chambers, Minter, Dig- || by,
and some others, againe importuned him to yeeld to the favour of
those, against whom there was nothing but ruine by fighting: But
if he would goe aboard them, in that hee could speake French, by
curtesie hee might goe cleere; seeing they offered him such faire
quarter, and vowed they were Protestants, and all of Rochell, and
had the Kings commission onely to take Spaniards, Portugales, and
Pyrats; which at last hee did: but they kept this examinates
and some other of his company with him. The next day the
French men of warre went aboard us, and tooke what they listed, and
divided the company into their severall ships, and manned this
examinates ship with the Frenchmen; and chased with her all the
shippes they saw: untill about five or six dayes after upon better
they surrendered the ship, and victualls, with the most
part of our provision, but not our weapons.3
[52]
More: he confesseth that his Captain exhorted them to
their voyage, or goe for New found Land to returne fraughted
with fish, where hee would finde meanes to proceed in his plantation:
but Chambers and Minter grew upon tearms they would not;4
those that were Souldiers concluded with their Captaines resolution,
they would; seeing they had clothes, victualls, salt, nets, and lines
wanted, the French men promised to restore, which the Captaine the
next day went to seeke, and sent them about loading of ||
as powder, match, hookes, instruments, his sword and dagger,
bedding, aqua vitæ, his commission, apparell, and many other
things; the particulars he remembreth not: But, as for the cloath,
canvas, and the Captaines cloathes, Chambers, and his associats
divided it amongst themselves, and to whom they best liked; his
not having any thing, to his knowledge, but his wastecoat and
breeches.5
armes, and the rest; they seeing a sayle, gave chase untill night. The
next day being very foule weather, this examinate came so neere with
the ship unto the French men of warre, that they split the maine sayle
on the others spret sayle yard. Chambers willed the Captaine come
aboard, or hee would leave him: whereupon the Captaine
Chambers to send his boate for him. Chambers replyed shee
was split (which was false) telling him hee might come if he would
in the Admiralls boat. The Captaines answer was, he could not
her, nor come when hee would: so this examinate fell on
sterne; and that night left his said Captaine alone amongst the
French men, in this manner, by the command of Chambers, Minter,
and others.
and souldiers
were ever
to fight.
[53]
Now the cause why the French detayned me againe, was the
suspicion this Chambers and Minter gave them, that I would
my selfe, upon the Bank,7
French I could there incounter; and how I would have fired the ship,
had they not overperswaded mee: and many other such like tricks
to catch but opportunitie in this maner to leave me. And thus they
returned to Plimouth; and perforce with the French I thus
[54]
treachery.
Being a Fleet of eight or nine sayle,8
Indies fleet, till ill weather separated us from the other 8. Still we
thoughts from too much meditation of my miserable estate,
I writ this discourse;9
Councell, by some ship or other: for I saw their purpose was to take
all they could. At last we were chased by one Captain Barra,1
English Pyrat, in a small ship, with some twelve peeces of ordinance,
about thirty men, and neer all starved. They sought by curtesie
of us; who gave them such faire promises, as at last wee betrayed
Captaine Wolliston2
aboard us, and then provided to take the rest perforce. Now my part
was to be prisoner in the gun-roum, and not to speake to any of them
upon my life: yet had Barra knowledge what I was. Then Barra
wel these French intents, made ready to fight, and Wolliston
as resolutely regarded not their threats, || which caused us demurre
upon the matter longer, som sixteene houres; and then returned their
prisoners, and some victualls also, upon a small composition.3
next wee tooke was a small English man of Poole4
Land. The great caben at this present, was my prison; from whence
I could see them pillage those poore men of all that they had, and
halfe their fish. When hee was gone, they sould his poore cloathes at
the maine mast, by an outcry, which scarce gave each man seaven
pence a peece. Not long after, wee tooke a Scot fraught from Saint
Michaels5
having but taken a boats loading of suger, marmelade, suckets,6
such like, we discried foure sayle, after whom we stood; who forling
their maine sayles attended us to fight. But our French spirits were
content onely to perceive they were English red crosses.7
very small time after, wee chased foure Spanish shippes came from
the Indies: wee fought with them foure or five houres, tore their
sayles and sides; yet not daring to board them, lost them. A poore
Carvell8
thirteene or fourteen of her men being wounded, which was the better
halfe, we tooke her, with 370 chests of sugar. The next was a West
Indies man, of 160 tuns, with 1200 hides, 50 chests of cutchanell,9
12
of Spaines treasure, besides the pillage and rich coffers of many rich
passengers. Two || monethes they kept me in this manner to manage
their fights against the Spaniards, and be a prisoner when they tooke
any English. Now though the Captaine had oft broke his promise,
which was to put me a-shore on the Iles,3
yet at last, he was intreated I should goe for France in the Carvell of
sugar: himself resolved still to keepe the Seas. Within two dayes
after, we were haled by two West Indy men: but when they saw us
wave them for the King of France,4
shot through our mayne mast and so left us. Having lived thus, neer
three moneths among those French men of warre; with much adoe,
we arrived at the Gulion,5
great promises they alwaies fed me with, of double satisfaction, and
full content, they kept me five or six daies prisoner in the Carvell,
accusing me to bee him that burnt their Colony in New France;6
force mee give them a discharge before the Judge of the Admiralty,
and so stand to their curtesie for satisfaction, or lie in prison, or a
worse mischiefe. To prevent this choise, in the end of such a storme
that beat them all under Hatches, I watched my opportunity to get
a-shore in their boat; where-into, in the darke night, I secretly got:
and with a halfe pike that lay by me, put a drift for Rat Ile:7
Current was so strong and the Sea so great, I went a drift to Sea; till
it pleased God the winde so turned with the tide, that although I was
all this fearefull night of gusts and raine, in the Sea, the space of 12
|| houres, when many ships were driven a shore, and diverse split (and
being with sculling and bayling the water tired, I expected each
minute would sinke mee) at last I arrived in an oazie Ile by 8
where certaine fowlers found mee neere drowned, and halfe
dead, with water, colde, and hunger. By those, I found meanes to
gette to Rochell; where I understood the man of warre which we left
at Sea, and the rich prize was split, the Captaine drowned and halfe
his companie the same night, within seaven leagues of that place,
far beyond all mens reason, or my expectation. Arriving at Rochell,
upon my complaint to the Judge of the Admiraltie, I founde many
good words, and faire promises; and ere long many of them that
escaped drowning, tolde mee the newes they heard of my owne
death: these I arresting, their severall examinations did so confirme
my complaint, it was held proofe sufficient. All which being
according to the order of justice, from under the judges hand;
I presented it to the English Ambassador then at Burdeaux,9
it was my chance to see the arrivall of the Kings great mariage
brought from Spaine. Of the wrack of the rich prize some 36000.1
which I did my best to arrest: the Judge did promise me I shold have
justice; what will bee the conclusion as yet, I know not. But under
the colour2
will not || suffer the French trade in the West-Indies) any goods
from thence, thogh they take them upon the Coast of Spaine, are
lawfull prize; or from any of his territories out of the limits of Europe.
French men of
war, and fights
with the Spaniards.
[55]
16000 crowns.
200000
crownes.
[56]
from the
French men.
[57]
Edmunds.
mee having
the broad seale
of
England:
and neere
twentie sayle of
English more,
besides them
concealed, in
like maner
were betrayed
that year.
My returne for
England, 1615.
[58]
Leaving thus my businesse in France, I returned to Plimouth,
to find them that had thus buried me amongst the French: and not
onely buried mee, but with so much infamy, as such trecherous
cowards could suggest to excuse their villanies: But my clothes,
bookes, instruments, Armes, and what I had, they shared amongst
them, and what they liked; fayning, the French had all was wanting;
and had throwne them into the Sea, taken their ship, and all, had
they not runne away and left me as they did. The cheeftaines of this
mutinie that I could finde, I laied by the heeles; the rest, like
confessed the truth as you have heard. Now how I have or
could prevent these accidents, I rest at your censures.3
matter.
Newfound-land at the first, I have heard, was held as desperate45
Banke, were also as doubtfull to the French: But, for all the disasters
happened mee, the businesse is the same it was: and the five ships
(whereof one was reported more then three hundred tunnes) went
forward; and found fish so much, that neither Izeland-man, nor
more to either place, if they may goe thither. So, that upon the
returne of my Viceadmirall that proceeded on her voyage when I
spent my || masts, from Plimouth this yeare are gone foure or five
saile: and from London as many; onely to make voyages of profit:
where the Englishmen have yet beene, all their returnes together
(except Sir Francis Popphames) would scarce make one a saver of
neere a douzen I could nominate; though there be fish sufficient, as
I perswade my selfe, to fraught yearely foure or five hundred sayle,
or as many as will goe. For, this fishing stretcheth along the Coast
from Cape Cod to Newfound-land, which is seaven or eight
miles at the least; and hath his course in the deepes, and by the
shore, all the yeare long; keeping their hants and feedings as the
beasts of the field, and the birds of the aire. But, all men are not such
as they should bee, that have undertaken those voiages: and a man
that hath but heard of an instrument, can hardly use it so well, as
hee that by use hath contrived to make it. All the Romanes were not
Scipioes: nor all the Geneweses, Columbuses: nor all Spanyards,
Corteses: had they dived no deeper in the secrets of their discoveries,
then wee, or stopped at such doubts and poore accidentall chances;
they had never beene remembred as they are: yet had they no such
certainties to begin as wee. But, to conclude, Adam and Eve did first
beginne this innocent worke, To plant the earth to remaine to
but not without labour, trouble and industrie. Noe, and his
family, beganne againe the second plantation; and their seede as it
still increased, hath still planted new Countries, and one countrie
another: and so the world to that estate it is. But || not without much
hazard, travell,6
Fathers and their memorable off-spring not beene more diligent for
us now in these Ages, then wee are to plant that yet unplanted, for
the after livers: Had the seede of Abraham, our Saviour Christ, and
his Apostles, exposed themselves to no more daungers to teach the
Gospell, and the will of God then wee; Even wee our selves, had at
this present been as Salvage, and as miserable as the most barbarous
Salvage yet uncivilized. The Hebrewes, and Lacedæmonians, the
Goths, the Grecians, the Romanes, and the rest, what was it they
would not undertake to inlarge their Territories, enrich their
resist their enemies? Those that were the founders of those great
Monarchies and their vertues, were no silvered idle golden Pharises,
but industrious iron-steeled Publicans: They regarded more
and necessaries for their people, then jewels, riches, ease, or
delight for themselves. Riches were their servants, not their Maisters.
They ruled (as Fathers, not as Tyrantes) their people as children, not
as slaves: there was no disaster, could discourage them; and let none
what have ever beene the workes of the greatest Princes of the earth,
but planting of countries, and civilizing barbarous and inhumane
Nations, to civilitie and humanitie? whose eternall actions, fill our
histories. Lastly, the Portugales, and Spanyards: whose everliving
actions, before our eyes will || testifie with them our idlenesse, and
ingratitude to all posterities, and the neglect of our duties in our
pietie and religion we owe our God, our King, and Countrie; and
want of charity to those poore salvages, whose Countrie wee
use and possesse; except wee bee but made to use, and marre
what our Fore-fathers made, or but onely tell what they did, or
esteeme our selves too good to take the like paines. Was it vertue in
them, to provide that doth maintaine us? and basenesse for us to doe
the like for others? Surely no. Then seeing we are not borne for our
selves, but each to helpe other, and our abilities are much alike at the
houre of our birth, and the minute of our death: Seeing our good
deedes, or our badde, by faith in Christs merits, is all we have to
carrie our soules to heaven, or hell: Seeing honour is our lives
and our ambition after death, to have an honourable
of our life: and seeing by noe meanes wee would bee abated of
the dignities and glories of our Predecessors; let us imitate their
vertues to bee worthily their successors.
of my vice
Admirall and
the foure ships
of London,
from New
England.
[59]
[60]
[61]
At London printed the 18. of June, in
the yeere of our Lord 1616.
[62]
1. New Englands Trials (1622), sig. B2r, supplies the names: Capt. Marmaduke
Roydon (see the Biographical Directory, s.v. "Rawdon"), Capt. George Langam, Master
John Buley, and William Skelton. A relevant passage in a document presented to James I
during the week following Easter Sunday, Apr. 13, 1623, on behalf of part of the
Company is worth quoting here: "The grownd" of the employment of 42 sail of
ships to Virginia "was in great parte holpen by the Discoveriye of the fishinge in newe
England found out dureinge Sir Thomas Smiths government at the Charge of the
Company by Sir Samuell Argall, Capteyne John Smith and others" (Susan Myra
ed., The Records of the Virginia Company of London [Washington, D.C., 1906-1935],
IV, 150). While Argall may have reported on New England fishing anytime between
autumn 1609 and spring 1615 (or later), there seems to be no record of it. Smith
was not financed by the Virginia Company. Robert Johnson, deputy treasurer
and member of the council of the Virginia Company, is said to have drawn up the draft
of this "Declaration," and Sir Nathaniel Rich perhaps revised it, but much is still
2. Modern Monhegan Island, 43° 46' N lat. (69° 19' W long.); 20 mi. (32 km.) SW
of the entrance to Penobscot Bay.
3. Protection against loss; called "guard" several lines below.
4. Apparently the first appearance of the name in print in English. It was applied
to a species of rorqual.
1. "Master's" -- referring to Thomas Hunt (see p. 47, below).
2. Salt fish, as opposed to dry fish or stockfish -- literally "basket-fish," from corf,
a kind of basket.
3. A radius of 20 leagues (60 mi.) would include Nusket, modern Naskeag, on the
E, and Sowocatuck, near Portland, on the W.
4. Sir Francis was the only son of Lord Chief Justice Popham, promoter of the
Sagadahoc colony, who died June 10, 1607. Sir Francis was treasurer of the "Plymouth
Company," and when the colony was abandoned the following spring, he and his mother
tried to keep the project alive by sending ships to the site and along the nearby coast (cf.
the Generall Historie, 204). The colony's St. George's Fort was on the right bank of the
Kennebec River, at the SE extremity of the town of Phipsburg, on the S shore of Atkins
Bay (see Henry O. Thayer, ed., The Sagadahoc Colony: Comprising the Relation of a Voyage
into New England [Gorges Society (Portland, Me., 1892)], 167-187). Curiously, most of
this passage is missing from the reprint in the Generall Historie, 204.
5. "Train" probably refers to the oil from cod livers in this case.
6. "I ... arived safe with my company the latter end of August" (New Englands
Trials [1622], sig. B2r). In the last sentence of this paragraph, note the absence of
to Hunt, master of the "other ship," whose activities are mentioned on p. 47, below.
7. Roughly, California.
8. Canada.
9. Nueva Granada was the name given to modern Colombia in the 1530s; Nueva
España was Mexico, somewhat enlarged; and Nueva Andalucía was northern Chile,
expanded eastwards, by virtue of a capitulación dated May 21, 1534, but previously part
of Colombia. What Smith meant by the names is uncertain, except for what is now
Mexico.
10. King James's Great Britain plus France was twice the size of modern Florida,
Georgia, and South Carolina combined. But of course nobody knew how big King
Philip's "Florida" was.
11. In Smith's day there was still a persistent tradition that NE North America was
an island. Indeed, this had been confirmed as recently as 1599 in the "Edward Wright
world map" (see reproduction in David Beers Quinn, ed., The Hakluyt Handbook [Hakluyt
Society, 2d Ser., CXLIV (London, 1974)], 62-63), and in the Velasco map of 1611
(colored reproduction in W. P. Cumming, R. A. Skelton, and D. B. Quinn, eds., The
Discovery of North America [New York, 1972], 264, 326). Despite Smith and Champlain,
the "tradition" flourished as late as 1672 (Douglas R. McManis, European Impressions of
the New England Coast, 1497-1620 [Chicago, 1972], 37-40; see also p. 5n, below).
1. The correct limits stated in the "letters patents" were from 34° to 45° N latitude.
Smith (or his printer) was persistently careless about these details.
2. By modern measure, about 1,360 mi.
3. More accurately, a little more than 6° 32'.
4. John Brereton, A Briefe and true Relation of the Discoverie of the North part of Virginia
... (London, 1602); and James Rosier, A True Relation of the most prosperous voyage
made this present yeere 1605, by Captaine George Waymouth ... (London, 1605), respectively.
5. Sight or view.
6. According to Samuel Eliot Morison, Smith's map "was not the best map of New
England that had been made, but by far the most accurate that had yet been published,
and made available" (The Builders of the Bay Colony [Boston and New York, 1930], 11).
This assertion seems unsupported by any evidence at hand, although there are less
detailed maps that cover greater areas -- by Champlain (1612), Adriaen Block (MS of
1614), and the unidentified cartographer of the so-called Velasco map (early 1611). For
a sound assessment of Smith's map by a historical geographer, see McManis, European
Impressions of the New England Coast, 110-115. The editor is grateful to Dr. David
The Newberry Library, Chicago, for calling this monograph to his attention
(personal communications of Aug. 2 and Sept. 5, 1975).
7. Before 1609 almost nothing was known about the coast from Chesapeake Bay to
Cape Cod, despite such a well-known voyager as Giovanni da Verrazzano. Henry
Hudson started the new trend and was followed by Samuel Argall in 1610 and by the
Dutchmen Hendrick Christiaensen and Adriaen Block in 1610 or 1611 (Simon Hart,
Prehistory of the New Netherland Company [Amsterdam, 1959], 18-21). But 1614 seems to
mark the beginning of effectual exploration.
8. Perhaps a reminiscence of an ancient biblical phrase, such as the "ruler of the
halfe quarter of Bethzur" (Miles Coverdale's version of Nehemiah 3:16), now translated
in the New English Bible as "half the district." The meaning is "very little."
9. The reference is to "the Spaniard."
1. Spoiled by luxury.
2. For Henry Hudson, see the Generall Historie, 207; and the Biographical Directory.
3. On the English (and perhaps general European) conception of, and attitude
toward, black Africans, see P.E.H. Hair, "Guinea," in Quinn, ed., Hakluyt Handbook,
197-207. Among recent and more extensive studies, see Gary B. Nash, Red, White, and
Black: The Peoples of Early America (Englewood Cliffs, N.J., 1974), 156-182, for a general
study; and Edmund S. Morgan, American Slavery, American Freedom: The Ordeal of Colonial
Virginia (New York, 1975), for Virginia only. Smith, who had not been in black Africa
at all, here obviously uses the descriptive epithets he heard all around him.
4. "Apprenticeship" -- a popular variant spelling.
5. I.e., "to answer those questions -- and there is no doubt that they are questions --
that keep us back. ..."
6. By modern measurement, the distance by air is about 180 mi. (288 km.). Smith's
75 leagues (225 mi.) seems strangely excessive, especially considering the 65 leagues
(195 mi.) shown on his map.
7. The map is evidently intended to show the harbors only.
8. The Generall Historie, 208, has "one thousand." The "5000" may have been a
misprint.
9. Explored and sounded.
1. This spot has been identified, with minimal likelihood of error, as the Castine
peninsula (Fannie Hardy Eckstorm, Indian Place-Names of the Penobscot Valley and the
Maine Coast [Orono, Me., 1941], 198-199). William Bradford supplies the detail that
one Edward Ashley, a "profane young man," landed at Penobscot, "some fourscore
leagues" from Plymouth (Bradford, Plymouth Plantation, 219, 219n). This was in 1631,
and it is surprising that the Pilgrims would not have measured the distance better.
2. More correctly, "Musconcus"; probably the crossroads today called Muscongus,
2 mi. (3 km.) N of Round Pond on Muscongus Sound, but not shown on Smith's map.
3. These 11 tribes are listed (with minor changes in spelling) in the Generall Historie,
208, and the Advertisements, 14. Little or nothing is known about them, but see Dean R.
Snow, The Archaeology of New England (New York, 1980).
4. These five "countries" can be identified with greater or less probability as follows:
Aucocisco, "muddy bay" (Eckstorm, Indian Place-Names, 169), more likely in the
of Freeport than at Portland; Accominticus, near Ogunquit (see n. to inserted
leaf following sig. A4v); Passataquack, probably a misprint for Pascataquack, near the
mouth of the modern Piscataqua River, the southern boundary between Maine and
New Hampshire; Aggawom, at or near Ipswich, Massachusetts; and Naemkeck, at or
near Salem, Massachusetts.
5. Bashabes (Bessabés, in French) was the most renowned sachem (or sagamore) in
Maine. The name was not a title.
6. These villages or tribes were all located in Massachusetts.
7. The Massachuset tribe lived along the coast of Massachusetts Bay, at least as far
N as Salem. The name means "at the great little hill" and refers to the Blue Hills S of
Boston.
8. These were the lakes of modern Maine. The Great Lakes, in the modern sense
of the name, were first explored by a European in 1615 (a year after Smith's trip), when
Champlain reached the shores of Lake Huron by way of the Ottawa River.
9. This is surely based on a mixture of hope and hearsay, although Pierre
translation of Marc Lescarbot's Nova Francia (London, 1609) states that the
French "found quantitie of Steele among the Rockes" on the coast of New Brunswick
(repr. in Purchas, Pilgrimes, IV, 1639). Smith's confidence grows as he continues.
10. Medicinal herbs.
11. I.e., "the prevailing atmospheric conditions." A few lines below, "accidentall
diet" means "living off the land."
1. Eastern or Baltic coast Germans, especially those living in the towns of the
Hanseatic League.
2. The Republic of Venice had an area of over 50,000 sq. km. (19,300 sq. mi.); the
Low Countries had considerably less than 33,000 sq. km. (13,000 sq. mi.) at the time of
the 1609 truce with Spain.
3. Smith seems to have drawn here on some such source as John Keymor's Observa-
tion made upon the Dutch fishing, about the year 1601 (then in MS, published in London,
1664). Busses were two- or three-masted herring boats; flat-bottoms were a kind of
barge; sword-pinks were pinks provided with leeboards (Dutch zwaard); and tode-boats
were small fishing vessels (origin unknown).
4. Frequent variant of "Iceland."
5. The "Straits" of Gibraltar or, loosely, the Mediterranean.
6. Biscayners, people of Biscay, in N Spain -- Basques.
7. Cape Blanco is on the W coast of Africa, in 20° N lat. (The statement in Frank T.
Siebert, Jr., "The Identity of the Tarrantines, with an Etymology," Studies in Linguistics,
XXIII [1973], 73, 73n, that "the Portuguese, Basques, and Spaniards fished off Cape
Cod that year [1614]," is untenable.)
8. A very non-specific name for spiny fishes; here most likely to be the eastern
Atlantic sea bream.
9. Properly "botargo," a relish made from the roe of mullet or tuna (tunny).
10. A name for hake or cod salted and dried for food (OED), "poor fare." A term
of opprobrium suggesting "desiccated" when applied to a man (Shakespeare, Romeo and
Juliet, I, i, 37, "thou hadst been poor John").
1. Sir Francis Drake's Nova Albion was "within thirtie eight degrees towardes the
[equatorial] line" (Richard Hakluyt, The Principal Voyages, Traffiques and Discoveries of the
English Nation [London, 1598-1600], III, 440); apparently the vicinity of San Francisco
Bay in modern California, which is roughly the latitude of Córdoba in southern Spain,
and therefore considerably farther S than most of the cities and provinces named below.
2. Galicia; perhaps a misprint.
3. Note that Provence was the prototype of French provinces, and that Piedmont
and Turin were dominions of the house of Savoy, which became Italian rather than
French during the 50-year reign of Charles Emmanuel I (d. 1630).
4. Smith is confused here; Bononia was merely the Latin name of Bologna (see the
next line).
5. This would seem to refer to the Albania of Skanderbeg, who died in 1467, after
which the region joined the "Kingdome" of Macedonia, etc., under Turkish suzerainty.
To supplement Smith's comment, it can be pointed out that the Black Sea lies roughly
between the same parallels of latitude (41°-45°) as Smith's New England.
6. Smith has confused the land of Chile with the name of its conquistador, Pedro
de Valdivia, who founded Santiago (33° 24' S lat.). He may have obtained his
from the account by Lopez Vaz (of Elvas, Portugal) in Hakluyt, Principal Navigations,
III, 778-802.
7. New England.
8. Variant spelling of "entrails."
9. The sense seems to require the addition of the phrase "of time or effort" after
"ages."
10. Monhegan Island is in that latitude (see p. 1, above), and is very nearly 4
leagues (12 mi.) S from modern Port Clyde.
1. Disinclined, intractable.
2. The Generall Historie, 211, clarifies: "if they [the English] understand what to
doe."
3. Fishermen's jargon for the steps to be taken in drying cod for the market.
4. Aveiro is a seaport 88 km. (55 mi.) S of Oporto, birthplace of João Affonso, one
of the earliest mariners to use the fishing grounds off Newfoundland; "Porta port" was
a popular form of Port Oporto, itself a magnificent example of tautology. Below,
"Ilanders" are Newfoundlanders.
5. A docking stage along the side of which boats drew up and unloaded their catch.
It contained the cutting table. The cookhouse (for rendering train) and the flake (for
drying cod) were separate structures.
6. I.e., "when needed" -- in case of hostile attacks.
7. Ipswich, Tobias Gentleman wrote in 1614, is "most convenient for the erecting
of Salt-pans, for the making of Salt upon Salt, for that the Harbour is so good that at all
times Ships may come unto them with Salt for Mayo [Maio I., Cape Verdes], or Spanish
salt to make the brine" (Englands way to win wealth ... [London, 1614], 24). Smith meant
that salt brought over could be mixed with seawater to produce more salt.
8. At first the ships will come out with a salt lading. Later, when salt is made in New
England, they will come out not in ballast but laden with colonists or goods for them
and "by whose arrivall" (by means of whose arrival thus freighted) a lading of fish can
be provided without them having to fish for it.
9. Kermes are the dried bodies of crimson insects (female only) found mainly on
oaks and thought to be berries until the 18th century. A famous cordial was made from
them. But Smith may have had in mind the bloodroot or partridgeberry, Mitchella repens.
10. Probably an error for "erectifying," a rare verb for "set up" or "build."
1. Read: "all that is required. ..."
2. Fall off, dwindle away.
3. In their way, after their fashion.
4. Read: "1 [ship] of 100 tuns."
5. Probably new wine for England.
6. "Train" in Smith's time referred to fish oil generally, but here cod-liver oil was
intended. The "oyle" could be from seals, walruses, or even whales. In later usage,
"train" referred specifically to oil extracted from whale blubber by boiling.
7. Commodities from the Mediterranean, by way of the Strait of Gibraltar.
8. The disinclination of English gentlemen "of quality" to do any sort of work is
stressed time and again in the literature of the period.
9. I.e., "given in a grudging way"; the language was "broken" in that the Indian
languages of New England differed somewhat from those of Virginia, so that Smith
cannot have understood all he heard.
1. "Northren" was no less popular a variant than "Southren."
2. Penobscot Bay measures more than 30 mi. (c. 50 km.) from Naskeag W to
and about the same from the mouth of the Penobscot River S to the open sea off
Vinalhaven Island.
3. Business in hand.
4. The sense is that the Tarrantines are the mortal enemies of the Penobscot, and
the French live in the Tarrantine territory. There were no Frenchmen left in the
after Samuel Argall's raid on Port Royal and Sainte-Croix, July to Nov. 1613
(see the Generall Historie, 115; and Philip L. Barbour, Pocahontas and Her World [Boston,
1970], 119-124, 146-147). But Charles de Biencourt struggled through the winter in
Port Royal (modern Annapolis, Nova Scotia), over 150 mi. (c. 250 km.) up the Bay of
Fundy from Naskeag (see the Dictionary of Canadian Biography, s.v. "Biencourt de
Charles de"). In the spring, Biencourt's father brought supplies and reinforcements,
but Port Royal was too far away to concern John Smith.
5. Smith's description of the coast from here to the bottom of the page follows the
map but gives the Indian names, not the English.
6. The Longfellow Mountains do parallel the coast at about 50 mi. (80 km.) inland.
7. At Sagadahoc.
8. This is the first unmistakable evidence of the connection of Smith's coat of arms, or device, with his first protectress, his Turkish mistress, Charatza Trabigzanda (see the
True Travels, 12-18, 23).
9. Read: "the French ... left nothing for us but to take occasion" to inform
about the country and the people. The identity of the French is uncertain.
10. Modern Cohasset, on Massachusetts Bay, 25 mi. (40 km.) N of Plymouth.
1. Since the name Accomack seems to mean "land or place on the other side," since
Patuxet is the name given by Bradford to the Indian town at Plymouth, and since
Champlain's 1605 map of Plymouth Bay shows Indian houses and fields on both sides
of the little river at Plymouth, it may be suggested that there were two (if not more)
villages on the bay at or near Plymouth. It must be remembered that when the Pilgrims
arrived the site was deserted, due to a disastrous epidemic among the Indians.
2. Now usually "scrubby" or "stunted," variant developments from the same
Middle English verb.
3. "Hurtleberries"; huckleberries, or, more formally, the whortleberry, here
to several species of Vaccinium.
4. I.e., "along." There would most likely have been soundings of 30 fathoms (150
to 180 ft., depending on which fathom Smith used) within 3 statute mi. of the shore at
Smith's Pawmet, the unnamed house on the map in the neighborhood of modern Nauset
Beach Light. Some 20 statute mi. S of there Smith would have encountered the maze of
currents and shoals between Monomy Point and Nantucket.
5. Capawack was the Indian name for Martha's Vineyard. There is nothing to
indicate that he dared try to navigate through or around Nantucket Shoals.
6. See p. 8, above.
7. Despite Smith's assertion, which was based on brief experience, it would appear
that the Indians did not entirely shun the open sea. See Horace P. Beck, The American
Indian as a Sea-Fighter in Colonial Times (Mystic, Conn., 1959), 5-20.
8. Sorico has been identified as Isle au Haut, to the E of Vinalhaven (Eckstorm,
Indian Place-Names, 99-100; Eckstorm is puzzled by the name).
1. I.e., "appearing and disappearing in rapid succession." There is a high hill NW
of Casco Bay and some 10 mi. (16 km.) inland, and beyond are the White Mountains,
but the editor is not in a position to suggest that they "twinkle."
2. The highest of these "mountaines" is Massachusit, where today the Blue Hills
Observatory rises to 849 ft. above sea level. "Sasanou" is Agamenticus.
3. "Raspberries."
4. "Pumpkins."
5. Size, dimensions.
6. "Sassafras"; see the Map of Va., 12n.
7. Vultures.
8. Variant of "didapper," the dabchick or little grebe.
9. Variant of "porpoises."
1. Coalfish; also "pollock" or "podlock."
4. Variant of "whelks."
5. Raccoons.
6. "Musquash," muskrat.
7. An occasional variant of "clam," probably by association with a "clamp."
8. The passage "And in ... any place, but" was omitted in the Generall Historie,
216, apparently inadvertently.
9. Stresses.
10. Contrivances, implements.
1. Nobly ambitious spirit.
2. Expedients.
3. Sponge.
4. "Bagges" of money.
5. Remind.
6. Fate.
7. I.e., "... or never consider what I have written." The capital "M" was possibly
intentional, though it is printed "mee" in the Generall Historie, 219. In the next sentence,
read: "reward ... that may sute."
8. I. e., "any casual happening"; the parentheses are omitted in the Generall Historie,
219.
9. To "haul and veer" a line, in cod fishing.
1. Swoop; hawking jargon.
2. "Schools"; frequent spelling in this context.
3. Overpowered.
4. "Spinners."
5. The lengthy digression from here to the top of p. 45 was slightly reworked for
the Generall Historie, 220-221, but remains somewhat obscure in detail.
6. Cf. the Generall Historie, 221, "to begin anew."
7. The Generall Historie, 221, has "take it ill."
8. There are a few differences between this list and the reprint in the Generall
Historie, 222. "Robert Miter" and "Walter Chissick" are misprints for "Robert Miller"
and "Walter Chissel" (or "Chisell"). The names appear properly in the Generall Historie
and on p. 53, below. John Gosling is here a gentleman and in the Generall Historie is a
soldier. The "two boies" and Robert Miller are here soldiers and in the Generall Historie
"were to learne to be Sailers." And John Hall is omitted altogether from the reprint.
9. See the Biographical Directory, s.v. "Tahanedo." The name is also transcribed
as "Nahanada" (William Strachey, The Historie of Travell into Virginia Britania, ed. Louis
B. Wright and Virginia Freund [Hakluyt Soc., 2d Ser., CIII (London, 1953)], 164-172).
10. Variant of "allies."
1. Seven years later, in 1621, William Bradford reported that the Massachusetts
Bay Indians "were much afraid of the Tarentines, a people to the eastward which used
to come in harvest time and take away their corn, and many times kill their persons"
(Bradford, Plymouth Plantation, 89; cf. p. 24, above).
2. Master Thomas Hunt, mentioned on p. I, above; see the Biographical Directory.
3. "He tried to rob me of my charts (plats) and notes."
4. "The latter end of August" (New Englands Trials [1620], sig. B3r).
5. The spelling "Gorge," the name "Gorgeana" for a settlement on the
River, and the Norman-French origin of the name (with silent "-s") seem to hint
strongly that the family name Gorges was then pronounced "gorge," not "gorges." See
p. 49n, below.
6. Cooper was master of the bark, the second ship mentioned on p. I, above.
7. Cooper's expedition remains obscure, as does Smith's "promise" (mentioned at
the top of the next page). Basically, Smith's interest lay in establishing a fishing colony;
the backers he had so far found wanted little or nothing more than exploration and
profitable summer fishing voyages (see Preston, Gorges of Plymouth Fort, 157, though some
of his evidence seems shaky). See p. 49, below.
8. Failures.
9. Sir Ferdinando was a leading backer of the colonization of New England from
the outset. Matthew Sutcliffe, the well-to-do dean of Exeter Cathedral, was promoter
and benefactor of Chelsea College, where Samuel Purchas retired on occasion to work
on his Pilgrimes, and backer of the colonial projects for Virginia and, more particularly,
for New England. See the Biographical Directory for both Gorges and Sutcliffe.
10. Jealousies.
1. The ship under the command of the vice-admiral was lost from view and
on its way, not knowing of the problems on Smith's ship.
2. "Chatter"; gossip.
3. On Sir Lewis Stukely, see the Biographical Directory. No trace of the
related below has been found in the archives of Devonshire, but the records for 1616
are incomplete (personal letter to the editor from Mrs. Miriam Wood, Assistant
Devon County Record Office, Exeter, dated Mar. 7, 1963).
4. See p. 45, above.
5. The English pirates were notorious in Smith's day.
6. See p. 45, above.
7. "Convoyed us to the island of Flores (Azores)" -- a frequent rendezvous in those
days.
8. Fayal is 150 mi. (240 km.) ESE of Flores.
1. For surviving French records of what follows, see Philip L. Barbour, "A French
Account of Captain John Smith's Adventures in the Azores, 1615," VMHB, LXXII
(1964), 293-303.
2. "Smal ledges of wood laid crosse one another like the grates of iron in a prisons
window, betwixt the maine mast, and the fore mast" (Sea Grammar, 58). More broadly,
Sir Henry Mainwaring explains, "generally any place wherein men may cover
and yet use their arms" ("The Seaman's Dictionary," in G. E. Manwaring and
W. G. Perrin, eds., The Life and Works of Sir Henry Mainwaring [Navy Records Society
(London, 1922)], II, 147).
3. This is borne out by the French account (see Barbour, "French Account,"
VMHB, LXXII [1964], 296).
4. The details about Chambers and Minter are omitted in the Generall Historie, 223.
5. From this passage to the end of the paragraph, the text is altered and largely cut
in the Generall Historie, 223-224.
6. The mention of Baker is omitted and the conclusion changed in the Generall
Historie, 224.
7. The Newfoundland Banks, which stretch some 300 mi. (nearly 500 km.) SE into
the Atlantic and have depths of between 15 and 90 fathoms. Since about A.D. 1500 the
Banks have been famous for the multitude of fish to be obtained there.
8. The next two pages are substantiated in the French records (see Barbour,
"French Account," VMHB, LXXII [1964], 293-303).
9. Apparently only the part from Aug. 5, 1614, on (see p. 47, above).
1. Perhaps the same Captain Barrow mentioned in the True Travels, 59, who was
pardoned by James I.
2. Also pardoned by James I (see ibid.).
3. Settlement.
4. Five mi. W of modern Bournemouth, Dorset.
5. Saint Michaels (São Miguel) is the largest of the Azores; "Bristow" was a frequent
spelling of "Bristol."
6. Variant spelling of "succade"; candied fruit.
7. St. George's cross, emblem of England.
8. Variant of "caravel," a small, light sailing ship.
9. "Cochineal," a brilliant red dyestuff prepared from the dried body of the female
cochinilla, a Mexican insect.
1. Ingots; so called because of their shape.
2. There were eight reales in a peso, or "piece of eight" as it was often called. A
piece of eight was worth roughly 5 shillings when Smith was writing.
3. The Azores.
4. "Signaling with the fleur-de-lis."
5. L'Aiguillon, c. 16 mi. (25 km.) N of La Rochelle.
6. Capt. Samuel Argall (knighted, 1622) was the one commanded to wipe out the
French colony (see p. 24n, above).
7. Île de Ré (Latin, Ratis Insula). This English version of the name gave rise to
Robert Vaughan's little joke in the map of Ould Virginia (see the notes to this map in
the Generall Historie; and cf. Sir Henry Mainwaring, "Discourse on Pirates," in
and Perrin, eds., Life and Works of Mainwaring, II, 40). The Latin ratis has
to do with a rat or, in this case, with a raft, as some have suggested; it was derived
from a Celtic word meaning "fern," hence "Isle of Ferns" (René James and Louis Suire,
L'Île de Ré d'autrefois et d'aujourd'hui [La Rochelle, 1959 (orig. publ. 1952)], 26).
8. The Charente River.
9. The ambassador, Sir Thomas Edmondes, attended the young king, Louis XIII,
to Bordeaux early in Oct. 1615 and apparently remained there at least until Nov. 21,
when Louis drove out to meet the Infanta Ana de Austria on her way to their royal
wedding ceremony.
1. The Generall Historie, 226, has "some three thousand six hundred crownes worth."
The smaller sum may be correct, considering the loss of the bulk of the "prize."
2. Pretext or pretense.
3. I.e., "expressed opinions," as often.
4. Dangerous, reckless.
5. Placentia is on the protected bay of that name, in the W part of the Avalon
peninsula, which is to the SE of the main island.
6. "Travail."
7. Read: "Or was led, taken a captive, in Virginia."
1. Read: "That thou I've seen so oft put to the proof in dangers."
2. For Edward Robinson, see the True Travels, 23, and the Biographical Directory.
[63]
3. "Proved."
4. Map, chart [of New England].
5. These words were all the more remarkable when the private lives of other
are considered. An example might be Sir Roger Williams, who served under Lord
Willoughby in the Low Countries and died of a fever that apparently was brought on
by overdrinking and overeating (see Roger Williams, The Actions of the Low Countries, ed.
D. W. Davies [Ithaca, N.Y., 1964], xl).
6. For Thomas Carlton, see the True Travels, 23, and the Biographical Directory.
The page numbers below refer to the boldface numerals in the margins of the present
text, which record the pagination of the original edition used as copy text. The word
or words before the bracket show the text as emended by the editor; the word or
words after the bracket reproduce the copy text. The wavy dash symbol used after
the bracket stands for a word that has not itself been changed but that adjoins a
changed word or punctuation mark. The inferior caret, also used only after the
bracket, signifies the location of missing punctuation in the copy text.
The following lists have been inserted at the request of the editorial staff of the
Institute of Early American History and Culture. The list immediately below
records possible compound words that were hyphenated at the end of the line in the
copy text. In each case the editor had to decide for the present edition whether to
the bracket indicates how the word is printed in the present edition; the material
after the bracket indicates how the word was broken in the original. The wavy dash
symbol indicates that the form of the word has been unchanged from the copy text.
Numerals refer to the page number of the copy text (the boldface numerals in the
margin in this edition) and to the line number (counting down from the boldface
number) in the present edition.
The list below contains words found as hyphenated compounds in the copy text that
unavoidably had to be broken at the end of the line at the hyphen in the present text.
In quoting or transcribing from the present text, the hyphen should be retained for
these words. Numerals refer to the page number of the copy text (the boldface
numerals in the margin in this edition) and line number (counting down from the
boldface number).
3° Junii 1616
Robert Clerke
Entred for his Copie under the handes
of master [John] Sanford and master
[Humphrey] Lownes Warden a booke
called A Discription of New Englande by
John Smithe ..... vid
(Arber, Registers, III, 588.)
A || DESCRIPTION || of New England: || OR || THE OBSERVATIONS,
AND || discoveries, of Captain John Smith (Admirall || of that Country) in the North
of America, in the year || of our Lord 1614: with the successe of sixe Ships, || that went the
next yeare 1615; and the || accidents befell him among the || French men of warre: || With
the proofe of the present benefit this || Countrey affoords: whither this present
yeare, || 1616, eight voluntary Ships are gone || to make further tryall. || [Ornamental rule]
|| At LONDON || Printed by Humfrey Lownes, for Robert Clerke; and || are to be sould
at his house called the Lodge, || in Chancery lane, over against Lin- || colnes Inne.
1616. ||
Quarto, with one folded map, inserted in some contemporary copies before sig.
B1, and one inserted leaf described below; pp. xvi, 64 (62 and 63 unnumbered, 64
blank); ¶ including title page, and A-I in fours. The separate leaf, verso blank,
inserted at the front, has an explanatory heading. It is not found in all copies. Two
copies of the book have specially printed title pages in place of the usual one with
printed presentation inscriptions respectively to Lord Ellesmere, lord chancellor (in
the Huntington Library) and Sir Edward Coke, lord chief justice (in the Folger
Shakespeare Library). Outside these minor variations, there was but one edition,
with one setting of type.
The Generall Historie of Virginia, New-England, and the Summer Isles ... (with
some additions and small changes) by John Smith (London), Book VI, 203-227.
Massachusetts Historical Society, Collections, 3d Ser., VI, 95-140 (Boston).
A Description of New England ..., printed by Peter Force (Washington, D. C.)
(repr. 1838).
A Description of New England ..., printed by William Veazie (Boston).
Captain John Smith ... Works, 1608-1631, ed. Edward Arber
See the list of issues of the Arber text in the General Introduction at the
beginning of this volume.
A Description of New England ..., in American Colonial Tracts Monthly, Vol. II,
No. 1 (Rochester, N.Y.).
1618
Prince Henry, heir to the thrones of England and Scotland, received a
gift in 1604 from the lord high admiral in the form of a small, but
seaworthy, vessel. Two years later the boy's uncle, King Christian IV of
Denmark, gave him the best fighting ship in the Danish royal navy, in token
of the prince's nautical bent. Toward the close of that same year Prince
Henry's gunner sailed for Virginia with Smith and the other original
planters. The sea had already turned Henry's mind in the direction of British
expansion overseas.
When Henry died at an early age, and his brother Charles seemed not
to have like interests, "suitors" for royal favor such as John Smith turned
instead to wealthy noblemen, knights, and merchants for practical help,
while continuing to pay token homage to Prince Charles. Thus, after
the latter's grace in the matter of "English names for Indian" in the
Description of New England, Smith dedicated a personal copy to the lord
chancellor, Thomas Egerton, Baron Ellesmere (since 1603), who was created
Viscount Brackley on November 7, 1616, some five months after the Descrip-
tion of New England was run off. Regrettably for Smith, the viscount, aged
seventy-seven, died in March 1617. Sir Francis Bacon immediately took up
Egerton's duties.
Sir Francis had been attorney general, then privy councillor, but he first
received the great seal of the lord chancellor with the lesser title of lord keeper
(his father had held the same post under Queen Elizabeth). Then, early in
1618, Bacon was raised to the chancellorship, and on July 12 to the peerage
as Baron Verulam. Smith resolved to take a bolder step than he had with
Egerton. Bacon, a scholar who had written about plantations, now a
in a position to promote them, was certainly a most promising backer.
Smith rapidly set to work to make at least a booklet out of some notes and
something he had read.
Obviously, Smith was not the only Englishman to think of approaching
the new peer. William Strachey, the ex-secretary of the Jamestown colony,1
2
But neither he nor Smith knew that the great man was plagued by creditors,
as well as suitors, and was tarnishing the splendor of his high office by
accepting emoluments of a nature not unlike bribes. It is small wonder, then,
that Bacon paid no heed to Smith or to Strachey.
Smith's plea-proposal to Bacon holds a watershed position in his career
as a writer. From the descriptive, narrative, and explanatory (or
modes of the True Relation, the Map of Virginia, and the Proceedings
(so far as he was involved in this work), Smith seems to have moved in the
Description of New England3
(and unsuccessful) try at active seafaring life late in 1616, by 1618 he appears
to have become at least halfway content with propagandizing for, and
the cause of, colonization.
This theory is admittedly at odds with the considered opinions of some
modern critics who tend to regard the three New England writings as three
versions of a single tract.4Description of
New England should be regarded as a turning point, with the "Letter to
Bacon" as the preface to a new presentation of the question of plantations
(i.e., the settlement of Englishmen) in New England. Seen in this light, the
two versions of New Englands Trials are an extended exposition of his proposal
to Bacon. It may even be that Smith was already considering rounding out
this work with the "history of the Sea," to which he referred years later in his
Advertisements.5Generall Historie came as an interlude, unexpected,
yet welcome and surely encouraging; but his thoughts immediately turned
again to the sea. He produced the Accidence and the Sea Grammar, then, under
persuasion, the True Travels -- vainglorious memoirs of all-but-forgotten
soldiering a quarter century before, eked out with scraps of recent
from the colonies. This book was still in press when Smith's fiftieth
came (possibly with the impact of a modern man's eightieth), and
Smith produced his final warning and encouragement to colonial
adventurers and entrepreneurs -- the Advertisements. Significantly, its stress is
on New England, not Virginia.
This long digression has seemed to the editor worth inserting, for
some theory or conjectural commentary the "Letter to Bacon" and the
twice-printed New Englands Trials seem to form mere collections of fragments
tossed off after the 1616 work, while Smith was Micawberishly "waiting for
something to turn up."
It should be noted that two addenda were affixed to Smith's "Letter to
nineteenth century. One of these, a sketch map of Ralegh's Virginia of
1585 has now been relocated in the Public Record Office.6
is a two-page copy of Smith's list of old and new names in New England,
which, on the basis of handwriting, may be assigned to a later date than the
"Letter to Bacon" -- perhaps even after 1650.7
1. See the Introduction to the Map of Va.
2. See fol. 129v, 129vn, below.
3. See the Introduction to the Description of N.E.
4. Cf. Everett H. Emerson, Captain John Smith (New York, 1971), 103-118.
5. Advertisements, 26.
6. Maps and Plans G. 584 (fig. 3), Public Record Office. The sketch map is fully discussed in
David Beers Quinn, ed., The Roanoke Voyages, 1584-1590 (Hakluyt Society, 2d Ser., CIV-CV
[London, 1955]), I, 215-217.
7. This list remains undisturbed in C.O. 1/1, 3886, fol. 134r-v, P.R.O.
The "Letter to Bacon" and the two editions of New Englands Trials have the
same basic content and the same general arrangement, though expanded in
each new version. The "Letter to Bacon" opens with a brief explanation of
the geographical location of New England, followed by a few words on what
Smith has seen and done there. Next, without further ado, comes a
of statistical information on fishing and the profits to be made
thereby, with seven paragraphs of supporting proofs. The information is
presented in a straightforward way and is obviously based on facts or the
published testimony of another author. The rest of the "Letter to Bacon" is
taken up with side-advantages, particularly the traffic in furs, coupled with
an apology of sorts for presenting so unglamorous a proposal to so noble a
peer. In short, the "Letter to Bacon" is but a sketch that did not take final
form until the second edition of New Englands Trials in 1622.
In transcribing this letter the spelling has been modernized only to the extent
that the letter "i" has been changed to "j" and "u" to "v" (or vice versa)
where appropriate. In addition, a capital "F" replaces "ff." The editor has
not tried to distinguish between a capital "C" and a lowercase "c,"
and in most cases "C" is retained even where the scrivener may have
intended "c." The ampersand and other contractions of seventeenth-century
handwriting have been expanded. Punctuation added for clarity has been
enclosed in brackets.
[129 r]
Right Honorable:
HAVING noe better meanes to acquaint your Lordship with my
meaning then this paper, the zeale, love and dutie to God, my
Countrie and your Honor, I humbly crave may be my Apologie./.
This 19. yeares2
what here I write in these fewe leaves, and though the lynes they
containe are more rudely phrased then is meet for the veiwe of so
great a judgment, their fruites I am certayne may bring both wealth
and honor for a Crowne and a kingdome to his Majesties posterity.
The profitts already retourned with so small charge and facillitie
according to proportion emboldens me to say it./.
With a stock of 5000.li I durst adventure to effect it3
more then 100000.li. hath bene spent in Virginia and the Barmudas
to small purpose, about the procuring whereof many good men
knowes I have spent noe small tyme, labor nor mony; but all in vaine.
Notwithstanding within these fower yeares I have occasioned twice
5000.li to be imployed that way. But great desyres to ingrosse it, hath
bred so many particuler humors, as they have their willes, I the losse,
and the generall good, the wrong./.4
Should I present it to the Biskayners,5
they have made me large offers: But nature doth binde me thus to
begg at home, whome strangers have pleased to make a
abroad.6
only a cheife Patron of your Countrie and state but also the greatest
Favourer of all good designes and their Authors. Noe more, but
humbly beseeching your goodnes to pardon my rudenes and ponder
my plaine meaning in the ballance of good will, I leave the
to the discretion of your most admired judgment, ever resting
[129 v]
Newe England is a part of America8
and 45. the very meane betweene the North Pole and the line: From
43 to 45. The Coast is mountaynous rockye, barren and broken Isles
that make many good Harbours, the water being deepe close to the
shore. There is many Rivers and freshe springs[,] a fewe Savages,
but an incredible aboundance of fish fowles, wilde fruits and good
store of Timber./
[130 r]
From 43 to 41 ¶ an excellent mixed Coast of stone sand and
Clay, much Corne, many people, some Isles[,] many good harbors[,]
a temperate aire, yron and steele;9
blessings, that having but men skilfull to make them simples there
growing,1
building and rigging of Shippes of any proportion and good
for their fraught within a square of 10. or 14. leagues./.
25. Harbors I sounded: 30 severall Lordshipps I sawe, and as
nere as I could imagine 3000 men. I was upp one River fortie myles,2
crossed the mouthes of many whose heads, the Inhabitants report
are great Lakes where they kill their beavers inhabited with many
people that trade, with them of New England and those of Cannada.3
Those five places doe serve all Europe as well the land Townes as
Ports and all the Christian shipping with these sorts of Staple fish
which is transported from whence it is taken many a thousand
myle[:]
Now seing4
fertile, temperate and plentifull of all naturall things for the building
of Shipps boates howses and the nourishment for man only for a litle
labour or the most part of the cheife materialls, the seasons are so
propper and the fishing so neare the habitations we may there
make./.
That new England hath much advantage of the most of those
parts to serve all Europe farr cheaper then they can who have neither
wood[,] salt[,] nor foode but at a great rate[,] nothing to helpe them
but what they carry in their shipps 2 or 300 leagues from their
noe Port or harbor but the mayne sea: Wee the fishing at our
dores and the helpe of the land for woods, water, fruites, fowle,
Corne or what we want to refresh us when we list: And the Terceras
Mederas Canaries Spaine Portugall Province Savoy, Cicilia and all
Italye as convenient Marketts for our drye fish Greenefish Sturgeon
Mullett and Buttargo as Norway Swethland Luttuania Polonia
or Germany for their Herring, which is here also in
for taking; they retourning but wood, Pitch Tarre Soape
ashes, Cordage and such grosse commodityes: we wynes, oyles Sugars
Silkes and such marchandize as the Straits afford, whereby our
profitt may equallize theirs. || Besides the infinite good by increase of
Shipping and Marriners this fishing5
for the surplusage of many of his Majesties unruely Subjects.
And that this may be, these are my proofes. (Vizt)6
[131 r]
In the yeare 1614, with two shippes I went from the Downes the
third of March and arrived in New England the last of Aprill. I had
selfe with 8. others raunging the Coast. I made this mappe; gott the
acquaintance of the Inhabitants, 1000 Beaver skinns, 100 Martins,
and as many Otters. 40000 of drye fish we sent for Spaine with the
Saltfish, Traine oyle and furres./. I retourned for England the 18 of
July, and arrived safe, with my Company in health in the latter end
of August. Thus in six moneths I made my voyage out and home,
and by the labour of 45 men gott neere the value of 1500.li in lesse
then three moneths in those grosse Commodityes./.7
1614
In the yeare 1615 the Londoners uppon this sent 4 good Shipps
and intertayned8
Januarye and arrived there in March and found fish inough till halfe
June; fraughted a Shipp of 300. Tonnes which they sent for Spaine[.]
one went to Virginia to releive that Collonye and two came home
with Saltfish, Trayne oyle, furres, and the salt remayned9
moneths.
1615
The same yeare I sett forth from Plymouth with a Shippe of 200
and one of 50 to inhabitt the Countrie according to the Tenor of his
Majesties Comission granted to the west parts of England.1
weather breaking all my M-a-stes2
Plymouth where reimbarking || myselfe in a small barke but of 60
Tonnes I passed the English Pyrats and the French, but at last I was
betrayed by fowre Frenchmen of warr who kept me Prisoner that
Sommer and so overthrew my voyage and Plantation. During which
tyme my Viceadmirall that sett forth in March arrived there in May.
came home fraught with fish[,] Trayne oyle[,] Beavers skinnes[,] and
all her men safe in August within 6 moneths and odd dayes./.
1615
[131 v]
The Londoners ere I retourned sent two shippes more in July to
trye the winter:3
the Indies, it was 10 moneths ere they arrived, wasting in that tyme
their seasons, victuall and healthes: yet within 3 moneths after the
one retourned nere fraught with fish Trayne oyle and Beavers./.
1616
From Plymouth went 4 Shipps only to fish and trade[,] some in
February some in March[,] one of 200 Tonnes gott thither in a
moneth and went full fraught for Spaine with drye-fish, the rest
retourned all well and safe and all full fraught, with Fish furres and
oyle in five moneths and odd dayes./.
1616
From London went two more one of 220 Tonnes gott thither in
Fish, furres and oyle[,] and was againe in England within 5 moneths
and a fewe dayes./.4
1616
Being at Plymouth provided with 3 good Shippes I was winde
bound nere 3 monethes as was many a 100 sayle more so that the
season being past I sent my Shippes to Newfound land whereby the
adventurers had noe losse./.5
1617
There is 4. or 5. saile gone thither this yeare to fish and trade:
from || London also there is one gone only to fish and trade, each
Shippe for her particuler designe and their private endes, but none
for any generall good, where neither to Virginia nor the Bermudas
they make such hast[e]./.
1618
[132 r]
By this your Lordship6
of this voyage in 6 monethes, the plenty of Fish that is most certainely
approved,7
England, within these 4 yeares hath bene gotten by the French and
English nere 36000 Beavers skinnes;8
shipping is most plentifully there; All those which retourned can
testifye, and if ought of this be untrue is easily proved./.
The worst is9
taken by Pyrates, which hath putt such feare in poore fishermen,
whose powers are but weake. And the desyre of gaine in Marchants
so violent; everyone so regarding his private, that it is worse then
slaverye to follow any publique good, and impossible to bring them
into a bodye, rule, or order, unles it be by some extraordinary power.
But if his Majestie would please to be perswaded to spare us but a
Pinnace, to lodge my men in and defend us and the Coast from such
invasions, the space of eight or tenn monethes only till we were
seated, I would not doubt but ere long to drawe the most part of
Newfound Land men to assist us, if I could be so provided but in due
season: for now ere the Savages grow subtle and the Coast be too
much frequented || with strangers, more may be done with 20.li then
hereafter with a 100li.
[132 v]
The charge1
Course Cloth, beades, glasse, hatchetts and such trash[,] only for
fishing and trade with the Savages, that have desyred me to inhabitt
where I will. And all these Shippes have bene fished within a square
two or 3 hundred Leagues, where questionles within one hundred
500 sayle may have their fraught, better then in Iseland Newfounde
lande or elswhere, and be at their marketts ere the other can have
their fish in their Shippes. From the west part of England the Shippes
goe for the third part, that is when the voyage is done the goods are
divided into three parts. (vizt) one third for the Shippe: one for the
Company, the other for the victualer, whereby with a stock of 5000.li.
I goe forth with a charge of 15000.li. so the transporting this Collonye,
will cost litle or nothing, but at the first, because the fishing will goe
forward, whether we plant it or noe. for the fishers report it to be the
best they knowe in the Sea, and the land in a short tyme may be more
profitable.
of this
Plantation.
Now if a Shippe can gaine 59. or 60.li. in the 100. only by fishing,
spending as much tyme in going and coming as in staying there, were
I there planted seing the Fish || in their seasons serveth the most part
of the yeare, and with a litle labour, I could make all the salt I need
use, I can conceive noe reason to distrust, but double and triple their
gaines, that are at all the former charge and can fish, but two
monethes. And if those doe give 20. 30. or 40s for an Acre of grounde,
or Shipp Carpenters, Forgers of yron or Steele, that buy all thinges
at a deare rate grow rich, when they may have as good of all needfull
necessaryes for taking, in my opinion should not growe poore, and
noe commoditye in Europe doth decay more then wood./.
[133 r]
Thus Right Honorable and most worthy Peere[,]2
throwne my Mite into the Treasure of my Countries good beseeching
your Lordship well to consider of it, and examine whether Columbus
could give the Spaniards any such Certaintyes for his grounds, when
he gott 15. sayle3
judgments of Europe refused him: And though I can promise noe
mynes of gold, the Hollanders are an example of my projects, whose
endevoures by fishing cannot be suppressed by all the kinge of
Spaynes golden powers. Truth is more then wealth and industrious
Subjects are more availeable to a king then gold. And this is so
a course to gett both, as I thinke was never propounded to any
State for so small || a charge, seeing I can prove it, both by examples,
reason and experience. How I have lived, spent my tyme and bene
imployed, I am not ashamed who will examine. Therefore I humbly
beseech your Honor, seriously to consider of it; and lett not the
povertie of the Author, cause the action to be lesse respected, who
desyres noe better fortune then he could finde there./.
[133 v]
In the interim I humbly desyre your Honor would be pleased to
grace me with the title of your Lordshipps servant: Not that I desyre
to shutt upp the rest of my dayes in the chamber of ease and idlenes,
but that thereby I may be the better countenanced for the
of this my most desyred voyage: for had I but the Patronage of
so mature a judgment as your Honors, it would not only induce those
to believe, what I know to be true in this matter, who will now hardly
vouchsafe the perusal of my relations; but also be a meanes to further
it to the uttermost of their powers with their purses. And I shalbe
ever ready to spend both life and goods for the honor of my Country,
and your Lordships service. With which resolucion I doe in all
humility rest,
1. John Smith to Sir Francis Bacon, C.O. 1/1, 3886, fols. 129-133, Public Record
Office. Bacon was made Baron Verulam on July 12, 1618, 28 weeks after his
as lord chancellor, and was created Viscount St. Albans in Jan. 1621.
2. I. e., since 1598 or 1599; in 1616 he put it "neere twice nine yeares" (Description
of N.E., sig. ¶3r).
3. The meaning is: "with a capital of £5,000, I would dare to undertake to carry
out the project outlined here."
4. Read: "But great desires to monopolize the business have bred so many peculiar
notions that the investors have had their way, I have had losses, and the general good
has suffered."
5. A Spanish document dated Dec. 1616 confirms the existence of contacts, with an
eye to whale fishing, between shipowners in the province of Guipúzcoa (capital, San
Sebastián) and John Smith (see Philip L. Barbour, The Three Worlds of Captain John Smith
[Boston, 1964], 475; and Fragments, in Vol. III).
6. A reference to his captaincy, earned in the Balkan "Long War" (True Travels, 7).
7. This signature seems to be autographic. The tenor of Smith's appeal to Bacon
bears comparison with the dedication William Strachey attached to a copy of his
of Travaile," now published as The Historie of Travaile into Virginia Britannia ..., ed.
R. H. Major (Hakluyt Society, 1st Ser. [London, 1849]), which he sent to the lord
chancellor about the same time.
8. The text of this paper, as Smith calls it, is by and large that of the first edition of
New Englands Trials (1620). All variations between the two that amount to more than a
few words are pointed out in the notes below.
9. The passage "yron and steele ... myselfe to finde" is omitted in New Englands
Trials (1620), sig. B1r.
1. The sense seems to be "men to make use of the native (wild) products available
there, particularly as medicines." Cf. the Description of N.E., 10.
2. Augusta, Maine, 44 mi. up the Kennebec River, is on the site of Indian Cushnoc,
at the head of the tide. Smith seems not to have recorded the name, although he must
have stopped not far from there.
3. At the end of this paragraph, New Englands Trials (1620), sig. B1v, has half a page
inserted that was based on John Dee's "Brytish Monarchic," followed by a page and a
half derived from Tobias Gentleman's England's way to win wealth ... (London, 1614)
and (apparently) a MS copy of John Keymor's Observation made upon the Dutch fishing,
about the year 1601 ..., which was not printed until 1664 (see New Englands Trials [1620],
sig. B1vn, B2r, B2rnn).
4. From here to the top of fol. 131r the MS text is virtually copied in New Englands
Trials (1620), sig. B2v-B3r.
5. The phrase "this fishing," omitted by Smith's scrivener, was added in the margin.
6. "Vizt." is an obsolete form of "viz."
7. A sentence is added here in New Englands Trials (1620), sig. B3r.
8. Here, merely "hired."
9. The afterthought regarding the salt is deleted in New Englands Trials (1620), sig.
B3r, instead of explained.
1. The passage "to inhabitt ... parts of England" is omitted at the bottom of sig.
B3r, ibid.
2. The significance (if any) of the macron in "M-a-stes" is not apparent.
3. This was the crux of the question of New England colonial schemes (see the
editor's Introduction, above).
4. What happened to the other is explained in New Englands Trials (1620), sig. B3v.
5. Sc., from Plymouth. Ibid., sig. B4r, clarifies this paragraph somewhat, omitting
the afterthought regarding Virginia, etc., at the end and adding more than two pages
of post-1618 material.
6. Cf. ibid., sig. C1r, where the phrase "your Lordship" is replaced by "all men."
7. Obsolete for "demonstrated, proved."
8. Ibid., sig. C1r, has "neare twenty thousand."
9. Cf. ibid., sig. C1v, where this paragraph is rewritten.
1. Cf. ibid., where the MS letter, from here to the middle of fol. 133r, is followed
with little change.
2. Part of the ensuing peroration has been used in the concluding paragraphs of
New Englands Trials (1620) (beginning at the bottom of sig. C2r), but the personal appeal
to Bacon is of course missing.
3. Columbus had only 3 ships on his first voyage, but there were 17 in the second
fleet in 1493, with a total of 1,500 aboard.
4. Smith's scrivener miscopied the word as "serivice." There is occasional other
evidence of some haste in preparation.
1620
As has been explained in the Introduction to Smith's "Letter to Bacon," the
earliest possible date for that appeal would be after July 12, 1618, when
Bacon was raised to the peerage. The latest likely date for the first edition of
New Englands Trials is December 11, 1620, when it was entered for
in the Stationers' Register. The trivial changes Smith made to convert
the "Letter to Bacon" into the first edition of New Englands Trials would
hardly have kept Smith busy for two years, despite its considerably
peroration. Consequently, although the editor has already offered
some suggestions elsewhere,1
attempt to close the gap.
In the spring of 1618, Sir Walter Ralegh returned from his suicidal
Guiana expedition, begun in 1617, and by August 10 he was again in the
Tower, accused, as he was in 1603, of high treason. Such was the Spanish
ambassador's pressure on the king of England that it was now merely a
matter of whether Ralegh would be executed in London or in Spain. On
October 29, he was beheaded in London. This has bearing on John Smith
in that the separatist group now called the Pilgrims, who had thought of
emigrating from Holland to Guiana, then began to look toward North
America, but somewhere beyond the direct control of the governor in
or the Council for Virginia in London. By that time the Virginia
administration was under attack, and on April 28, 1619, Sir Edwin
Sandys, a staunch Puritan, was chosen to succeed Sir Thomas Smythe as
treasurer. Six weeks later, the council granted a patent to the Pilgrims. For
one reason or another, it was never used.
Meanwhile, Sir Ferdinando Gorges was organizing still another
to New England, but as yet no colony. On December 1, 1619, he
appeared in person at a meeting of the Council for Virginia to protest against
a fishing expedition off Cape Cod launched from Jamestown, which was an
infringement of the dormant, if not defunct, rights of the North Virginia
Company. Early in 1620, then, determined to maintain the rights of the
West Country entrepreneurs, whom he represented, Gorges petitioned the
king for a new patent to replace that of 1606, in the name of the "Council for
the Second Colony and Others," or the "Council for New England," as it
came to be called. (Parenthetically, it would surely have amused Smith, if
he heard it, that the governor in Jamestown authorized a party to fish off
not Gorges's, but Smith's!) Finally, on November 3, 1620, the charter for
New England was properly sealed. By then, New Englands Trials was in press.
Conceivably Smith had been busy during those two years watching which
way the wind was blowing. Perhaps in 1620 the new administration of the
Virginia Company would look upon him with more favor; perhaps Gorges's
activities would end in a colonial settlement after all. Then, suddenly, Smith
apparently decided to get his ideas into print anyway. New England was
certainly the watchword late in 1620.
It is time now to explain the meaning of "trials." In Smith's title,
"trials" surely meant anything but "tribulations," yet not quite "proofs,"
as suggested by Emerson.2
"experiments, essays," or, as the OED explains, actions adopted in order
to ascertain the result of something, investigations by means of experience,
the exercise of trial and error.
Smith was always ready to make such trials himself, and at almost any
risk; yet he was always willing to, and often did, use the record of other
and trailblazers to support his own ideas and plans. His onetime
backer Sir Ferdinando Gorges was, oddly, both more skeptical and more
patiently persistent in trying than was Smith. Gorges wanted real tests with
experimental winter camps before he would seriously consider the
of a colony of any size. Smith, with his Jamestown years behind him,
was certain that no further testing (or proving) was necessary.3
Gorges and Smith needed financial backing, and so in the long run both of
them had to convince merchants or other entrepreneurs that colonization
would be profitable, or at least self-sustaining.
In the midst of this, while Gorges was testing, and before Smith's New
Englands Trials was entered for publication, the Pilgrims from Leiden simply
sailed over to Cape Cod Bay and founded the first permanent colony in New
England. Religious scruples moved men regardless of Gorges's need for
security (a safe place in winter) or Smith's need for lucre. Amusingly, when
Smith heard about the Pilgrims he did not like the religion that moved them,
even though they put into practice precisely what he preached.
Of Smith's book proper, as opposed to the rough, handwritten draft that
had been sent to Sir Francis Bacon, there is little to say. The printed work
shows that Smith had at least extended his use of data from other sources,
such as Robert Hitchcock; John Dee,4
Empire"; John Keymor,56
had also polished his text with a bit more eloquence. But all in all, he had
whipped it into shape so quickly that it amounted to little more than a
printed edition of the "Letter to Bacon." It was not until the second edition
(1622) that a substantially improved work appeared.
If a summary be needed for so short a work, it can be pointed out that the
first eleven pages, to the bottom of sig. C2r, are little more than a restatement
of the subject matter of Smith's "Letter to Bacon." The remaining four and
a half pages include a few additional ideas borrowed from John Dee and a
repetition of Smith's by now familiar propaganda for settlement overseas.
As has already been mentioned, the second edition (1622) is a trifle better
organized and covers the subject more thoroughly. The 1620 work is
as a hurried printing of a hurried appeal, with such little polishing as
Smith found time to apply.
[The editor is grateful to The Newberry Library, Chicago, for permission to reproduce this title page.]
1. Philip L. Barbour, The Three Worlds of Captain John Smith (Boston, 1964), 336-349.
2. Everett H. Emerson, Captain John Smith (New York, 1971), 110.
3. See "Letter to Bacon," fol. 129rn.
4. Robert Hitchcock, A pollitique platt (London, 1580); John Dee, General and rare memorials
pertayning to the Perfect Arte of navigation ... (London, 1577).
5. John Keymor, Observation made upon the Dutch fishing, about the year 1601 ... (London, 1664).
6. Tobias Gentleman, Englands way to win wealth ... (London, 1614).
[A2 r]
To the consideration of your favourable constructions I present
these sixe yeares continued trials from New England: if you please
to peruse them, and make use of them, I am richly rewarded. The
subject deserveth a farre better habit, but it is as good as the father
can give it. Let not therefore a souldiers plainnesse cause you refuse
to accept it, how ever you please to dispose of him, that humbly
sacreth himselfe and best abilities to his Countries good, and the
judgement of your renowned perfections.
1. In this slim volume the first signature consists of only two leaves. The first leaf
contains the title page, the second a dedication. Since but four copies of the book are
known to survive and the dedications vary, specific analysis is clearly called for. There
are two different dedicatory texts, each of which has two heads. One of the two texts is
considered here, the other in n. 2, below. Following the revised STC, the "other" will be
considered a cancel, or substitute dedication.
The dedication here reprinted is to the Company of Fishmongers (B. L. copy, shelf
mark C.33.c.15). A second dedication with identical wording (Bodleian Library copy) is
to the just-authorized company of the Adventurers of the Northern Colonie of Virginia
(in Smith's words, "the Right honorable and worthy adventers to all discoveries and
plantations, espetially to New England"). No reference to Smith's gifts has been found
in the records of either of these companies (Terence H. O'Brien, "The London Livery
Companies and the Virginia Company," Virginia Magazine of History and Biography,
LXVIII [1960], 137-155).
[A2 r cancel]
Right Honorable,
The great worke contained in this little Booke, requires the
patronage of such a one as your Lordship. Though it be but the
observations and collections of a plaine Souldier; yet if you please
to grace it with your countenance and good acceptance, the Author
and it will both thinke themselves happie, and hopes in time to
returne you such fruites from those labours, as hereafter may
you to pardon their boldnes, and accept them to be your
servants.
2. This cancel, or substitute dedication, also survives in two forms: the copy in the
Huntington Library is for John Egerton, earl of Bridgwater, son and heir of Sir Thomas
Egerton, first Viscount Brackley; the second, in the Ayer Collection, Newberry Library,
is for Sir Edward Coke (1552-1634), that personification of English law who lived from
the days of Mary I until Charles I began to take the doctrine of divine right of kings too
seriously. Bridgwater was wealthy and might have helped Smith; Coke was vaguely
interested in the Virginia Company and was a member of the Privy Council.
Smith had dedicated his Description of N.E. to Bridgwater's father and to the
Coke.
[B1 r]
NEW England1
the degrees of 41. and 45. the very meane
betwixt the North Pole and the Line:
From 43. to 45. the coast is mountainous,
rockie, barren and broken Iles that make
many good harbours. The water is deepe
close to the shoare; there are many rivers
and fresh springs: few Salvages, but an
aboundance of fish, fowle, wilde
fruites, and good timber. From 43. to 41.
and halfe, an excellent mixed coast of stone, sand, and clay: much
corne, many people, some Iles, many good harbours, a temperate
ayre, and therein all things necessarie; for the building ships of any
proportion, and good merchandize for their fraughts; within a square
of twelve leagues 25. harbours I sounded, thirtie severall Lordships
I sawe, and so neare as I could imagine, three thousand men. I was
up one river fortie miles, crossed the mouths of many, whose heads
are reported to be great Lakes; where they kill their || Bevers;
with many people, who trade with those of New England,
and them of Cannada.
The benefite of Fishing, as that famous Philosopher
Master Dee reporteth in his Brittish Monarchie.2
[B1 v]
He saith, that more then forty foure yeares agoe, the Herring
Busses out of the Low-countries, under the King of Spaine, were five
hundred, besides one hundred Frenchmen, and three or foure
saile of Flemings.
The coasts of Wales and Lankashire was used by three hundred
sayle of strangers.
Ireland at Baltemore3
strong Castell, because of the straite, to have tribute for fishing.
Blacke Rocke4
sayle of Spaniards, Portugalls, and Biskiners.
Master Gentleman and many Fisher-men and
Fishmongers, with whom I have conferred, report:5
The Hollanders raise yearely by Herrings, Cod, and Ling,
3000000. pounds.
English, and French by Salt-fish, poore John, Salmons, and
Pilchards, 300000. pounds.
Hambrough and the Sound,6
100000. pounds.
Cape Blanke, Tunny and Mullit, by the Biskinners and
30000. pounds.
But divers other learned experienced Observers
say, though it may seeme incredible:7
[B2 r]
That the Duke of Medina receiveth yearely tribute, of the
Fishers of Tunny, Mullit, and Purgos, more then 10000. pounds.
8
Lubeck hath seven hundred shippes:1
Embden lately a fisher towne, 1400, whose customes by the
profit of fishing hath made them so powerfull as they be.
Holland and Zeland, not much greater then Yorkeshire,2
thirty walled townes, 400. villages, and 20000. sayle of ships and
and Welbotes, 700. frand botes, 400. Enaces, 400. gal-botes, Britters
and Todebotes, with 1300. Busses;3
yearely fish about Yarmouth,4
15. yeares agoe they had more then 116000. Sea-faring men.
These fishing ships do take yearely 200000. Last of fish,5
barrells to a Last; which amounteth to 3000000. pounds by the
Fishermens price that 14. yeres agoe did pay for their tenths 300000.
pound; which venting in Pomerland, Sprusland, Denmarke, Lefland,
Russia, Suethland, Germany, Netherlands, England, or elsewhere,
etc. make their returnes in a yeare about 7000000. pounds; and yet
in Holland they have neither matter to build shippes, nor
to set them foorth, yet they asmuch encrease as other Nations
decay. But leaving these uncertainties as they are, of this I am
That the coast of England,6
Sea, with Island, and the Sound, New-foundland, and Cape Blancke,
doe serve all Europe, as well the land Townes as Portes, and all the
Christian shipping, with these sorts of Staple fish which is
from whence it is taken, many a thousand mile, viz.
[B2 v]
Now seeing all these sorts of fish, or the most part of them, may
be had in a land more fertile, temperate, and plentifull of all
for the building of ships, boates and houses; and the
of man: the seasons are so proper, and the fishings so neare the
habitations wee may there make, that New England hath much
advantage of the most of those parts, to serve all Europe farre cheaper
then they can, who at home have neither wood, salt, nor food, but
at great rates; at Sea, nothing but what they carry in their shippes,
But New Englands fishings neare land, where is helpe of wood,
water, fruites, fowles, corne, or other refreshings needefull; and the
Terceras,7
Sicilia, and all Italy, as convenient markets for our dry Fish, greene
Fish, Sturgion, Mullit, Caviare, and Buttargo, as Norway,
Littuania, or Germany, for their Herring, (which is here also
in aboundance, for taking;) They returning but wood, pitch, tarre,
soape-ashes, cordage, flaxe, waxe, and such like commodities: We
wines, oyles, su- || gars, silkes, and such merchandizes as the Straites
affoord, whereby our profites may equalize theirs; besides the
of Shipping and Mariners. And for proofe hereof:
[B3 r]
With two shippes I went from the Downes, the third of March,
and arrived in New England, the last of Aprill. I had but fortie five
men and boyes, we built seven boates, 37. did fish; my selfe with
eight others ranging the coast, I tooke a plot of what I could see, got
acquaintance of the inhabitants, eleven hundred bever skinnes, one
hundred Martins, and as many Otters: fortie thousand of dry fish
we sent for Spaine, with the salt-fish, treine oyle and furres, I returned
for England the 18. of July, and arrived safe with my company the
latter end of August. Thus in sixe moneths I made my voyage, out
and home, and by the labour of 45. got neare the valew of fifteene
hundred pounds in those grosse commodities. This yeare also one
went from Plimmouth, spent his victuall, and returned with nothing.9
8
1614.
The Londoners, upon this, sent foure good shippes, and because
I would not undertake it for them, having ingaged my selfe to them
of the West,1
with me; They set sayle in January, and arrived there in March:
they found fish enough untill halfe June, fraughted a shippe of three
hundred Tunnes; went for Spaine with drie fish, which was taken by
the Turkes;2
came for England, with the greene fish, treine oyle, and furres, within
sixe moneths.
1615.
With a labyrinth of trouble3
breaking all my mastes, I was forced to returne to Plimmouth,
where re-imbarking my selfe in a ship of three score tunnes, how I
escaped the English Pirats, and the French, and was betrayed by
foure Frenchmen of warre, I referre you to the Description of New
England; but my Vice-admirall, notwithstanding the latenesse of
the yeare, setting forth with me in March, the Londoners in January,
she arrived in May, they in March, yet came home well fraught in
August, and all her men well, within five moneths odde dayes.
1615.
[B3 v]
The Londoners, ere I returned from France, for all their losse
by the Turkes, which was valewed about foure thousand pounds,4
sent two more in July: but such courses they tooke by the Canaries to
the west Indies; it was ten months ere they arrived in New England:
wasting in that time, their seasons, victuall, and healths; yet there
they found meanes to refresh themselves, and the one returned, neere
fraught with fish and traine, within two moneths after.
1616.
From Plimmouth went foure ships, onely to fish and trade, some
in February, some in March; one of two hundred tunnes, got thither
in a moneth, and went full fraught for Spaine, the rest returned to
Plimouth well fraught, and their men well, within 5 months odde
daies.
1616.
From London went two more, one of 220. tunnes, got thither in
sixe weekes; and within sixe weekes after, with fortie foure men and
boyes, was full fraught, and returned againe into England within five
months and a few dayes; the other went to the Canaries with dry fish,
which they solde at a great rate, for royalls of eight, and (as I heard)
turned Pirates.5
1616.
1617.
I being at Plimouth, provided with three good ships, || was
three months, as was many a hundred sayle more; so that the
season being past, the shippes went for New-found-land, whereby
my desseigne was frustrate, which was to me and my friends, no small
losse.6
[B4 r]
There was foure good shippes7
reason of their disagreement, the season so wasted, as onely two went
forward, the one being of two hundred tunnes, returned well fraught
to Plimouth, and her men in health, within five moneths; the other
of foure score, went for Bilbow with dry fish, and made a good
returne.
1618.
This yeare againe,8
so disagreed, as there went but one of 200. tuns, who stayed
had her fraght, which she sold at the first penny for 2100. pounds,9
besides the furres; so that every poore Sayler, that had but a single
share, had his charges and sixteene pound ten shillings for his seven
moneths worke: but some of the company say, for sixe months in the
Hercules,1
1619.
For to make triall this yeare there is gone six or seven sayle from
the west Country, onely to fish, three of which are returned; and (as
I am certainely informed) have made so good a voyage, that every
Sayler for a single share had twenty pounds for his seven moneths
worke, which is more then in twenty moneths he should have gotten,
had he gone for wages any where. Now though all the former ships
have not made such good voyages as they expected, by sending
opinionated unskilfull men, that had not experienced diligence, to
save that they tooke, || nor take that there was; which now patience
and practise hath brought to a reasonable kinde of perfection in
despite of all Detractors, and Calumniations, the Countrey yet hath
satisfied all, the defect hath beene in their using or abusing it, not in
it selfe, nor me.
1620.
[B4 v]
yeare 1621.
it is reported
12. or 20. saile
is a preparing.
Heere I entreate your Honourable leaves to answer some
Many do thinke it strange, if this be true, I have made no
more use of it, and rest so long without employment. And I thinke it
more strange they should tax me before they have tried what I have
done, both by Sea and Land, as well in Asia, and Affrica, as Europe
and America. These fourteene yeres I have spared neither pains, nor
money, according to my abilitie, in the discovery of Norumbega,2
where with some thirty seaven men and boyes, the remainder of an
plantation now in Virginia; which beginning (here and there) cost
mee neare five yeares worke, and more then five hundred pound3
of my owne estate; beside all the dangers, miseries and
and losse of other imployments I endured gratìs. From which
blessed Virgin, where I stayed till I left five hundred English, better
provided then ever I was (ere I returned) sprung the fortunate
of Somer Iles.
This Virgins sister (called New-England, An. 1616 at my
humble suite, by our most gracious Prince Charles) hath bene neare
as chargeable to mee and my friends; from all which, although I
never got shilling, but it cost mee a pound, yet I thinke my || selfe
happy to see their prosperities.
[C1 r]
If it yet trouble a multitude to proceede uppon these certainties,
what thinke you I undertooke, when nothing was knowne, but that
there was a vast Land? I never had power and meanes to do any
thing (though more hath beene spent in formall delayes then would
have done the businesse) but in such a penurious and miserable
maner, as if I had gone a begging to builde an University; where,
had men bin as forward to adventure their purses, as to crop the
fruites of my Labours, thousands ere this, had bene bettered by these
designes. Thus betwixt the spurre of Desire, and the bridle of Reason,
I am neare ridden to death in a ring of Despaire;4
your hands, therefore I entreate you to ease mee: and those blame
mee (beleeve)5
againe at every motion, unlesse I intended nothing but to carry
newes. For now they dare adventure a shippe, that, when I went
first, would not adventure a groat, so they may be at home againe by
Michaelmasse; but to the purpose.
By this all men may perceive6
approoved; and it is certaine from Cannada and New England hath
come neare twenty thousand7
Now, had each of those shippes transported but sixe, or three pigs, as
many goates and hens, fruits, plants and seeds as I projected; by this
time there might have beene victuall for a thousand men. But the
desire of present || gaine (in many) is so violent, and the indevours of
many undertakers so negligent, every one so regarding his private,
that it is hard to effect any publique good, and impossible to bring
them into a body, rule, or order, unlesse both Authoritie and Mony
assist experiences: it is not a worke for every one to plant a Colonie
(but when a house is built, it is no hard matter to dwell in it.) This
requireth all the best parts of art, judgement, courage, honestie,
diligence and experience to doe but neare well: and there is
a great difference betwixt Saying and Doing. But to conclude, the
fishing will go forward if you plant it or no; whereby you may
a colony for no great charge, that in a short time, might provide
such fraughts, to buy of us their dwelling, as I would hope no ship
could goe or come emptie from New England.
[C1 v]
The charge of this is onely salt, nettes, hookes, lines, knives, Irish
rugges,8
for fishing and trade with the Salvages, besides our owne necessarie
provisions, whose indevours9
the Salvages have intreated me to inhabit where I will. Now all those
ships have bin fished within a square of two leagues, and not one ship
of all these, would yet adventure further, where questionlesse 500.
saile may have their fraught, better then in Island, Newfoundland,
or elsewhere, and be in their markets before the other can have their
fish in their ships. Because New Englands fishing beginneth in
the other not till mid-Maie, the progression heereof tends
|| much to the advancement of Virginia, and the Burmudas: and will
be a good friend in time of need to the Inhabitants in
[C2 r]
The returnes made by the Westerne shippes1
divided into 3. parts; one for the owners of the shippe, another for
the maister and his company, the third for the victulers; which course
being still permitted, will be no hinderance to the plantation, goe
little or nothing, which otherwise will cost many a hundred of pounds.
If a Ship can gaine, twenty, thirty, fifty in the hundred,2
neare three hundred for 100. in seven moneths, as you see they have
doone, spending twice so much time in going and coming as in
there; were I there planted, seeing the varietie of the fishings in
their seasons, serveth the most part of the yeare; and with a little
labour we might make all the salt we neede use. I can conceive no
reason to distrust, but the doubling and trebling their gaines that are
at all the former charge, and can fish but two months in a yeare: and
if those do give twenty, thirty, or forty shillings for an acre of land, or
ship Carpenters, Forgers of yron etc. that buy all things at a deare
rate, grow rich, when they may have as good of all needfull
for taking (in my opinion) should not grow poore; and no
in Europe doth more decay then wood.
Maister Dee recordeth3
Edgar had a navie of foure thousand saile, || with which hee yearely
made his progresse about this famous Monarchy of Great Brittany,
largely declaring the benefit thereof: whereupon it seems he projected
to our most memorable Queene Elizabeth, the erecting of a Fleete of
three score saile, he called a little Navy Royall; immitating the
Pericles prince of Athens, that could never secure that
estate, untill he was Lord and Captaine of the Sea.
[C2 v]
At this none neede wonder, for who knowes not, her Royall
Majestie during her life, by the incredible adventures of her Royall
Navy and valiant Souldiers and Sea-men; notwithstanding all
treacheries at home, the protecting and defending France and
and re-conquering Ireland, yet all the world, by Sea or Land,
both feared, loved, and admired good Queene Elizabeth.
Both to maintaine and increase that incomparable honour (God
be thanked) to her incomparable Successour, our most Royall Lord
and Soveraigne King James, etc. this great Philosopher hath left this
to his Majesty and his kingdomes considerations.
That if the Tenths of the Earth be proper to God, it is also due
by Sea, the Kings highwayes4
for mines or anie thing, so Englands coasts are free to passe, but not
to fish, but by his Majesties prerogative.
His Majestie of Spaine, permits none to passe the Popes order
for the East and West Indies, but by his permission, or at their perills.
make || as much use of her owne, as strangers doe, that pay to their
owne Lords the tenth, and not to the owners of those Liberties any
thing, whose subjects may neither take nor sell any in their territories;
which small tribute, would maintaine his little Navy Royall, and not
cost his Majesty a penny; and yet maintaine peace with all forrainers,
and allow them more curtesie, then any Nation in the world affords
to England.
[C3 r]
It were a shame to alledge, that Holland is more worthy to enjoy
our fishings as Lords thereof, because they have more skill to handle
it then we, as they can our wooll, and undressed cloth,
all their wars and troublesome disorders.
To get mony to build this Navy he saith, Who would not spare
the hundred penny of his Rents,5
each servant that taketh 33.s. 4.d. wages, 4. pence, and every
seven yeares of age, 4. pence yearely for 7. yeares; not any of
these but yearely they will spend 3. times so much in pride,
or some superfluity. And doe any men love the security of their
estates that are true subjects, would not of themselves be humble
suters to his Majestie, to do this of free will as a voluntary
so it may be as honestly and truly imployed as it is projected,
the poorest mechanicke in this kingdome will gaine by it.
If this be too much, would the honorable Adventurers be
pleased to move his Majestie, that but the 200. penny of Rents, and
the thousandth peny of Goodes might bee thus collected, to plant
New England, and but the tenth fish there taken, leaving || strangers
as they are. You might build ships of any burden and numbers you
please, five times cheaper then you can doe heere, and have good
marchandize for their fraught in this unknowne Land, to the
of Gods glorie, his Church and Gospel, and the
and reliefe of a great part of Christendome, without hurt to any:
To the terror of Pirates, the amazement of enemies, the assistance of
friends, the securing merchants, and so much increase of Navigation,
to make Englands Trade and Shipping, as much as any Nation in the
world, besides a hundred other benefits, to the generall good of all
true subjects, and would cause thousands yet unborne, blesse the
time, and all them that first put it in practise.
[C3 v]
Now, lest it should be obscured, as it hath bene, to private ends;
or so weakely undertaken, by our over-weening incredulitie, that
but not Englands good. I present this unto your Lordship,6
the Lords in England, hoping (by your honorable good liking and
approbation,) to move all the worthy Companies of this noble City,
and all the cities and Countries in the whole Land to consider of it,
since I can find them wood, and halfe victuall with the aforesaide
advantages, with what facility they may build and maintaine this
little Navy Royall, both with honour, profite and content, and
as good a countrey as any in the world, within that parallell,
which with my life, and what I have, I will indevour to effect, if God
please, and you permit.
As for them whom pride or covetousnes lulleth asleepe in a
Cradle of slouthfull carelesnesse; would they but consider, how all
the great Monarchies of the Earth have bene brought to confusion:
or but remember the late lamentable experience of Constantinople;
and how many Cities, Townes, and Provinces, in the faire rich
of Hungaria, Transilvania, and Wallachia; and how many
thousands of Princes, Earles, Barons, Knights, and Merchants, have
in one day, lost goods, lives, and honours: or solde for slaves, like
beasts in a market place; their wives, children and servants slain, or
wandering they knew not whither: dying, or living in all
of extreame miseries and calamities.7
onely doe this, but give all they have, to enjoy peace and libertie at
home; or but adventure their persons abroade, to prevent the
of a conquering foe, who commonly assaulteth, and best
prevaileth, where he findeth wealth and plenty (most armed)8
ignorance and securitie.
[C4 r]
Much more I could say, but lest I should be too tedious to your
more serious affaires, I humbly crave your honorable and favorable
constructions and pardons, if any thing be amisse.
If any desire to bee further satisfied, they may reade my
of Virginia, and New England, and peruse them with their
severall Mappes; what defect you finde in them, they shall finde
in mee, or in my Authors, that thus freely have throwne my
selfe, with my Mite into the Treasury of my Countries good, not
doubting but God will || stirre up some noble spirits, to consider and
examine if worthy Collumbus could give the Spaniards any such
with fifteene saile: And though I can promise no mines of golde, yet
the warrelike Hollanders let us immitate, but not hate, whose wealth
and strength are good testimonies of their treasure gotten by fishing.
Therefore (honourable and worthy Countrymen) let not the
of the word Fish distaste you, for it will afford as good golde as
the mines of Guiana, or Tumbatu,9
and more certaintie and facilitie: and so I humbly rest.
[C4 v]
1. This paragraph is almost verbatim from the "Letter to Bacon" (see fol. 130r,
130rnn).
2. The reference is to John Dee's General and rare memorials pertayning to the Perfect
Arte of navigation ... (London, 1577), 23-24, the first section of which bears the title
"The Brytish Monarchie." There is material from Dee in both Richard Hakluyt, The
Principal Navigations, Voyages, Traffiques and Discoveries of the English Nation (London, 1598-
1600), and Samuel Purchas, Hakluytus Posthumus, or Purchas His Pilgrimes ... (London,
1625). Smith seems to have borrowed directly from the original, probably by courtesy of
Purchas.
3. Baltimore is in Ireland.
4. There are several spots with that name on the Irish coast. This Black Rock is that
off Achill Island, County Mayo, and is on the Speed map of Kell.
5. See Tobias Gentleman, Englands way to win wealth ... (London, 1614). While
Smith appears to have borrowed little directly from the book, it is evident that Master
Gentleman and his fishmonger friends (see ibid., 46) could have supplied Smith with
information.
6. "The Sound" refers to the strait between Denmark and Sweden. Below, "Cape
Blanke" was the usual English version of Cabo Blanco, on the W coast of Africa in 21° N
latitude between Lévrier Bay, Mauritania, and the Atlantic.
7. The identity of Smith's other "Observers" is uncertain, but one of them may
have been John Keymor, an economic writer of the period, about whom little is known.
Tobias Gentleman writes that Keymor obtained information from him in 1612 or 1613,
which he had a "mind to shew ... unto the right Honourable Counsell" (Englands way,
3-4). Keymor, however, wrote his Observation made upon the Dutch fishing, about the year
1601, which was not printed until 1664 (in London).
8. Regarding the marginal note "S.," Professor D. B. Quinn has called the editor's
attention to John Stoneman's account of Henry Challon's voyage to New England in
1606 and his capture by a Spanish fleet in the Straits of Florida. The duke of Medina
Sidonia (1550-1615) attempted to befriend Stoneman and a few others in Challon's
party (Purchas, Pilgrimes, IV, 1834-1835). Smith may have heard about this from
personally or through Purchas.
1. This paragraph is certainly based on Keymor's Observation, 1. Smith apparently
had access to a MS copy.
2. By modern measurements, Holland and Zeeland have a combined area of c.
5,100 sq. mi.; Yorkshire, c. 6,100 sq. mi.
3. The paragraph is based on or drawn from Keymor's Observation, 2, with some
errors in copying. The correct names as listed by Keymor are: doggers (or dogger-boats),
pinks, well-boats, strand-boats, evers (not in the OED), galliots, drivers, and tode-botes.
4. Yarmouth (better known as Great Yarmouth, partly to distinguish it from
on the NW coast of the Isle of Wight) was and is a great fishing center in Norfolk
County, 32 km. (20 mi.) E of Norwich (see Gentleman, Englands way, 14-17).
5. Here again, Smith seems to have been dependent on Keymor (see Observation, 3).
Of the countries mentioned below, Pomerland is now Pomerania, on the Baltic Sea in
East Germany and Poland; Sprusland (or Sprussia), to the E, is part of Poland and the
U.S.S.R., formerly East Prussia; Lefland, also Livonia, is roughly the area now
Latvia and Estonia; Suethland (for Swethland), is roughly modern Sweden (see
Purchas, Pilgrimes, III, for contemporary maps of these areas; and cf. the Generall Historie,
228n).
6. Here Smith takes up the text of his "Letter to Bacon" almost verbatim (fol. 130v).
"Island" was a common spelling of "Iceland."
7. The Azores -- from the name of the single island of Terceira.
8. Proofs 1 to 7 as they appear in the "Letter to Bacon" (fol. 131r-v) are repeated
with little or no change in both the first and the second editions of New Englands Trials
(sig. B2r-B3r), except as noted below.
9. The last sentence was added.
1. The clause "and because ... of the West" has been added.
2. The clause "which was taken by the Turkes" has been added. Cf. M.
apropos remark: "The 'Turks,' the generic name for all Mahommedan pirates,
were said to have taken 466 British ships between 1609 and 1616" (M. Oppenheim, ed.,
The Naval Tracts of Sir William Monson ... [Navy Records Society, Publications, XLIII
(London, 1913)], 101).
3. Smith's phrase is so unusual for the day that we may suspect that he heard or
saw something similar (cf. Shakespeare, Troilus and Cressida, II, iii, 2: "What, lost in the
labyrinth of thy fury?"). There are a few minor changes in this paragraph.
4. The passage "from France, ... foure thousand pounds" has been added.
5. The passage after the semicolon has been added.
6. The "Letter to Bacon" has "whereby the adventurers had noe loss" (fol. 131v).
In pointing out here that he himself had a considerable loss, which is explained at greater
length in the 1622 edition (sig. B3r), Smith admits to the full truth. It would have been
highly unwise to admit losses of any kind in his first appeal.
7. This paragraph has been partially rewritten.
8. From here to the second paragraph on sig. C1r, the text is quite new.
9. "At the first penny" means at "prime cost," i.e., at what would be normally a
wholesale price. Sailors were not paid wages on fishing voyages, but shares, determined
by an agreed scale. Prof. D. B. Quinn suggests that the figure "2100 pounds" may be an
error for £210[.]o[s.], in view of the small "o" and the fact that £2,100 would be an
excessive amount for a cargo of fish.
1. This is some otherwise unrecorded voyage. The Hercules may have been the same
ship that accompanied Lord De La Warr to Virginia in 1610 (see R. H. Major, ed., The
Historie of Travaile into Virginia Britannia ..., by William Strachey [Hakluyt Society, 1st
Ser., VI (London, 1849)], xxiii).
2. Norumbega first appeared on Verrazzano's brother's map of 1529 as Aranbega.
Then in 1542, Jean Alfonse (Jean Fontenau of Saintonge) explored the region and
stated that "fifteen leagues within this river [the Penobscot, in Maine] is a city called
Norombergue" (Frank T. Siebert, Jr., book review in the New England Quarterly, XVI
[1943], 503-504). Quickly, Norumbega became almost as famous as the populous and
wealthy Quivira of the Texas-Oklahoma-Kansas region, and just as unreal, though the
word itself is definitely of Penobscot Indian origin (ibid.). For a discussion of all aspects
of Norumbega, see Douglas R. McManis, European Impressions of the New England Coast,
1497-1620, University of Chicago Department of Geography Research Paper No. 139
(Chicago, 1972), 49-67, and scattered earlier references. Here Smith most unusually
applies the name to "Virginia," as a convenient name for all of the coastal area of North
America between Spanish "Florida" and French "Canada." As is usual in Smith,
means "exploration."
3. According to Purchas, Smith returned to England from soldiering on the
"with one thousand Duckets in his purse" (Pilgrimes, II, 1370). Since he had
received 1,500 gold ducats from Zsigmond Báthory, it would appear that he had spent
500 ducats in his travels. The remaining 1,000 would have yielded him upwards of
£450, judging by various travelers' reports, and this would be in line with his statement
that he had spent £500 on Virginia (see the Generall Historie, 164, 166, and nn). (Note
that Edward Arber equated £500 with 1,500 ducats, but this would be closer to the rate
of exchange for silver ducats [Captain John Smith ... Works, 1608-1631, The English
Scholar's Library Edition, No. 16 (Birmingham, 1884), II, 869].)
4. The underlying idea of Smith's philosophical reflection is found in Robert
Burton's The Anatomy of Melancholy ..., "A true saying it is, 'Desire hath no rest;' ... [it
is] a perpetual rack, or a horse-mill, ... still going round as in a ring" ([London, 1621;
2d ed., "By Democritus Junior," 1624], Pt. 1, Sec. 2, Mem. 3, Subs. XI). Since there
were ties between Smith and Burton (see the Biographical Directory), it is possible that
the passage quoted put Smith's mind to work.
5. The parentheses are apparently merely for emphasis. At the end of this
a significant quotation is added in the second edition (see sig. C4vn, below; and
New Englands Trials [1622], sig. D1v, D1vn).
6. From here to the bottom of sig. C2r the text is again derived almost verbatim
from the "Letter to Bacon" (fols. 132r-133r), with "all men" being substituted for "your
Lordship."
7. The "Letter to Bacon" has 36,000 skins within four years; there is a good deal of
rewriting of the "Letter to Bacon" in the next 20 lines or so.
8. This was not included in the "Letter to Bacon." The reference is to coarse woolen
coverings, probably the kind called "Irish falinges" by William Strachey (The Historie of
Travell into Virginia Britania, ed. Louis B. Wright and Virginia Freund [Hakluyt Soc.,
2d Ser., CIII (London, 1953)], 71); from the Gaelic fallaing, "mantle." See David Beers
Quinn, The Elizabethans and the Irish (Ithaca, N.Y., 1966), 23-24.
9. I.e., "pains, efforts"; the Indians could supply corn for food, and furs for profit.
1. This paragraph is somewhat clearer than the original in the "Letter to Bacon,"
fol. 132v.
2. The "Letter to Bacon" has "59. or 60.li in the 100. only by fishing," and below,
"spending twice so much time" is substituted for "spending as much time."
3. From here to the last two paragraphs (sig. C4r -- v) the text was reprinted in the
Generall Historie, 243-244, with some additions from New Englands Trials (1622), sig.
D3v-D4r. The references to John Dee's "Brytish Monarchie" (in Dee, Perfect Arte of navigation)
are as follows: to King Edgar, p. 56; to the little Navy Royall, p. 3; and to Pericles,
pp. 1, 11-12.
4. See Dee, "Brytish Monarchic," in Dee, Perfect Arte of navigation, 21-22.
5. See ibid., 13-15. The "hundred penny" would be 4d. on 400d. (400d. = 33s.
4d.); thus a servant earning 33s. 4d. annually would "spare" 4d. annually. As for the
"foreigners," there are references to Frenchmen, Dutchmen (Germans), Italians, and
Poles sent to Virginia from 1619 to 1621 (Susan Myra Kingsbury, ed., The Records of the
Virginia Company of London [Washington, D.C., 1906-1935], III, see the Index, under
nationalities). Smith himself had had experience with Poles and Germans there in 1608-
1609.
6. Probably the earl of Bridgwater, although there does not seem to be any way of
knowing to which "Lordship" Smith was addressing his appeal here. The earl of
was not yet a privy councillor and was hardly in a position to "move all the worthy
Companies" of London.
7. Smith is obviously recalling his experiences in eastern Europe (see, for example,
the True Travels, 18).
8. The significance of the parentheses should certainly not be overlooked here.
Smith's meaning is that a "conquering foe ... best prevaileth where he findeth wealth
and plenty most equipped with ignorance and a false sense of security" -- the parentheses
indicating emphasis and pointing to the intentional sarcasm.
9. "Tumbatu" was in Smith's time a frequent English spelling of "Timbuktu"
in the Republic of Mali). The city had been famous in Europe as a market of gold and
salt since the late 14th century. Smith had undoubtedly read about it in John Pory's
of J. Leo Africanus, A geographical historie of Africa (1606), later published in
Purchas, Pilgrimes, II, 749-851. Every schoolboy knew about the riches of Guiana from
Sir Walter Ralegh (see The Discoverie of the large, rich and bewtiful Empyre of Guiana, with a
relation of the great and Golden Citie of Manoa (which the Spanyards call El Dorado) ... [London,
1596], which Richard Hakluyt reprinted in his Principal Navigations, III, 627-662).
Here, we can trace some of Smith's reading habits, as it happens. As a sequel to Ralegh's
Discoverie of Guiana, Hakluyt printed A Relation of the Second Voyage to Guiana, by Laurence
Keymis (Principal Navigations, III, 666-667). Four pages below there is a quatrain, part
of George Chapman's "De Guiana carmen Epicum." The quatrain caught Smith's
fancy, and when he came to preparing the second edition of New Englands Trials he
it as a bit of prose on sig. D1v, attributing it to Hakluyt himself (see New Englands
Trials [1622]; and cf. sig. C1rn, above).
The page numbers below refer to the boldface numerals in the margins of the present
text, which record the pagination of the original edition used as copy text. The word
or words before the bracket show the text as emended by the editor; the word or
words after the bracket reproduce the copy text. The wavy dash symbol used after
the bracket stands for a word that has not itself been changed but that adjoins a
changed word or punctuation mark. The inferior caret, also used only after the
bracket, signifies the location of missing punctuation in the copy text.
The following lists have been inserted at the request of the editorial staff of the
Institute of Early American History and Culture. The list immediately below
records possible compound words that were hyphenated at the end of the line in the
copy text. In each case the editor had to decide for the present edition whether to
print the word as a single word or as a hyphenated compound. The material before
the bracket indicates how the word is printed in the present edition; the material
symbol indicates that the form of the word has been unchanged from the copy text.
Numerals refer to the page number of the copy text (the boldface numerals in the
margin in this edition) and to the line number (counting down from the boldface
number) in the present edition.
The list below contains words found as hyphenated compounds in the copy text that
unavoidably had to be broken at the end of the line at the hyphen in the present text.
In quoting or transcribing from the present text, the hyphen should be retained for
these words. Numerals refer to the page number of the copy text (the boldface
numerals in the margin in this edition) and line number (counting down from the
boldface number).
William Jones
Entred for his Copie under the handes
of Master Doctor [Thomas] Goade and
Master [Humphrey] Lownes warden,
A booke Called News Englands tryall,
by John Smith ..... vid
(Arber, Registers, IV, 43.)
NEW || ENGLANDS || TRIALS. || Declaring the successe of 26. Ships ||
thither within these sixe yeares: || with the benefit of that Countrey by sea and
|| land: and how to build threescore sayle || of good Ships, to make a little || Navie Royall.
|| Written by Captaine || John Smith. || [Ornament] LONDON, || Printed by William
Jones. || 1620. ||
Quarto, pp. [20]; [A] including title page in two, B and C in fours. The address
(A2) varies. As has been pointed out in Joseph Sabin et al., eds., A Dictionary of Books
Relating to America, XX (New York, 1927-1928), 248, the book seems to have been
"published in a large edition. In the 'Generall Historie,' page 230, Smith says: 'I
caused two or three thousand of them to be printed, one thousand with a great many
Maps both of Virginia and New-England, I presented to thirty of the chiefe
in London at their Halls.' ... it is now very rare." (Note that this edition
was little, or not at all, used in Smith's Generall Historie and Purchas's Pilgrimes; see
New Englands Trials [1622].)
New England's Trials Written by Captain John Smith, with a prefatory note by
Charles Deane (Cambridge, Mass.).
Captain John Smith ... Works, 1608-1631, ed. Edward Arber
See the list of issues of the Arber text in the General Introduction at the
beginning of this volume.
1622
In introducing this small book, it may be well to take what accountants
would call a subtotal of Smith's narratives of English expansion overseas, so
far. (The grand total will come with his Advertisements.) The 1622 edition of
New Englands Trials was prepared for publication following two noteworthy
events in English colonial history: (1) the survival of Jamestown after the
Indian massacre of March 1622, and (2) the survival of the Pilgrims in New
England through two winters. Thus, two roots of today's United States of
America had been planted in different soils with differing objectives, and had
proved sturdy and capable of permanence.
Yet Smith's colonial dream was neither realized in full, nor would it be
fully realizable for many years. In his Description of New England he had
written, "I am not so simple, to thinke, that ever any other motive then
wealth, will ever erect there a Commonweale; or draw companie from their
ease and humours at home, to stay in New England to effect my purposes."1
Although the presence of the Pilgrims in New England (and the plans of the
Puritans to settle there also) shows that Smith was mistaken, yet in a broader
sense he was remarkably foresighted, or clairvoyant. The influx of people
needed to create the great colony that later became the United States, not
just New England, was produced by the opportunities available in America
not only to be free, but even more to be rich.
Historians generally, however, have seen early New England as a land
settled by people inspired by religious motivation -- in the first place by a
group that wanted to escape from everybody else, and in the second by a
much larger group that wanted to get away from religious bureaucratic
oppression in England and that chose to face the presumably tameable
"wildmen" of Massachusetts rather than to continue facing the intractability
of the likes of Bishop Laud (soon to be elevated to the archbishopric of
Canterbury). In other words, the Pilgrims were not colonists in the old
Roman sense that surely lurked in the back of Smith's mind, and he had hard
things to say about them. But neither were the Puritans who poured out of
King Charles's London to seek the shores of the river Charles, more than a
thousand leagues away, and they found favor in the eyes of Smith. Years
after the publication of the 1622 edition of New Englands Trials, Smith
thought he saw his type of colonist in these resolute and voluntary exiles.
Samuel Eliot Morison, though he claims that Smith was mistaken about
those who were driven to New England by religious scruples and the true
colonists who went there to better their lot. By way of illustration Morison
has quoted J. Franklin Jameson. The story of the Pilgrims, Jameson wrote,
is that
of a small and feeble enterprise, ... always limited by the slender resources
of the poor and humble men who originated it [Plymouth]. The founding
of the Bay Colony, on the other hand, was less a colonial enterprise than a
great puritan emigration. It was organized by men of substance and
supported by wealth of a great and prosperous body of the English
nation, and consciously directed toward the high end of founding in America
a great puritan state.2
Smith was "over-glad ... to see Industry her selfe adventure now to
make use of my aged endevours,"3
ship after ship across the Atlantic to the shores of Smith's own New
England. He was especially happy that a friend of his, John Winthrop of
Edwardston (Suffolk), could assure him that "factious Humourists" (like the
Pilgrims) would not be suffered to join Winthrop's colonists.
The second edition of New Englands Trials, then, completes Smith's story
of New England (except for brief supplementary notices in the Generall
Historie and the True Travels) until Smith's final summation of his thoughts
on "the Path-way to erect a Plantation" in the Advertisements. This edition
adds a number of updating details to the first edition, and elaborates on two
of his favorite themes: his personal and almost proprietary interest in New
England and his experiences with the native inhabitants. Regarding the
latter, he finds here his first occasion to refer in print to his rescue by
"God made Pocahontas the Kings daughter the meanes to deliver
me."4
Zsigmond Báthory, who not only granted him a kind of coat of arms, but also
gave him 1,500 ducats, which he later spent on Virginia.5
New Englands Trials (1622) is easily summarized. From the beginning of the
text through sig. B4r (almost half of the book) the 1620 edition is reprinted,
with scattered additions amounting to a total of two and a quarter pages.
v begins a long, new passage,
which fills almost nine pages. This has to do first with the founding of
Plymouth colony, including some correspondence from there that seems not
to have been preserved elsewhere. Then comes a bit on the Virginia massacre,
which leads Smith to review his own career there (sig. C2v), including his
voyages among the Indians. This is logically followed by examples of some
difficulties in New England. Near the bottom of sig. C3v Smith opens an
indirect defense of himself against those who accuse him of being unlucky.
Neither the accusation nor the defense seems unusual, granted the
bent of the times and Smith's bias against people who sit at home and
risk nothing. Finally, almost all of sig. D (eight pages) is devoted to
for New England, the bulk of it from the first edition.
Though this volume is not a weighty one, it contains some additional
matter of value (particularly, sigs. B4v-C1v). It is well worth reading and
pondering for its position in the Smith corpus and for the glimpse it gives of
Smith's real interest in New England, as well as of the increased breadth of
his reading. Possibly the most important part of the book lies in the
of the New England voyages from his own first voyage in 1614
to about October 16, 1622.6
[The editor is grateful to the British Library for permission to reproduce this title page.]
1. Description of N.E., 37.
2. Samuel Eliot Morison, Builders of the Bay Colony (Boston and New York, 1930), 12-13.
3. Advertisements, 2.
4. Sig. C2v, below.
5. See sig. D4r, below. These and other points are brought out in Everett H. Emerson's
Captain John Smith (Boston, 1971), 109-112.
6. See sig. C3v, below.
[A2 r]
Sir,
When scarce any would beleeve mee there was any such matter,
your Highnesse did not disdaine to accept my description, and calld
that New England, whose barbarous names you changed for such
English, that none can denie but Prince Charles is the Godfather.
Whereby I am bound in all reason and dutie to give you the best
account I can how your child || doth prosper: and although as yet it
is not much unlike the Father in fortune, onely used as an instrument
for other mens ends; yet the grace you bestowed on it by your
Princely favour, hath drawn so many judgments now to behold it,
that I hope shall find, it will give content to your Highnesse,
to them, and so increase the number of well-willers, New
England will be able to reject her maligners, and attend Prince
Charles with her dutifull obedience, with a trophie of honour, and a
kingdome for a Prince. Therefore the great worke contained in this
little booke, humbly desires your Princely patronage. No more but
sacring all my best abilities to the exquisite judgement of your
vertues, I humbly kisse your gracious hands.
[A2 v]
1. Charles was not yet 22 at the time; see the date supplied on sig. C3v.
[A3 r]
Right Honorable,
I confesse it were more proper for me to be doing what I say,
then writing what I know: but that it is not my fault, there is many
a hundreth can testifie, if they please to remember what paines I have
taken both particularly and generally to make this worke knowne,
and procure meanes to put it in practise. What calumniations,
doubts, or other mispritions hath opposed my endevours, I had
rather forget then remember, but still to expresse my forwardnesse,2
to the consideration of your favourable constructions I present this
short discourse of the proceedings and present estate of New
if you please to peruse it, and make use of it, I am richly
rewarded, though || they be but the collections and observations of a
plaine souldier, yet if you please to grace them with your
and good acceptance, I shall therein thinke my selfe happie,
and hope that those labours may in time returne you such fruites as
hereafter may perswade you to pardon this boldnesse, and accept
them to be your honest servants.
[A3 v]
2. Eagerness to serve, zeal.
[A4 r]
CONCERNING the description of this
Countrey, six yeares ago I writ so largely,
as in briefe I hope this may suffice you to
remember,1
America, betwixt the Degrees of 41. and
45. the very meane betwixt the North Pole
and the Line. From 43. to 45. the coast is
mountainous, rockie, barren and broken
Iles that make many good harbours. The
water is deepe, close to the shore; there
are many rivers and fresh springs: few Salvages, but an incredible
abundance of fish, fowle, wilde fruits, and good timber. From 43. to
41. and a half, an excellent mixed coast of stone, sand and clay,
much corne, many people, some Iles, many good harbours, a
aire, and therein all things necessary for the building ships of
any proportion, and good merchandize for their fraught, within a
square of 12 leagues: 25 harbours I sounded; 30 severall Lordships I
saw, and so neare as I could imagine, 3000 men. I was up one river
fortie miles, crossed the mouths of many, whose heads are reported
to be great lakes; where they kill their || Bevers; inhabited with many
people, who trade with those of New England, and them of Cannada.
[A4 v]
He saith that it is more then 44 yeares ago, and it is more then
40 yeares since he writ it, that the Herring Busses out of the
under the King of Spaine, were 500. besides 100
and three or foure hundred saile of Flemmings.
The coasts of Wales and Lancashire was used by 300 saile of
strangers.
Ireland at Baltemore fraughted yearely 300 saile of Spaniards,
because of the strait, to have tribute for fishing.
Blacke Rocke was yearely fished by three or foure hundred saile
of Spaniards, Portugals and Biskiners.
1. After these few introductory lines Smith reprinted the entire 1620 edition of New
Englands Trials, with some trivial changes, the omission of a few lines, and additional
material that amounts to about 44% of the whole. To avoid duplication of the
to the previous work, attention will be called to all material changes in the text,
but the annotation will be restricted, with a very few exceptions, to the new material.
2. On John Dee, see New Englands Trials (1620), sig. B1vn.
The Hollanders raise yearely by Herring, Cod, and Ling,
3000000 pounds.
English and French by Salt-fish, poore John, Salmons and
Pilchards, 300000 pounds.
Hambrough and the Sound, for Sturgion, Lobsters and Eeles,
100000 pounds.
Cape Blanke for Tunny and Mullit, by the Biskiners and
30000 pounds.
[B1 r]
That the Duke of Medina receiveth yearely tribute of the fishers
for Tunny, Mullit and Purgos, more then 10000 pounds.
Lubeck hath 700 ships: Hambrough 600: Embden lately a
fisher towne, 1400. whose customes by the profit of fishing hath made
them so powerfull as they be.
Holland and Zeland, not much greater then Yorkshire, hath
thirtie walled townes, 400 villages, and 20000 saile of shippes and
hoyes; 3600 are fishermen, whereof 100 are Doggers, 700 Pinckes and
Welbotes, 700 Frand botes, Britters3
Busses, besides three hundred that yearely fish about Yarmouth,
where they sell their fish for gold; and fifteene yeares ago they had
more then 116000 sea-faring men.
These fishing ships do take yearely 200000 Last of fish, twelve
barrels to a Last, which amounted to 3000000 pounds by the
price, that 14 yeares ago did pay for their tenths 300000 pound;
which venting in Pumerland, Sprussia, Denmarke, Lefland, Russia,
Swethland, Germany, Netherlands, England, or elsewhere, etc.
make their returnes in a yeare about 7000000 pounds; and yet in
Holland they have neither matter to build ships, nor merchandize
to set them foorth; yet by their industrie they as much increase, as
other Nations decay. But leaving these uncertainties as they are,
of this I am certaine, || That the coast of England, Scotland, and
Ireland, the North Sea, with Ireland4
land and Cape Blanke, do serve all Europe, as well the land Townes
which is transported, from whence it is taken, many a thousand mile,
viz.
[B1 v]
Now seeing all these sorts of fish, or the most part of them, may
be had in a land more fertile, temperate, and plentifull of all
for the building of ships, boates and houses, and the
of man; the seasons are so proper, and the fishings so neare the
habitations we may there make, that New England hath much
of the most of those parts, to serve all Europe farre cheaper
then they can, who at home have neither wood, salt, nor food, but at
great rates; at Sea nothing but what they carry in their ships, an
hundred or two hundred leagues from their habitation.
But New Englands fishings is neare land, where is helpe of wood,
water, fruites, fowles, corne, or other refreshings needfull; and the
Terceras, Mederas, Canaries, Spaine, Portugale, Provance, Savoy,
Sicilia, and all Italy, as convenient markets for our dry Fish, greene
Fish, Sturgion, Mullit, Caviare, and Buttargo, as Norway,
Littuania or Germany, for their Herring, which is here also in
abundance for taking; they returning but wood, pitch, tarre,
cordage, flaxe, waxe, and such like commodities: we, wines,
oyles, sugars, silks, || and such merchandize as the Straits affoord,
whereby our profit may equalize theirs; besides the increase of
and Mariners. And for proofe hereof:
[B2 r]
With two ships sent out at the charge of Captain Marmaduke
Roydon, Captain George Langam, Master John Buley and W. 5
I went from the Downes the third of March, and arived in New
England the last of April, where I was to have stayed6
men to keep possession of those large territories, had the Whales
proved, as curious information had assured me and my adventurers,
(but those things failed.) So having but fortie five men and boyes, we
built seven boates, 37 did fish; my selfe with eight others ranging the
coast, I tooke a plot of what I could see, got acquaintance of the
40000 of drie fish we sent for Spaine; with the salt fish, traine oile and
Furres, I returned for England the 18 of July, and arived safe with
my company the latter end of August. Thus in six moneths I made
my voyage out and home; and by the labour of 45, got neare the
value of 1500 pounds in those grosse commodities. This yeare also
one went from Plimmoth, set out by divers of the Isle of Wight and
the West country, by the directions and instructions of Sir
Gorge, spent their victuals, and returned with nothing.1
1614.
The Virginia Company upon this sent 4 good ships; and because
I would not undertake it for them, having ingaged my selfe to them
of the West, the Londoners entertained the men that came home
with me. They set saile in January, and arived there in March; they
found fish enough untill halfe June, fraughted a ship of 300 Tuns,
|| went for Spaine, which was taken by the Turks; one went to
to relieve that Colonie, and two came for England with the
greene fish, traine oile and Furres within six moneths.
1615.
[B2 v]
In January2
Gentlemen wel furnished, I went from London to the foure ships
was promised, prepared for me in the West country, but I found no
such matter; notwithstanding at the last with a labyrinth of trouble
I went from Plimmoth with a ship of 200 Tuns, and one of fiftie:
when the fishing was done onely with 15 I was to stay in the country;
but ill weather breaking all my masts, I was forced to returne to
Plimmoth, where rather then lose all, reimbarking my selfe in a Bark
of 60 Tuns, how I escaped the English pyrates and the French, and
was betrayed by foure French men of warre, I referre you to the
Description of New England: but my Vice-Admirall,
the latenesse of the yeare, setting forth with me in March, the
Londoners in January, she arived in May, they in March, yet came
home well fraught in August, and all her men well, within 5 months,
odde days.
1615.
The Londoners ere I returned from France, for all their losse by
the Turks, which was valued about 4000 pounds, sent two more in
July; but such courses they took by the Canaries to the West Indies,
it was ten moneths ere they arived in New England, wasting in that
time their seasons, victuall and healths, yet there they found meanes
to refresh themselves, and the one returned, neare fraught with fish
and traine, within 2 moneths after.
1616.
From Plimmoth went 4 ships, onely to fish and trade, some in
Februarie, some in March, one of 200 Tuns got thither in a month,
fraught, and their men well, within five moneths, odde dayes.
1616.
[B3 r]
From London went two more, one of 200 Tuns, got thither in
six weeks, and within six weeks after with 44 men and boyes was full
fraught, and returned again into England within five moneths and
a few daies; the other went to the Canaries with drie fish, which they
sold at a great rate, for Rials of 8, and as I heard turned pirats.
1616.
I being at Plimmoth provided with 3 good ships, yet but fifteen
men3
as was many a hundred saile more, so that the season being past, the
ships went for New-found-land, whereby my designe was frustrate,
which was to me and my friends no small losse, in regard whereof4
here the Westerne Commissioners in the behalfe of themselves and
the rest of the Companie, contracted with me by articles indented
under our hands, to be Admirall of that Country during my life, and
in the renewing of their Letters pattents so to be nominated, halfe the
fruits of our endevours theirs, the rest our owne; being thus ingaged,
now the businesse doth prosper, some of them would willingly forget
me; but I am not the first they have deceived.
1617.
There was foure good ships prepared at Plimmoth, but by
reason of their disagreement, the season so wasted, as onely 2 went
forward, the one being of 200 Tuns, returned well fraught for
and her men in health, within five moneths; the other of 80
Tuns, went for Bilbow with drie fish, and made a good returne. In
this voyage5
that had bin with me in Virginia, and seven yeares after went with
me from Plimoth towards || New England with Thomas Dirmer an
understanding and an industrious Gentleman to inhabite it; all
whose names with our proceedings you may reade at large in my
description of New England, upon triall before the Judge of the
Admiraltie, how when we had past the worst, for pure cowardize the
Maister and sailers ran away with the ship and all I had, and left me
alone among 8 or 9 French men of Warre in the yeare 1615. This
Stallings went now againe in those ships, and having some wrong
offered him in New England by a French man, he tooke him, and as
them for such commodities as they might spare; he knew both these
countries well, yet he promised me the next Spring to meet me in
New England; but the ship and he perished in Virginia.
1618.
[B3 v]
This yeare againe, divers ships intending to go from Plimmoth,
so disagreed, as there went but one of 200 Tuns, who stayed in the
country about 6 weeks, with 38 men and boyes, had her fraught,
which she sold at the first penie, for 2100 pounds, besides the Furres:
so that every poore sailer that had but a single share, had his charges,
and 16.l. 10.s. for his seven moneths worke.6
having lived about a yeare in New-found-land, returning to
went for New England in this ship, and not only confirmes
what I have writ, but so much more approved of it, that he stayed
there with five or six men in a little boate; finding 2 or 3 Frenchmen
among the savages, who had lost their ship, augmented his
with whom he ranged the coast to Virginia, where he was
kindly welcomed and well refreshed; thence returned to || New
again, where having bin a yeare, in his back-returne to
he was so wounded by the savages, he died upon it, them
escaped were relieved at Virginia. Let not men attribute their great
adventures and untimely deaths to unfortunatenesse, but rather
wonder how God did so long preserve them, with so small meanes to
do so much, leaving the fruits of their labours to be an
to those our poore undertakings; and this for advantage as they
writ unto me, that God had laid this Country open for us, and slaine
the most part of the inhabitants by cruell warres and a mortall
disease;7
to be found. From Pembrocks bay8
from thence to Cape An, some 30; from Taulbuts bay to the River
Charles, about 40, and not any of them touched with any sicknes,
but one poore Frenchman that died.
1619.
[B4 r]
For to make triall this yeare there is gone 6 or 7 saile from the
West country, onely to fish, three of whom are returned, and as I was
certainly informed, made so good a voyage, that every sailer for a
single share had 20 pounds for his 7 moneths work, which is more
then in 20 moneths he should have gotten had he gone for wages any
where. Now though all the former ships have not made such good
voyages as they expected, by sending opinionated unskilfull men,
that there was; which now patience and practise hath brought to a
reasonable kind of perfection: in despite of all detractors and
the Country yet hath satisfied all, the defect hath bin in
their using or abusing it, not in it selfe nor me.
1620.
3. For the nomenclature of these vessels, see ibid., sig. B2rn.
4. Iceland. See the Generall Historie, 228n.
5. Two lines have been added here in this edition (cf. New Englands Trials [1620],
sig. B3r), giving the names of Smith's backers. Marmaduke Roydon (also Rawdon,
knighted 1643), a merchant who "married money," was one of the first planters (1627)
in Barbados (see the Biographical Directory, s.v. "Rawdon"). William Skelton was a
London merchant. Capt. George Langham seems to have been from Bury St. Edmunds,
Suffolk. Master John Buley is otherwise unknown. See Philip L. Barbour, The Three
Worlds of Captain John Smith (Boston, 1964), 305-306.
6. The material from here to the end of the sentence has been added to this edition.
1. This last sentence has been added to this edition. The reference is to Capt.
Nicholas Hobson's voyage, which began in June 1614 (see James Phinney Baxter, Sir
Ferdinando Gorges and His Province of Maine ... [Prince Society (Boston, 1890)], I, 97n).
2. Most of the first half of this paragraph is new to this edition (with the exception
of the "labyrinth"), but adds little.
3. The detail about the number of men has been added to this edition.
4. The rest of this paragraph is new to this edition; the most significant new part is
the explanation of how Smith came to have the title of "Admirall of that Country [New
England]." Although there is no record of this in surviving documents, and the editor
is inclined to think that there may have been a misunderstanding, Smith's continued
use of it to the end of his life, with no surviving protest from his "detractors," makes one
hesitant to assume the title was fabricated. See the Description of N.E., caption to the
facsimile title page.
5. "Bilbow" was a frequent spelling of Bilbao, Spain. The rest of this paragraph has
been added in this edition. Smith and Sir Ferdinando Gorges are the chief sources for
information here (see the excellent account in Richard Arthur Preston, Gorges of Plymouth
Fort: A Life of Sir Ferdinando Gorges, Captain of Plymouth Fort, Governor of New England, and
Lord of the Province of Maine [Toronto, 1953], 162-164, and pertinent nn.).
6. A two-line clause of what "some of the company say" has been omitted in this
edition. Perhaps it was unfounded. All the rest of the paragraph is new to this edition,
and most of it is confirmed in Preston, Gorges of Plymouth Fort, 162-164.
7. There is a full note on this in Alexander Young, Chronicles of the Pilgrim Fathers of
the Colony of Plymouth, from 1602-1625 (Boston, 1844), 183-185. The editor would hazard
a surmise that the "mortal disease" was smallpox, carried probably by some French
sailor.
8. Smith's "Pembrocks bay" is modern Penobscot Bay; "Harrin[g]tons bay" is
Casco Bay; "Cape An[ne]" is unchanged; "Taulbuts [Talbots] bay" is Salem harbor;
and "River Charles" is unchanged.
[B4 v]
Upon these inducements some few well disposed Gentlemen and
Merchants of London and other places provided two ships, the one
of 160 Tunnes, the other of 70; they left the coast of England the 23
of August, with about 120 persons, but the next day the lesser ship
sprung a leake, that forced their returne to Plimmoth, where
her and 20 passengers, with the great ship and a hundred
persons besides sailers, they set saile againe the sixt of September, and
the ninth of November fell with Cape James;1
weeks in this leaking unwholsome ship, lying wet in their cabbins,
most of them grew very weake, and weary of the sea, then for want
of experience ranging to and again, six weeks before they found a
place they liked to dwell on, forced to lie on the bare ground without
coverture in the extremitie of Winter, fortie of them died,2
fift of April following, and arived in England the sixt of May.
1620.
Immediatly after her arivall, from London they sent another of
55 Tunnes3
beginning of July, but being crossed by Westerly winds, it was the
end of August ere they could passe Plimmoth, and arived at New
Plimmoth in New England the eleventh of November, where they
found all the people they left in April, as is said, lustie and in good
health, except six that died. Within a moneth they returned here for
England, laded with clapboord, wainscot and walnut, with about
three hogsheads of Bever skins, || and some Saxefras, the 13 of 4
and drawing neare our coast, was taken by a Frenchman,
set out by the Marquis of Cera,5
Poytou, where they kept the ship, imprisoned the Master and
took from them to the value of about 500 pounds; and after 14
days sent them home with a poore supply of victuall, their owne
being devoured by the Marquis and his hungry servants; they arived
at London the 14 of Februarie, leaving all them they found and
caried to New England well and in health, with victuall and corne
sufficient till the next harvest.
1620.
[C1 r]
9. This is of course the Plymouth colony. From here to the middle of sig. C4v all the
material is new to this edition. For those who do not want to investigate such thorough
documentation as is to be found in William Bradford's Plymouth Plantation or Alexander
Young's Chronicles of the Pilgrim Fathers, the editor can suggest the succinct and highly
readable summary of what happened in Samuel Eliot Morison's "The Plymouth Colony
and Virginia," Virginia Magazine of History and Biography, LXII (1954), 147-165. In an
even lighter vein (one that Smith would surely have found to his liking), three years
after Morison's article was published, some "Verses on the Puritan Settlement in
America" were accidentally found in the Nottinghamshire Record Office. The date of
these is c. 1631, and the author unknown. The editor offers the first two stanzas as an
example of that lighter view toward the Pilgrims:
(A Nottinghamshire Miscellany, Thoroton Society, Record Series, XXI [1962], 37-39).
1. Cape Cod; Smith's flattery never took root.
2. The "exact bill of mortality" was 44 dead, out of a total of 100 (Young, Chronicles,
198n).
3. This ship was the Fortune.
4. On the Fortune's stay, see William Bradford, Of Plymouth Plantation, 1620-1647,
ed. Samuel Eliot Morison (New York, 1952), 90-96.
5. The marquis was Jean de Rieux, marquis d'Assérac, sieur de l'Île d'Yeu, Poitou
(confirmed in the provincial archives at La Roche-sur-Yon). The full story of what
happened is in a document preserved in the P.R.O., which is transcribed in full in
Edward Arber, The Story of the Pilgrim Fathers, 1606-1623 A.D. ... (London, 1897),
506-508. The English ship involved was the Fortune (see n. above), which was on her
way home. Seized by a French man-of-war on Jan. 19, 1622, "some eight leagues off
Use," she was escorted to that island. Assérac examined the ship's papers, and despite
their proven innocence, the entire ship's company of 13 persons were pillaged, the cargo
was rifled, and even private letters from Plymouth to England were confiscated. The
commodities alone were worth "£400 at the least." But after 13 days' detention, a young
Frenchman who spoke English got them freed on the condition that they sign a paper
swearing that Assérac had taken only two hogsheads of skins.
Loving cousin,6
we found all our friends and planters in good health, though
they were left sicke and weake with very small meanes, the Indians
round about us peaceable and friendly, the country very pleasant
and temperate, yeelding naturally of it self great store of fruites, as
vines of divers sorts in great abundance; there is likewise walnuts,
chesnuts, small nuts and plums, with much varietie of flowers, rootes,
and herbs, no lesse pleasant then wholsome and profitable: no place
hath more goose-berries and straw-berries, nor better, Timber of all
sorts you have in England, doth cover the Land, that affoords beasts
Partriges: many great lakes abounding with fish, fowle, Bevers and
Otters. The sea affoords us as great plenty of all excellent sorts of
as the rivers and Iles doth varietie of wilde fowle of most usefull
sorts. Mines we find to our thinking, but neither the goodnesse nor
qualitie we know.7
we will plant it upon as good ground as a man need desire. We are
all free-holders, the rent day doth not trouble us, and all those good
blessings we have, of which and what we list in their seasons for
taking. Our companie are for || most part very religious honest
people; the word of God sincerely taught us every Sabbath: so that
I know not any thing a contented mind can here want. I desire your
friendly care to send my wife and children to me, where I wish all
the friends I have in England, and so I rest
New
[C1 v]
From the West country went ten or twelve ships to fish, which
were all well fraughted; those that came first at Bilbow made 17
pounds a single share, besides Bever, Otters and Martins skins; but
some of the rest that came to the same ports that were already
so glutted the market, their price was abated, yet all returned
so well contented, they are a preparing to go againe.
1621.
There is gone from the West of England onely to fish8
and about the last of April two more from London, the one of 100
Tuns, the other of 30, with some 60 passengers to supply the 9
with all necessary provisions. Now though the Turke and
French hath bin somewhat too busie, would all the Christian Princes
but be truly at unitie, as his royall Majestie our Soveraigne Lord and
King desireth, 70 saile of good ships were sufficient to fire the most of
his coasts in the Levant, and make such a guard in the straits of
Hellespont, as would make the great Turke himselfe more afraid in
Constantinople, then the smallest red crosse that crosses the seas
would be, either of any French Piccaroun, or the pirats of Argere.1
1622.
6. This letter has been reprinted in Young, Chronicles, 250-251, with a note
the author, William Hilton, and his brother Edward, "fishmongers of London."
7. I.e., Hilton and his people thought that there were mines in the region, but they
did not really know.
8. Smith stresses the point that still no colony was being planned.
9. Arber points out that this was Thomas Weston's plantation at Wessagusset
(Edward Arber, ed., Captain John Smith ... Works, 1608-1631, The English Scholar's
Library Edition, No. 16 [Birmingham, 1884], 261), about which Governor Bradford
wrote lengthily and bitterly (Plymouth Plantation, 113-121).
1. "Picarón" was a Spanish name for "corsair," or "privateer." Algiers was a noted
haven for pirates (Smith's spelling was in line with the "Argier" of some English
and travelers).
Since the newes of the massacre in Virginia, though the Indians
before; for their hands hath bin || embrued in much English blood,
onely by too much confidence, but not by force.2
[C2 r]
Here I must intreate a little your favours to digresse. They did
not kill the English because they were Christians, but for their
weapons and commodities, that were rare novelties; but now they
feare we may beate them out of their dens, which Lions and Tygers
would not admit but by force. But must this be an argument for an
English man, or discourage any either in Virginia or New England?
No: for I have tried them both. For Virginia, I kept that country
with 38, and had not to eate but what we had from the savages. When
I had ten men able to go abroad, our common wealth was very
strong: with such a number I ranged that unknown country 14
weeks; I had but 18 to subdue them all, with which great army I
stayed six weekes before their greatest Kings habitations, till they
had gathered together all the power they could; and yet the
sent at a needlesse excessive charge did helpe Powhatan how to
betray me.3
Of their numbers we were uncertaine; but them two honorable
Gentlemen (Captaine George Percie and Captaine Francis West),
two of the Phittiplaces, and some other such noble gentlemen and
resolute spirits bore their shares with me, and now living in England,
did see me take this murdering Opechankanough now their great
King by the long locke on his head, with my pistole at his breast, I
led him among his greatest forces, and before we parted made him
fill our Bark of twenty Tuns with corne. When their owne wants was
such, I have given || them part againe in pittie, and others have
bought it againe to plant their fields.
[C2 v]
For wronging a souldier but the value of a peny, I have caused
Powhatan send his owne men to James Towne to receive their
punishment at my discretion. It is true in our greatest extremitie
they shot me, slue three of my men, and by the folly of them that fled
tooke me prisoner; yet God made Pocahontas the Kings daughter
the meanes to deliver me: and thereby taught me to know their
trecheries to preserve the rest. It was also my chance in single combat
to take the King of Paspahegh prisoner, and by keeping him, forced
his subjects to worke in chaines, till I made all the country pay
having little else whereon to live.
Twise in this time I was their President,4
was much blamed both there and here: yet I left 500 behind me that
through their confidence5
you may reade at large in the description of Virginia.6
first to those desperate designes, it cost me many a forgotten pound
to hire men to go; and procrastination caused more run away then
went. But after the ice was broken, came many brave voluntaries:
notwithstanding since I came from thence, the honorable Company
have bin humble suiters to his Majestie to get vagabonds and
men7
Virginia, some did chuse to be hanged ere they would go thither, and
were: yet for all the worst of spite, detraction and || discouragement,
and this lamentable massacre, there is more honest men now suters8
to go, then ever hath bin constrained knaves; and it is not unknown
to most men of understanding, how happie many of those 9
doe thinke themselves, that they might be admitted, and
yet pay for their passage to go now to Virginia: and had I but meanes
to transport as many as would go, I might have choise of 10000 that
would gladly be in any of those new places, which were so basely
contemned by ungratefull base minds.
[C3 r]
To range this countrey of New England in like maner I had but
eight, as is said, and amongst their bruite1
their silly incounters, and without any hurt, God be thanked; when
your West country men were many of them wounded and much
with the savages that assaulted their ship, as they did say
themselves, in the first yeare I was there 1614.2
Hunt then Master with me did most basely in stealing some savages
from that coast to sel, when he was directed to have gone for Spaine,
yet that place was so remote from Capawuck, where Epenew should
have fraughted them with gold ore, his fault could be no cause of
their bad successe, however it is alledged for an excuse. I speake not
this out of vainglory, as it may be some gleaners,3
there may censure me, but to let all men be assured by those
betray our country men. But to the purpose.
What is already writ of the healthfulnesse of the aire, || the
of the soile, the goodnes of the woods, the abundance of fruits,
fish, and fowle in their season, they stil affirm that have bin there
now neare 2 yeares, and at one draught they have taken 1000 basses,
and in one night twelve hogsheads of herring. They are building a
strong fort, they hope shortly to finish, in the interim they are wel
provided: their number is about a hundred persons, all in health, and
well neare 60 acres of ground well planted with corne, besides their
gardens well replenished with useful fruits; and if their Adventurers
would but furnish them with necessaries for fishing, their wants
would quickly be supplied. To supply them this 16 of October is
going the Paragon with 67 persons, and all this is done by privat mens
purses. And to conclude in their owne words, should they write of all
plenties they have found, they thinke they should not be beleeved.4
[C3 v]
For the 26 saile of ships, the most I can yet understand is, Master
Ambrose Jennens of London, and Master Abraham Jennens of
sent (their Abraham) a ship of 220 Tuns, and the Nightingale of
Porchmouth of 100. whose fish at the first penie came to 3150 pounds:
in all they were 35 saile: and where in Newfound land they shared
six or seven pounds for a common man, in New England they shared
14 pounds; besides six Dutch and French ships made wonderfull
returnes in furres.5
Thus you may see plainely the yearely successe from New
(by Virginia) which hath bin so costly to this kingdome and
so deare to me, which either to see perish or but bleed, pardon me
though it passionate me beyond the bounds of modestie, to have bin
sufficiently able to foresee it, and had neither power nor meanes how
to prevent it. By that || acquaintance I have with them, I may call
them my children, for they have bin my wife, my hawks, my hounds,
my cards, my dice, and in totall my best content, as indifferent to my
heart as my left hand to my right; and notwithstanding all those
miracles of disasters6
not one English man remaining (as God be thanked there is some
thousands) I would yet begin againe with as small meanes as I did
at the first; not for that I have any secret encouragement from any I
I can yet heare of, are but pigs of my owne sowe; nor more strange to
me then to heare one tell me he hath gone from Billings gate and
Greenwich, Gravesend, Tilbery, Quinborow, Lee and
Margit,7
in England, might be made seem some rare secrets and great
unknowne, except the relations of Master Dirmer.8
[C4 r]
In England some are held great travelers that have seene Venice
and Rome, Madrill and Algere, Prague or Ragousa, Constantinople
or Jerusalem, and the Piramides of Egypt; that thinke it nothing to
go to the Summer Iles or Virginia,9
and I hope in time will prove a more profitable and a more laudable
journey. As for the danger, you see our Ladies and Gentlewomen
account it nothing now to go thither; and therefore I hope all good
men will better apprehend it, and not suffer them to languish in
despaire, whom God so wonderfully and so oft hath preserved.
What here I have writ by relation, if it be not || right, I humbly
intreate your pardons, but I have not spared any diligence to learne
the truth of them that have bin actors or sharers in those voyages: in
some particulars they might deceive me, but in the substances they
could not, for few could tell me any thing, except where they fished:
but seeing all those1
writ, I doubt not but all those testimonies with these new begun
of plantation, will move both Citie and Country freely to
adventure with me and my partners more then promises, seeing I
have from his Majestie Letters Pattents, such honest, free and large
conditions assured me from his Commissioners,2
any honest understanding.
[C4 v]
But because some fortune tellers saith, I am unfortunate; had
they spent their time as I have done, they would rather beleeve in
God then their calculations, and peradventure have given as bad
account of their actions; and therefore I intreat leave to answer those
objectors, that think it strange if this be true,3
use of it, and rest so long without emploiment, and hath no more
reward nor preferment: to which I say:
I thinke it more strange they should taxe me before they have
tried as much as I have both by land and sea, as well in Asia and
Africa, as Europe and America, where my commanders were actors
or spectators, they alwaies so freely rewarded me, I never needed to
importunate, or could I ever learne to beg; what there I got, I have
thus spent: these sixteen yeares4
money ac- || cording to my abilitie, first to procure his Majesties
Letters pattents, and a Company here to be the means to raise a
to go with me to Virginia, as is said: which beginning here and
there cost me neare 5 yeares worke, and more then 500 pounds of my
owne estate, besides all the dangers, miseries and incumbrances I
endured gratis, where I stayed till I left 500 better provided then ever
I was; from which blessed Virgin (ere I returned) sprung the
habitation of Somer Iles.
[D1 r]
This Virgins sister, now called New England, an. 1616. at my
humble suit by our most gracious Prince Charles hath bin neare as
chargeable to me and my friends: for all which although I never got
shilling, but it cost me many a pound, yet I thinke my selfe happie to
see their prosperities.
If it yet trouble a multitude to proceed upon these certainties,
what think you I undertook when nothing was knowne, but that
there was a vast land; I never had power and meanes to do any
thing, though more hath bin spent in formall delayes then would
have done the businesse; but in such a penurious and miserable
manner as if I had gone a begging to build an universitie: where had
men bin as forward to adventure their purses and performe the
they promised me, as to crop the fruites of my labours,
ere this had bin bettered by these designes. Thus betwixt the
spur of Desire and the bridle of Reason I am neare ridden to death
in a ring of despaire; the raines are in your hands, therefore I intreate
you to ease me: and those that think I am either idle or unfortunate,
may see the cause, and know: unlesse I did see better dealing, I have
had warning enough, not to be so forward again at every motion
upon their promises, unlesse I intended || nothing but to cary newes.
For now they dare adventure a ship, that when I went first, would
not adventure a groate, so they may be at home again by
which makes me remember Master Hackluts; oh incredulitie!
the wit of fooles, that slovenly do spit at all things faire; a sluggards
cradle, a cowards castle, how easie it is to be an infidell:5
purpose.
[D1 v]
By this all men may perceive the ordinary performance of this
voyage in five or six moneths, the plenty of fish is most certainly
approved: and it is certain, from Cannada and New England within
these six yeares hath come neare 20000 Bever skins. Now had each
of those ships transported but some small quantitie of the most
beasts, fowles, fruit,6
time their increase might have bin sufficient for a thousand men. But
the desire of present gain (in many) is so violent, and the endevors of
many undertakers so negligent, every one so regarding their private
gaine, that it is hard to effect any publick good, and impossible to
bring them into a body, rule, or order, unlesse both authoritie and
mony assist experiences. It is not a worke for every one to plant a
Colonie; but when a house is built, it is no hard matter to dwell in
it. This requireth all the best parts of art, judgement, courage,
honestie, constancie, diligence and experience to do but neare well:
your home bred ingrossing projectors7
betwixt saying and doing. But to conclude, the fishing wil go
forward if you plant it or no; whereby a Colonie may be transported
with no great charge, that in a short time might provide such
fraughts to buy of us there dwelling, as I would hope no ship should
go or come empty from New England.
The charge of this is onely salt, nets, hookes, lines, knives, Irish
rugs, course cloth, beades, glasse, and such trash, onely for fishing and
trade with the savages, beside our owne necessary provisions, whose
endevours wil quickly defray all this charge; and the savages have
intreated me to inhabite where I will. Now all these ships, till this
last yeare, have bin fished within a square of two or 3 leagues, and
not one of them all would adventure any further, where
500 saile may have their fraught better then in Island,
or elsewhere, and be in their markets before the other can
have their fish in their ships, because New Englands fishing begins
with February, the other not till mid May; the progression hereof
whose emptie ships may take in their fraught there, and would be a
good friend in time of need to the inhabitants of New foundland.
[D2 r]
The returnes made by the Westerne ships, are commonly
into three parts, one for the owner of the ship, another for the
Master and his companie, the third for the victuallers: which course
being still permitted, wil be no hindrance to the plantation, go there
never so many, but a meanes of transporting that yearly for little or
nothing, which otherwise will cost many a hundred of pounds.
If a ship can gaine twentie, thirtie, fiftie in the 100, nay 300 for
100. in 7 moneths, as you see they have done, spending twise so much
time in going and coming as in staying there: were I there planted,
seeing the varietie of the fishings in their seasons serveth the most part
of the yeare, and with a little labour we might make all the salt we
need use. I can conceive no reason to di- || strust, but the doubling
and trebling their gaines that are at all the former charge, and can
fish but two moneths in a yeare: and if those do give 20. 30. or 40.
shillings for an acre of land, or ship carpenters, forgers of iron, etc.
that buy all things at a deare rate, grow rich; when they may have
as good of all needful necessaries for taking (in my opinion) should
not grow poore; and no commodity in Europe doth more decay then
wood.
[D2 v]
Master Dee recordeth in his Brittish Monarchie, that King
Edgar8
progresse about this famous Monarchie of Great Brittaine, largely
declaring the benefit thereof: whereupon it seemes he projected to
our most memorable Queene Elizabeth, the erecting of a Fleete of
60 saile, he called a little Navie Royall; imitating the admired
Pericles, Prince of Athens, that could never secure that tormented
estate, untill he was Lord and Captain of the Sea.
At this none need wonder; for who knowes not, her Royall
Majestie during her life, by the incredible adventures of her Royall
Navy, and valiant souldiers and sea-men, notwithstanding all
at home, the protecting and defending France and Holland,
and reconquering Ireland, yet all the world by sea or land both
feared, loved, and admired good Queen Elizabeth.
Both to maintaine and increase that incomparable honour (God
be thanked) to her incomparable Successour, our most Royall Lord
and Soveraigne King James, etc. this great Philosopher hath left this
to his Majestie and his kingdomes consideration: That if the Tenths
of the Earth be proper to God, it is also due by Sea: the Kings high
wayes are common to passe, but not to dig for Mines or any thing;
so Englands coasts || are free to passe, but not to fish, but by his
Majesties prerogative.
[D3 r]
His Majesty of Spaine permits none to passe the Popes order for
the East and West Indies, but by his permission, or at their perils. If
all that world be so justly theirs, it is no injustice for England to make
as much use of her own shores as strangers do, that pay to their own
Lords the tenth, and not to the owner of those liberties any thing to
speake of; whose subjects may neither take nor sell any in their
which small tribute would maintain this little Navie Royall,
and not cost his Majestie a penny; and yet maintaine peace with all
forreiners, and allow them more courtesie, then any nation in the
world affoords to England.
It were a shame to alledge, that Holland is more worthy to
enjoy our fishings as Lords thereof, because they have more skill to
handle it then we, as they can our wooll and undressed cloth,
all their wars and troublesome disorders.
To get mony to build this Navy, he saith, who would not spare
the 100 peny of his Rents, and the 500 peny of his goods; each servant
that taketh 40.s. wages, 4.d; and every forreiner of 7 yeares of age
4.d. for 7 yeares: not any of these but they will spend 3 times so much
in pride, wantonnesse, or some superfluitie. And do any men love
the securitie of their estates, that of themselves would not be humble
suters to his Majestie to do this of free will as a voluntary
or but the one halfe of this, (or some such other course as I have
propounded to divers of the Companies) free from any constraint,
taxe, lottery or imposition, so it may be as honestly and truly
as it is projected, the poorest mechanick in this kingdom
would gaine by it.9
numbers you please, five times cheaper then you can do here, and
have good merchandize for their fraught in this unknowne land, to
the advancement of Gods glorie, his Church and Gospel and the
strengthening and reliefe of a great part of Christendome, without
hurt to any, to the terror of pyrats, the amazement10
assistance of friends, the securing11
of navigation to make Englands trade and shipping as much
as any nation in the world, besides a hundred other benefits, to the
generall good of all good subjects, and would cause thousands yet
unborn blesse1
[D3 v]
Now lest it should be obscured as it hath bin to private ends, or
so weakly undertaken by our overweening incredulitie, that strangers
may possesse it, whilest we contend for New Englands goods, but not
Englands good; I present this to your Highnes and to all the Lords
move all the worthy Companies of this noble Citie, and all the Cities
and Countries in the whole Land to consider of it, since I can finde
them wood and halfe victuall, with the aforesaid advantages, with
what facilitie they may build and maintaine this little Navie Royall,
both with honour, profit and content, and inhabite as good a country
as any in the world, within that parallel, which with my life and what
I have I wil endevour to effect, if God please, and you permit. But
no man will go from hence,2
nor adventure all they have, to prepare the way for them that know
it not: and it is too well knowne there hath bin so many undertakers
of Patents and such sharing of them, as hath bred no lesse
ragement then wonder, to heare such great promises and so little
performances. In the interim, you see the Dutch and French already
frequent it: and God forbid them in Virginia or any of his Majesties
subjects should not have as free libertie as they. To conclude, were it
not for Master Pierce3
have we there for all these inducements?
[D4 r]
ships went
from London,
set out by
Maister John
Farar and his
Partners. The
Bona nova 200
tunns. The
Hopwell 70
The Darling
40.
As for them whom pride or covetousnes lulleth asleep in a cradle
of slothfull carelesnes, would they but consider how all the great
Monarchies of the earth have bin brought to confusion; or but
the late lamentable experience of Constantinople; and how
many Cities, Townes and Provinces in the faire rich kingdoms of
Hungaria, Transilvania, Wallachia and Moldavia; and how many
thousands of Princes, Earles, Barons, Knights, Merchants and others,
have in one day lost goods, lives and honors; or sold for slaves like
beasts in a market place; their wives, children and servants slaine or
wandring they knew not whither, dying or living in all extremities of
extreame miseries and calamities. Surely they would not onely do
this, but give all they have to enjoy peace and libertie at home; or
but adventure their persons abroad, to prevent the conclusions of a
conquering foe, who commonly assaulteth and best prevaileth where
he findeth wealth and plentie (most armed) with ignorance and
securitie.
Though the true condition of war4
Prince Sigismundus Bather, Prince of those countries, against
them, whom under the colour of justice and pietie, to maintaine
their superfluitie of ambitious pride, thought all the world too little
to maintaine their vice, and undoe them, or || keepe them from abilitie
to do any thing that would not admire and adore their honors,
covetousnes, falshood, bribery, crueltie, extortion, and
which is worse then cowardize or ignorance, and all maner of
vildnesse,5
[D4 v]
Much more could I say, but lest I should be too tedious to your
more serious affaires, I humbly crave your honorable and favourable
constructions and pardons if any thing be amisse.
If any desire to be further satisfied, they may reade my
of Virginia and New England, and peruse them with their
severall Maps: what defect you finde in them, they shall find
in me or my authors, that thus freely hath throwne my selfe
with my mite into the Treasury of my Countries good, not doubting
but God will stir up some noble spirits to consider and examine if
worthy Collumbus could give the Spaniards any such certainties for
his designe, when Queene Isabel of Spaine set him foorth with fifteene
saile. And though I can promise no Mines of gold, yet the warlike
Hollanders let us imitate, but not hate, whose wealth and strength
are good testimonies of their treasure gotten by fishing. Therefore
(honorable and worthy Countrymen) let not the meannesse of the
word Fish distaste you, for it will afford as good gold as the mines of
Guiana or Tumbatu, with lesse hazard and charge, and more
and facilitie; and so I humbly rest.
2. According to Bradford, the first news of the massacre in Virginia was brought to
Plymouth by Capt. John Huddleston (May? 1622), and a fort was begun there in June
(Plymouth Plantation, 110-111). Smith's abstract adds a detail to the general picture.
3. This paragraph is an eloquent expression of Smith's attitude toward the Indians.
He continues with two practical examples of how he handled the Indians
and the king of Paspahegh) with little or no bloodshed.
4. This surely should read: "Twice [these things happened, when] I was their
President, and none can say. ..."
5. Smith apparently used the word here in the same sense as Richard Hooker in
the passage, "Their confidence, for the most part, riseth from too much credit given to
their own wits" (Of the Lawes of Ecclesiasticall Politie [London, (1593)-1597], as quoted
in the OED).
6. See the Proceedings, 105.
7. Although there certainly was talk of sending "criminals" to Virginia, little seems
actually to have been done in that direction just then.
8. Variant spelling of "suitors."
9. A misspelling or misprint of a rare variant of "calumniators."
1. Here "rough, rude, 'primitive.'" A few words further, "silly" means "feeble,
ineffectual."
2. Although Smith first refers to his own Master Hunt (who kidnapped Indians to
sell in Spain), his main reference here is to Gorges's expedition, at the end of which a
number of Englishmen and many Indians were hurt or slain (Gorges, "A briefe Relation
of the Discovery and Plantation of New England ...," in Baxter, Gorges and His Province,
I, 209-211).
3. Those who glean, or scrape together bits of scandal.
4. Although the precise source of Smith's information is not clear, the standard
sources of Plymouth history bear out Smith's statements (e.g., Bradford, Plymouth Plan-
tation, and A Relation or Journall ... of the English Plantation Setled at Plimoth ..., commonly
called "Mourt's Relation" [London, 1622]).
5. Little seems to be known about this obscure expedition. Abraham Jennings
(Jennens), a merchant of Plymouth (Devonshire), was earlier involved in litigation with
Gorges in connection with the Sagadahoc colony (Preston, Gorges of Plymouth Fort, 398-
399, n. 16). The unusual spelling "Porchmouth" is possibly due to confusion with the
older village of Porchester at the head of Portsmouth harbor.
6. As is often necessary for understanding Smith's text, the relative "which" or
"that" should be inserted for clarity.
7. Billingsgate port or quay (first mentioned in A.D. 979) was half a mi. W of Tower
Bridge and was one of the city's two docks with a customhouse for mooring vessels.
Greenwich, Gravesend (with Tilbury just opposite), and Leigh were all familiar ports
on the Thames; Queenborough on the Medway and Margate on the North Sea were
similar ports in Kent.
8. Thomas Dermer, an old associate, was by then far better informed about the
coast of New England than Smith was.
9. Something seems to be missing here, but the general drift is understandable.
1. Modern English would require "that" as the next word.
2. This matter of the "Commissioners" (the leaders of the North Virginia group,
organized in 1620 as the Council for New England) is intimately entangled with Smith's
title of "Admirall" (see sig. B3rn, above; and Description of N.E., caption of facsimile title
page). It is mentioned again in the Advertisements, 16.
3. Here Smith begins to return to the text of the 1620 edition, sig. B4v.
4. The number has been changed from "fourteene" in the 1620 New Englands Trials
to "sixteen" here, and the following passage as far as "till I left 500" has been shortened
and made more specific in this edition (cf. New Englands Trials [1620], sig. B4v). Here
Smith has obviously oversimplified the process of obtaining the letters patent. It is the
editor's conviction that Smith was active in "levying" planters (so to speak) for the
original expedition to Virginia, but much work remains to be done in identifying the
names on the lists of original planters.
5. The quotation from Richard Hakluyt is in reality a quatrain from George
"De Guiana carmen Epicum" in honor of Laurence Keymis, who in turn dedicated
his "Relation of the second Voyage to Guiana" (1596) to Sir Walter Ralegh. The original
reads:
This was reprinted in Richard Hakluyt's The Principal Navigations, Voyages, Traffiques and
Discoveries of the English Nation (London, 1598-1600), III, 670, a few pages after the end
of Hakluyt's reprint of Ralegh's "Discoverie of ... Guiana." Here Smith accidentally
ran across the bit and not unnaturally attributed it to Hakluyt -- only the initials G. C.
appear inconspicuously at the end of the whole poem.
6. Arber, Smith, Works, 267, omitted "fruit," which appears in all copies the editor
has examined. However, for the suggestion that there are some discrepancies among the
extant copies of the 1622 edition, see Joseph Sabin et al., eds., A Dictionary of Books
Relating to America, XX (New York, 1927-1928), 249.
7. Possibly "presumptuous schemers"; there is some sort of play on words here.
8. Edgar reigned from 959 to 975.
9. It is obvious that several lines of the 1620 edition were intentionally omitted
here, even though sig. D3v begins without a capital letter or a new paragraph (see New
Englands Trials [1620], sig. C3r-v).
10. Consternation.
11. Guarding, protecting.
1. Modern English would require "to bless[e]."
2. The material from here to the end of the paragraph has been added.
3. Smith's tribute is worth noting. John Peirce, citizen and clothier of London,
obtained a patent from the Virginia Company on Feb. 2, 1620. This patent replaced
the Wincop patent, probably because it was more liberal, and became the Pilgrims' basic
patent (Bradford, Plymouth Plantation, 39n). Because of legal complications and delays,
the Pilgrims sailed without any clear rights under either the Wincop or the Peirce patent.
It has been suggested that this lack of "patent authority" led the Pilgrims to draw up
the Mayflower Compact when the ship reached Cape Cod. In other words, that hallowed
document was merely the result of political expediency (Thomas W. Perry, "New
Plymouth and Old England: A Suggestion," William and Mary Quarterly, 3d Ser., XVIII
[1961], 254-256).
4. This paragraph has been added to this edition. It contains the first mention of
Zsigmond Báthory, prince of Transylvania, who gave Smith the right to emblazon three
Turks' heads in his "shield of Armes" (True Travels, 17).
5. "Vileness."
The page numbers below refer to the boldface numerals in the margins of the present
text, which record the pagination of the original edition used as copy text. The word
or words before the bracket show the text as emended by the editor; the word or
words after the bracket reproduce the copy text. The wavy dash symbol used after
the bracket stands for a word that has not itself been changed but that adjoins a
changed word or punctuation mark. The inferior caret, also used only after the
bracket, signifies the location of missing punctuation in the copy text.
The following lists have been inserted at the request of the editorial staff of the
Institute of Early American History and Culture. The list immediately below
records possible compound words that were hyphenated at the end of the line in the
copy text. In each case the editor had to decide for the present edition whether to
print the word as a single word or as a hyphenated compound. The material before
the bracket indicates how the word is printed in the present edition; the material
symbol indicates that the form of the word has been unchanged from the copy text.
Numerals refer to the page number of the copy text (the boldface numerals in the
margin in this edition) and to the line number (counting down from the boldface
number) in the present edition.
The list below contains words found as hyphenated compounds in the copy text that
unavoidably had to be broken at the end of the line at the hyphen in the present text.
In quoting or transcribing from the present text, the hyphen should be retained for
these words. Numerals refer to the page number of the copy text (the boldface
numerals in the margin in this edition) and line number (counting down from the
boldface number).
["It was not usual to register second and later editions of a Work at
Stationers' Hall: therefore this impression does not appear in the Registers
of the Company" (Arber, Smith, Works, 1, 250).]
NEW ENGLANDS || TRIALS. || Declaring the successe of 80 Ships ||
thither within these eight yeares; || and the benefit of that Countrey by Sea || and
Land. || With the present estate of that happie Plan- || tation, begun but by 60 weake
men || in the yeare 1620. || And how to build a Fleete of good Shippes || to make a little
Navie Royall. || Written by Captaine John Smith, sometimes Go- || vernour of Virginia,
and Admirall || of New England. || The second Edition. || [Ornament] || LONDON,
|| Printed by WILLIAM JONES. || 1622. ||
Quarto, pp. [32]; [A] -- D in fours. (A revision should be made here of a
in Joseph Sabin et al., eds., A Dictionary of Books Relating to America, XX [New
York, 1927-1928], 249: "Mr. [Justin] Winsor, in his 'Earliest Printed Sources of
New England History,' 1894, remarks that 'the type of the second edition was
kept standing for a while, since copies in the British Museum and the Bodleian
show changes to be accounted for in that way.' Just what these changes are has not
been ascertained." In response to an inquiry by the present editor, a letter of August
22, 1973, from the Bodleian states, "We do not possess a copy of STC. 22793 [the
1622 ed.] and have no record of a copy ever having been in the Library, but we do
have a copy of STC. 22792 [the 1620 ed.]." Mr. Winsor's surmise seems to have been
derived from some misconception.) In contradistinction to the 1620 edition, that of
1622 was heavily drawn upon in the Generall Historie, Bk. VI, as well as in Purchas,
Pilgrimes, IV, 1837-1842.
New Englands Trials ... 1622, ed. P. Force (Washington, D.C.).
New Englands Trials ... 1622 (Cambridge, Mass.). (There is a lengthy note
on the vicissitudes and variants of this edition in Sabin, Dictionary, XX, 250.)
etc. Captain John Smith ... Works, 1608-1631, ed. Edward Arber
beginning of this volume.
New Englands Trials ... 1622, in American Colonial Tracts Monthly, Vol. II,
No. 2 (Rochester, N.Y.).
New Englands Trials ... 1622, in Chronicles of the Pilgrim Fathers (New York).